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Jlkarks, 


•••I 


Atrtf      •CIINTIA     VCftlTAt 


f  \  .   J 


PUBLICATIONS 


OF   THE 


Modern  Language  Association 


OF 


AMERICA 


EDITED    BY 

CHARLES   H.    GRANDGENT 

8BCBETABT  OF  THE  ASBOCXATIOR 


VOL.  XX 
NEW  SERIES.  VOL.  XIII 


Published  Quabteblt  bt  the  AflBocx/LTXON 
Fbibted  bt  J.  H.  Fgtbsi  CoMPAirr 

BALTDCOEB 

1905 


«  V 


CONTENTS. 


■•  ■* 


-  "-4 


Faos, 
I. — Object-Pronouns  in  Dependent  danaes:  A  Study  in  Old 

Spanish  Word-Order.    By  Wdtthbop  Holt  Chenebt,        1 
II. — Tydord  and  Sir  Oovjther.    By  Florence  Leftwich  Rav- 

KNEL,     ----------    162 

ILL — Gower's  Use  of  the  Enlarged  .Soman  de  IVoie,    By  Qbobge 

L.  Hamilton, -    179 

rv. — "To  Bite  the  Dust"  and  Symbolic  Lay  Communion.    By 

J.  D.  M.  Ford,     -       - 197 

v.— The  Bound  Tiblc.    By  Lbwib  F.  Mott,  -        -       -       -    231 
yi. — ^Farke  Godwin  and  the  Translation  of  Zschokke's  Tales. 

By  John  Pkbbton  Hoskinb. 265 

yn.— The  Detection  of  Peraonality  in  Literature.    By  S.  Gr»- 

WOLD  MORLEY,      ----.---     305 

VnL — Sources  of  the  Lay  of  Yonec    By  Oliveb  M.  Johnston,    322 
IX. — ^Romance  Etymologies.    By  Carl  C.  Bice,      .        -       .    339 
^-  X. — Some  Observations  upon  the  Squires  Tale,    By  H.  S.  V. 

Jones, 346 

XI. — Repetition  and  Parallelism  in  the  Earlier  Elizabethan 

Drama.    By  F.  G.  Hubbard, 360 

Xll. — Unpublished  Manuscripts  of  Italian  Bestiaries.    By  Ken- 
neth McKenzib, 380 

Xni.— The  Syntax  of  Antoine  de  la  Sale.    By  William  Pierce 

Shepard, 435 

XIV. — PaJUanon  and  Are^  Progne,   Marcus  GetninuBf   and  the 
Theatre  in  which  they  were  acted,  as  described  by 
John  Beieblock  (1566).    By  W.  Y.  Durand,      -       -    602 
XY. — The  Hermit  and  the  Saint.    By  Gordon  Hall  Gerould,    529 
XVL— Venders  Value  as  a  Tragic  Poet.    By  F.  C.   L.  van 

Steendersn,        ........    545 

XVIL— Antoine  Heroet's  iVfotfe  iitiiye.    By  W.  A.  B.  Kerr,      -    567 
XVHL — The  Relation  of  the  Heroic  Play  to  the  Romances  of 

Beaumont  and  Fletcher.    By  James  W.  Tuffer,         -    584 
XIX. — ^Doubts    Concerning   the    BritiBh    History   attributed    to 

Nennius.    By  William  Wellb  Newell,    -       -       .    622 
XX.— The  Knight  of  the  Lion.    By  Arthur  C.  L.  Brown,    -    673 
XL — ^The  Scansion  of   Prose  Rhythm.    By  Fred   Newton 

SooTP, 707 

XXIL— Thomas  Kyd  and  the  Ur-Hamlet    By  Albert  E.  Jack,    729 
XXni. — ^nie  Prologue  to  the  Legend  cf  Chad  Women  considered 
in  its  Chronological  Relations.    By  John  Livinoston 
LowB, 749 


154072 


IV  CONTENTS. 


Page. 
Proceedings  of  the  Twenty-Beoond  Annual  Meeting  of  the  Modem 
Language  Association  of  America,  held  at  Brown  University, 
Providence,  R.  I.,  and  at  Northwestern  University,  Chicago, 
UL,  Decemher  28,  29,  30,  1904. 

The  Association  Meeting. 

Address  of  Welcome.    By  President  W.  H.  P.  Faunce,    -        -  iii 

Report  of  the  Secretary, iii 

Beport  of  the  Treasurer, iv 

Appointment  of  Committees, vi 

1.  The  General  Condition  of  Libraries  in  Spanish  America. 

By  BUDOLFH  SCHWILL, vi 

2.  The  Faroe  of  Pathelin,    By  Bichabd  Thayer  Holbbook,  vi 

3.  Wyntoun  and  the  Morte  Arthure.    By  Prentiss  C.  Hoyt,  vi 

4.  The  Source  of  Crestien's  Yvain  in  the  Light  of  the  Names 

Laudine  and  Limete,    By  William  Albert  Nitze,    -  vii 

6.   Unpublished  Manuscripts  of  Italian  Bestiaries.     By  Ken- 
neth McEenzie, vii 

The  Address  of  the  President  of  the  Association : 

"  Vengeance  is  Mine  I  '*    By  Qeoroe  Lyman  Eittredge,  viii 

Beport  of  Committee  on  International  Correspondence,       -     .  -  viii 

6.  The  .^Eschylian  Element  in  Mrs.  Browning.     By  Curtis 

Clark  Bushnell,      .......  ix 

7.  The   Question   of   the  Vernacular.     By   James  Wilson 

Bright, ix 

a   The  Round  Tkble.    By  Lewis  F.  Mott,    ...       -  ix 

9.    CUomad^  and  the  Squires  Tale.    By  H.  S.  V.  Joneb,         -  x 

10.  Qoethe's  Love  AiEairs  in  His  Life  and  His  Poems.     By 

Charles  Harris, z 

11.  The  Bed  and  White  Bose :  a  New  Source  of  Richard  the 

Third.    By  Harold  DeWolp  Fowler,     -       -       -  xi 

12.  The  Motif  of  Young  WcUen.     By  Wiluam  Wistar  Com- 

port,    xi 

13.  Longfellow's  ''Lapland  Song."    By  Henry  Schofield,  xi 


CONTENTS.  V 

14.  The  Phmanciation  oleh.    By  Fbkeman  M.  Jo0BELYV,  Jb.,  xi 

15.  A  Uniyeraal  Phonetic  Alphabet     By  Jambb  Qbddeb,  Jb.,  xi 

Report  of  Joint  Committee  on  the  subject  of  a  Phonetic  English 

Alphabet, xii 

Report  of  Auditing  Committee, -  xii 

Report  of  Nominating  Committee,     ......  xiii 

Report  of  Conunittee  on  Place  of  Meeting,         ....  ziii 

16.  A   Museum-Oallerj  for  the  Study  of   the   Drama.     By 

BBA2a)£B  Matthews, xiii 

17.  The  Horse  in  the  Popular  Epic.     By  Mubrat  A.  Pottkb,  xiv 

18.  The  Scanaon  of  Proee  Rhythm.     By  F.  N.  Scott,     -        -  xiv 

19.  The  Detection  of  Personality  in  Literature.     By  SYLVAiniB 

Gbiswold  Morlet, xiv 

20.  The  Hermit  and  the  Saint    By  Gobdon  Hall  Qebould, 

21.  Some  Features  of  Style  in  Narrative  French  Poetry  (1150- 

70).    By  Fbedebick  Mobbib  Wabben,     ... 

22.  The  Prologue  to  the  Legend  of  Oood  Womeny  as  related  to 

the  French  Marguerite  Poems  and  to  the  FUottralo, 

By  John  Livinoston  Loweb, xvi 

23.  The  Comparative  Study  of  Words  in  Foreign  Languages. 

By  Willis  Abdek  Chamberltn,        ....  xvi 

Piipers  read  by  Title, xvi 

The  Centbal  Divibion  Meetiko. 

Address  of  Welcome.    By  Professor  John  Henbt  Wiqmobe,   -         xviii 

Address  of  the  Chairman  of  the  Division : 

The  Teaching  of  the  History  of  a  Foreign  Literature.     By 

A.  R  Hohlfeld, xviii 

Report  of  the  Secretary, xviii 

Appointment  of  Conunittees, 

1.  Sir  Twain  and  Folk-Tales  of  Helpful  Animals.    By  Abthub 

C  L.  Bbown, 

2.  The  Teaching  of  Modem  Languages  in  the  American  High 

SchooL    By  A.  Rambeau, 

3.  Chateaubriand's  Relation  to  Italian  Writers.     By  R   L. 

BOWEN,        --•...... 

4.  The  Relation  of  Addison  to  La  Bruydre.     By  Edwabd 

Chauncey  Baldwin, 


VI  OOHTENTB. 

&  Folk-Soiig  in  MukmuL    Bj  HiaiBY  Mabvik  Bxldsn,     - 

9.  GustaT  iYennen's  Attitude  toward  Edaoation.    BjWabben 

Wabhbubn  Flobeb, zzi 

Beport  of  the  Joint  Committee  on  the  Subject  of  a  Phonetic 

English  Alphabet, xzii 

Departmental  Meetings : — 

Bomanoe  Languages, --  xzii 

Qennanic  Languages, xziii 

English,     ----------  xxiii 

7.  Mira  de  Amescua's  El  Esdaoo  del  Demomo.    By  Milton  A. 

Buchanan, xxiv 

8.  Doublets  in  English.    By  Edward  A.  Allen,  -       -       -         zziv 

9.  The  use  or  omission  of  dan  in  subordinate  clauses.    By 

Geobge  O.  Cubme, xxiv 

10.  VondePs  Value  as  a  DramatisL    By  Frederic  C.  L.  van 

Steendeben,      --------         xxiv 

11.  The  Sources  of  the  Bcarbier  de  Smile,    By  Florence  N. 

Jones, xxv 

12.  Dwfen  and  its  Cognates,    By  Francis  Asbury  Wood,      -  xxv 

13.  GriUparaer  and  Shakespeare.    By  Chiles  Clifton  Fer- 

RELL,   ---------  -  xxv 

Iteports  of  Committees, xxvi 

14.  Notes  on  Nature  in  Hugo's  Earlier  Works.    By  Arthur  G. 

Canfield,  --------        xxvii 

15.  Bepeiiiion   and   Parallelism   in    the  Earlier   Elizabethan 

Drama.    By  Frank  G.  Hubbard,     .       -       -       -        xxvii 

16.  On  the  Dialect  of  the  Auchinleck  and  the  Caius  ms.  of  Guy 

of  Warwick.    By  Henrt  C.  Penn,    -        -        -        -       xxviii 

17.  The  Gothic  Revival  in  England  and  Germany.    ByCAMiLLO 

VON  Elenze, xxviii 

18.  Rhyme  Peculiarities  in  the  Divina  Oomedia,     By  A.   de 

Salvio,       ---------       xxviii 

19.  The  Rektion  of  Der  bestrafie  Brudermord  to  Shakespeare's 

HamleL    By  M.  Blabxmore  Evans,  -        .       .       xxviii 

20.  Antwort  Michel  Styfels  v£F  Doctor  Thomas  Mumars  mur- 

narrische  phantasey,  (so  er  wider  yn  erdichtet  hat) 

1523.    By  Ernst  Vofis, xxix 


list  of  Officers, 


CONTENTS.  VU 

The  CSudnnan's  Ad^beaB : 

The  Teaching  of  the  History  of  a  Foreign  Literatore. 
With  a  Long  Introduction  justifying  the  Choice  of  the 

Snl^ect.     By  A.  B.  Hohlfeld, -rr-ri 

The  Constitotion  of  the  Association,  - lyi 

List  of  Monbers,       .........  ix 

List  of  Subscribing  Libraries, xd 

Honorary  Members, -  xdv 

BoU  of  Members  deceased, zor 


PUBLICATIONS 


OF  THE 


Modem  Language  Association  of  America 


1905. 


YoL.  XX,  1.  New  Series,  Vol.  XIII,  1. 


I.— OBJECT-PRONOUNS  IN  DEPENDENT  CLAUSES  : 
A  STUDY  IN  OLD  SPANISH  WORIM)RDER. 


INTRODUCTION. 


I.   Definition  op  Title. 


The  title  of  this  work, .  Object-Pronouna  in  Dependent 
Clauses :  A  Study  in  Old  Spanish  Word-Order,  is  perhaps  too 
inclusive.  The  investigation  concerns  itself  only  with  the 
phenomenon  which  I  shall  call  interpolation.  Throughout 
this  study,  interpolation  will  be  used  to  mean  the  interpola- 
tion, between  an  unstressed  object-pronoun  and  its  following 
governing  verb,  of  another  word  or  other  words,  not  unstressed 
object-pronouns  in  similar  construction.  In  Old  Spanish  this 
phenomenon  is  almost  without  exception  confined  to  dependent 
clauses,  f.  e.,  clauses  that  begin  with  a  subordinating  con- 
junction, a  relative  pronoun,  or  a  relative  adverb  with 
conjunctional  force. 

1 


WINTHBOP   HOLT   CHENERY. 


II.   Previous  Notices  of  Interpolation. 

Interpolation  is  merely  mentioned  by  Diez,  but  with  no 
attempt  to  determine  the  conditions  of  its  occurrence.^  I 
find  the  next  reference  in  Reinhardstoettner's  Grammatik 
der  portuffieBischen  Sprache  (1878),  s.  391.*  Paul  Foerster, 
in  his  Spanische  Sp'dchlehre  (1880)  merely  distinguishes  in- 
terpolation as  of  two  sorts,  the  first  with  then  egative  particle, 
the  second  with  other  words.*  R.  Thumeysen  {ZeiiachHft  /. 
r(m.  Phil.,  xvi  (1892),  ss.  289-307,  Zar  Stellung  des  Ver- 
bums  im  AUfranzbsischea)  discusses  the  position  of  unstressed 
words  and  seeks  to  prove  that  the  latter  tend  to  become 
enclitic  to  the  first  stressed  word  of  the  sentence  or  clause. 
Incidentally  he  mentions  interpolation  in  Old  Spanish  and 
Portuguese  and  raises  the  question  whether  the  cases  of  it 
are  archaisms  or  innovations.*  Emil  Gessner  {Zeitschr,, 
XVII  (1893),  ss.  1-54,  Daa  spanische  Personalpranomen) 
briefly  notices  the  phenomenon  without,  however,  defining 
the  syntactical  conditions  of  its  occurrence.  His  notice  is 
chiefly  valuable  for  its  chronological  data  with  r^ard  to  the 
disappearance  of  interpolation  in  Spanish.*  S.  Grafenbcrg 
{Bom.  Forsch.,  vii  (1893),  s.  547)  in  the  grammatical  notes 

^  Trennang  vom  Verbum  kommt  nur  in  Asp.  und  uberhaupt  im  Pg.  vor. 
Orammatikf  m*,  s.  467. 

*Yor  aUem  war  die  Stellung  der  Pronomina  eine  bei  weitem  freiere. 
Trennung  des  verbundcnen  Personalpronomens  von  seinem  Verbam  ist 
nicht  selten  z.  B.  Todo  o  mal  que  te  eu  fazia. 

'Xt6.  cU.y  8.  294,  §  403:  Stellung  des  Pronomen  conjunctum :  1) 
Unmittelbar  vor  dem  Verbum ;  die  Negation  vor  dem  Pronomen,  altsp. 
aber  auch  zwiscben  Pron.  und  Verbum.  2)  Im  Altsp.  audi  getrennt : 
96  to  tn  mandcmses.  .  .  . 

*Loc.,  eii.y  8.  302  :  Ueber  Ausnahmen  im  Asp.  u.  Pg.  s.  Diez.  Sind  es 
alte  Erbstiicke  oder  Neuerungen  ? 

^Loc.  ciL,  s.  34:  Das  Gesetz,  dass  die  tonlosen  Pronominalobjekte  in 
nnmittelbarer  Verbindung  mit  dem  Verb,  stehen  miissen,  gilt  audi  fiir  die 
span.   Spracbe  in  ihrer  gegenwartigen   Gestalt.     Friiher  war  sie  daran 


OBJECT-PRONOUK8   iN   OLD   SPAIHSH.  3 

to  his  edition  of  Don  Juan  Manuel's  Libro  del  CavaUero  et 
dd  Escudero  mentions  the  postposition  of  the  particle  non  to 
the  object-pronoun  but  does  not  notice  any  other  variety  of 
interpolation.^ 

Meyer-Lubke  (Zeitschr.f.  rom.  Ph.,  xxi  (1897),  ss.  313— 
334,  Zur  Stetlung  der  tordosen  Oljektspronomina  im  Ro^ 
manischen)  maintains  with  Thumeysen  that  unstressed  ob- 
ject-pronouns were  originally  always  enclitic  and  considers 
interpolation  in  Old  Spanish  and  Portuguese  to  be  a  survival 
of  Latin  usage.  He  also  attempts  to  define  the  syntactical 
cat^ories  in  which  interpolation  usually  occurs.^     In  the 

nicht  gebuoden,  sondem  schob  unbedenklich  die  verschiedensten  Satzteile 
(Sabjekt,  Objekt,  Vokativ,  Negation,  Adverbialbesimmung  [tfie],  praposi- 
tionelle  Elasiis)  zwischen  Pron.  und  Zeitwort,  wenn  letzteres  nachfolgte. 

Diese  altspan.  keineewegs  ungewohnliche,  in  einzelnen  Denkmalen  fast 
mil  Vorliebe  gewahlte  Vorstellung  erhalt  sicb  bis  tief  in  das  15.  Jahrh. 
hinein ;  mit  dem  16.  aber  verschwindet  sie.  Wenigstens  habe  ich  sie  in 
den  Ton  mir  benutzten  Quellen  aos  dieser  Zeit  nicht  mehr  beobachtet ;  die 
CdeUma  hat  keinen  Fall  der  Trennung  mehr ;  sehr  stark  vertreten  jedoch 
ist  sie  noch  im  AmadUj  der  auch  in  diesem  Punkte  wieder  seine  oben 
erwahnte  Eigentiimlichkeit  bekundet 

'  Die  Negation  non  steht  im  Nsp.  vor  dem  penonlichen  Fiirwort,  im 
Asp.  oft  hinter  ihm. 

^Loc  ciLf  SB.  314--5:  Beachtenswert  ist,  was  Gressner  nicht  erwahnt  [?] , 
dasB,  wenn  dem  Yerbmn  zwei  Worter  vorausgehen,  das  Pronomen  im  asp. 
Alexander  zom  ersten,  also  nicht  unmittelbar  yor  das  Verbum  treten  kann. 
.  . .  Daneben  findet  sich  aber  die  ilbliche  Stellung  ebenso  oft.  .  .  .  Wenn 
ilso  der  Alexander  wirklich  von  Berceo  herstanmit,  so  scheint  in  der  bisher 
Teroffentlichten  Hs.  auch  die  Wortfiigong  umgestaltet  worden  zu  sein,  wofur 
man  Fijo  voe  tfo  vos  hendigo  172a  anf iihren  konnte.  Das  zu  untersuchen  und 
uberhaupt  das  Verhaltniss  der  beiden  Stellungen  darzulegen  wird  die 
Aufgabe  des  kiinftigen  Herausgebers  des  Alexanders  sein. 

Ss.  315  ff. :  Fur  die  alte  [portugiesische]  Sprache  kann  man  kurzwegsagen: 
Dus  Objektspronomen  folgt  dem  ersten  Worte  des  Satzes,  e  und  ma»  zahlen 
dabei  nicht  ab  selbstandige  Worter.  .  .  .  Der  Satz  beginnt  mit  einer  Konj. 
oder  einem  Relativum,  dann  folgen  Subjekt  und  Verbum,  das  Pronomen 
steht  Yor  dem  Subjekt.  .  .  Zwischen  der  den  satzeinleitenden  [sit]  Partikel 
oder  dem  Subjekt  und  dem  Verbum  steht  ein  Adverbium  7td,  tanto,  nmmy 
0.  dgl.,  das  Pron.  tritt  vor  dieses  Adv.  .  .  .  Mit  einer  oilenbaren  Storung 
der  ursprunglichen  Ordnung  haben  wir  es  zu  thun  in  Fallen  wie  <m  Deus 


4  WINTHROP   HOLT   CHENERY. 

Grammatik  der  romanischen  Sprachen,  in,  s.  764,  §  715, 
Meyer-Liibke  sums  up  the  argument  of  the  Zeitschrift  article 
but  omits  all  reference  to  the  syntactical  categories.' 

me  .  ,  ,y  8e  Dens  me,  que  Deus  nom  a  ,  .  .,  pais  eu  voUo.  .  .  .  Die  Beispiele 
bleiben  aber  trotzdem  bei  weitem  in  der  Minderzahl  und  scheinen  sich  auf 
bestimmte  Falle  zu  beschranken,  so  haben  wir  fast  stets  Deu8  oder  eine 
Personalbezeichnung  oder  ein  Personalpronomen,  das  nun  das  Objektspro- 
nomen  von  der  einleitenden  Konj.  weg  und  nach  sich  zieht. 

Se.  318-9  :  Es  ware  ein  interessantes  Untemehmen,  nachzuweisen  wie  viel 
von  den  alten  Kegeln  bis  heute  geblieben  ist,  die  Ausnahmen  in  alter  Zeit  zu- 
sammenzustellen.  und  zu  erklaren,  die  allmiihliche  Umgestaltung  zu  verfol- 
gen.  .  .  .  Auch  die  altportugiesische  Orthographie  verdient  eine  sorgfiiltige 
Beachtung.  Wenn  geschrieben  wird  cute  Idxeyja,  eu  cuidava  qiiete  avia  leixado, 
efoiperalhe  chagar,  wozu  man  noch  die  oben  stets  nach  der  Vorlage  gedruckten 
Beispiele  nehme,  so  kann  das  doch  nicht  Zufall  sein,  sondern  zeigt  deut- 
lich,  dass  fiir  das  alte  Spracbgefiihl  die  Pronomina  Enklitika  waren. 
Wenn  neben  unzahligen  derartigen  Schreibungen  nun  auch  gelegentlich 
vorkommt  como  olevarcm^  que  oposenmif  so  wird  man  diesen  Ausnahmen 
kaum  Bedeutung  beilegen. 

Das  Qrundprinzip,  das  fiir  die  Stellung  der  tonlosen  Objekts-pronomina 
im  Portugiesischen  massgebend  ist,  ist  offenbar  das  folgende :  Die  Pro- 
nomina sind  enklitischy  sie  werden  an  ein  schon  ausgesprochenes  Wort 
angehiingt  und  zwar  womoglich  an  das  erste  des  Satzes.  Lasst  sich 
quero  te  comprir  Horn,  ix,  442  aus  einer  Abneigung  gegen  tonlose  Worter  im 
Satzanfange  erklaren,  so  ist  damit  doch  noch  nicht  gesagt,  weshalb  es  nicht 
heisst  quero  comprirte,  Und  wollte  man  sich  mit  der  Annahme  behelfen,  dass 
das  Pronomen  sich  proklitisch  mit  dem  Verbum,  zu  dem  es  Objekt  sei,  ver- 
binde,  daher  man  sage  quero  te-comprir  wie  que  te-leixey,  so  wiirde  dagegen 
nicht  nur  die  alte  Schreibweise  Einsprache  erheben,  sondern  es  blieben  die 
Mehrzahl  der  oben  angefiihrten  Satze,  wie  que  le  eu  .  .  .,  qu^  o  7id  .  .  .  u.  s. 
w.  vollig  unerkliirt.  Formuliert  man  dagegen  die  Kegel  so,  wie  es  eben 
gescheheh  ist,  so  losen  sich  sofort  alle  Schwierigkeiten.  Die  Sache  scheint 
mir  so  in  die  Augen  springend  zu  sein  und  sich  so  unmittelbar  aus  dem  alten 
Sprachgebrauche  und  aus  dem  alten  Schreibgebrauche  zu  ergeben,  dass 
viele  Worte  gar  nicht  mehr  notig  sind.  Dass  auch  ein  Teil  des  span. 
Sprachgebictes  dieselben  Eegeln  befolgt,  ergiebt  sich  aus  den  s.  314  aus 
dem  Alexander  angefiihrten  Stellen.  .  .  . 

*  Orammatiky  in,  s.  764,  §  715  :  Im  Gegensatz  zu  den  bisher  ge- 
nannten  Wortem  sind  die  Objektspronomina,  zu  dcnen  naturlich  auch  die 
Adverbien  ibi  und  inde  gerechnet  werden  konnen,  urspriinglich  enklitisch. 
Ist  das  Objekt  eines  Verbums  in  vorhergegangener  Bede  schon  genannt, 
so  ist  es  nicht  immer  notig,  es  zu  wiederholen,  kann  es  ja  doch  unter 


OBJECT-PRONOUNS   IN   OLD   SPANISH.  5 

I  have  found  only  one  reference  to  interpolation  from  a 
Peninsular  source.  This  is  in  Rodriguez's  Apuntes  Gramati- 
coles  in  the  edition  of  the  Galician  Crdnica  Troyana}  With 
this  conclude  all  die  notices  of  interpolation  that  I  have  been 
able  to  discover. 

m.   Outline  of  Investigation. 

The  investigation  concerns  itself,  as  has  been  stated,  with 
the  history  of  interpolation  in  Spanish  texts.     The  theory 

Umstinden  den  Sprechenden  noch  so  lebendig  vor  Augen  stehen,  daw  eioe 
andere  Beziehung  dee  Verbums  aosgeschlosBen  ist.  Es  kann  aber  auch  der 
Deatlichkeit  wegen  darauf  zuruckgewiesen  werden  mit  einem,  eben  dee 
nnselbBtindigen  Begri^  wegen  tonlosen  Worte,  einem  WortCi  das  seine 
Siellang  mogllchst  weit  vorne  im  Satze  hat,  da  es  die  Verbindung  mit  dem 
Voraofgegangenen  festhalten  soil.  So  sagt  man  im  Lateinischen  6mo  U 
nicht  te  dmo^  per  te  deos  obsecrOy  quo  in  me  modo  voles  esse  a.  s.  w.  Am 
besten  hat  sich  diese  lateinische  Stellung  im  Altspanischen  and  im  Alt- 
poitogiesischen  erhalten,  ubrigens  dort  in  geringerem  Umfange  als  hier, 
Bofern  namlich  z.  R  bei  Berceo  fast  keine  Spuren  ausser  den  gemeinroman- 
iachen  za  finden  sind,  wohl  aber  der  Cid,  der  Alexander,  D.  Juan  Manuel 
a.  a.  viele  Beispiele  zeigen,  in  spaterer  Zeit  auch  noch  der  Amadis,  wo  man 
allerdingB  an  den  £influaB  des  portugiesischen  Orig^inals  denken  konnte. 
3k{an  sagt  also  aspan.  en  guim  que  la  rum  pierda.  .  .  .  Ausgepragter  noch  ist 
also  die  Enklise  im  Altportugiesischen :  lo  filho  que  Ihes  Deua  dara.  .  .  . 
Xeigungen,  das  Pronomen  mit  dem  Verbum  zu  verbinden,  fehlen  nun 
allerdingB  auch  hier  nicht,  vgl.  ctgi  Deua  me  eonselhe  .  .  .,  namentlich  bei 
pronominalem  Subjekte :  que  eu  a  dtacchro,  .  .  .  u.  a.  Aber  diese  Palle 
sind  doch  bedeutend  in  der  Minderheit,  und  wenn  das  Portugiesische  in 
seiner  historischen  Entwickelung  allmahlich  einen  Wandel  durchgemacht 
hat,  der  in  den  Schwestersprachen  schon  vor  Beginn  der  Litteratur  fast 
abgeschloflsen  ¥rar,  so  ist  doch  bis  heute  die  alte  Stellung  namentlich  in 
neglerten  9u«-Satzen  oder  in  mit  e,  j6.  beginnenden  geblieben,  ohne  freilich 
Begel  zu  sein,  vgl.  09  dous  irmaas  n&o  se  ach(wam  .  .  .  neben  uma  lueta  que  0 
n&o  deixou  repouwr. 

^  Lot,  eit,  p.  44  :  Si  intervienen  doe  6  m^  palabras,  7  entre  ellas  algfin 
adverbio  negativo,  las  primeras  inidan  la  frase,  &  continuaci6n  todaa  las 
partfcolas  pronominales  por  orden  de  preferencia,  colocando  los  negativos 
inmediatamente  antes  del  verbo,  v.  g.  :  Qu«  oa  n0  podo  acadary  Nenfoy  home 
queUa  nunea  oy«e  duer^  etc 


6  WINTHBOP   HOLT  CHENERY. 

of  ihe  subject  will  be  discussed,  as  &r  as  it  seems  practicable 
to  do  so,  in  a  briefer  Second  Part,  following  the  historical 
exposition. 

Preceding  the  First  Part  and  forming  the  last  division 
of  this  Introduction,  there  is  a  List  of  Texts  in  which  are 
discussed  all  questions  of  date,  authorship,  manuscripts,  edi- 
tions and  dialect,  these  matters  being  excluded  from  the 
main  body  of  the  article.  The  works  described  in  the 
JAst  of  Texts  are  arranged  according  to  the  approximate 
date  of  composition.  Gralician  and  Portuguese  texts  are 
arranged  chronologically  after  the  Spanish  texts.  The 
numbering  adopted  in  the  List  of  Texts  is  followed  also  in 
the  Appendix, 

The  First  Part  of  the  present  work  aims  to  cover  the 
history  of  interpolation  in  Spanish  writings  of  the  xiii,  xiv, 
and  XV  centuries,  studying  the  rise,  development  and  decay 
of  the  phenomenon.  Galician  and  Portuguese  texts  are 
studied  only  as  diey  throw  light  on  the  subject  of  interpo- 
lation in  Castilian.  The  large  body  of  illustrative  material 
which  accompanies  the  First  Part  is  relegated  to  an  Appendix. 
The  arrangement  of  the  latter  is  explained  in  a  note  prefixed 
to  Chapter  I. 

The  discussion  in  the  first  four  chapters  of  Part  One  of 
interpolation  in  the  texts  will  attempt  to  show  that  it  is  a 
phenomenon  hardly  appearing  in  Castilian  texts  before  the 
latter  part  of  the  xiii  century  and  then  probably  due  to 
western  influence.  It  will  be  shown,  also,  that  it  is  most 
prevalent  in  works  of  the  courtly  school  of  Alfonso  X.  and 
his  successors  and  least  frequent  in  works  farthest  removed 
from  the  influence  of  that  school.  The  syntactical  condi- 
tions of  its  occurrence  in  Castilian  are  difierentiated  from 
those  in  Galician  and  Portuguese,  and  the  periods  of  its 
decline  and  disappearance  are  fixed  as  closely  as  possible. 

The  Second  Part  begins  with  a  critical  discussion  of  the 


OBJBCJT-PEONOUK8  IN   OLD   SPANISH.  7 

theory  of  primitive  enclisis  of  pronoun  objects  in  Romance 
as  developed  by  Thumeysen  and  Meyer-Lubke,  Then 
follows  a  section  dealing  with  Portuguese  word  order  and 
making  it  appear  probable  that  enclisis  of  the  pronoun  to 
other  words  than  the  verb  is  a  phenomenon  peculiar  to  the 
western  portion  of  the  Iberian  Peninsula  and  not  a  relic 
of  universal  Vulgar  Latin  usage.  A  third  division  attempts 
to  prove  diat  in  Castilian  there  is  no  enclisis  of  the  pronoun 
in  interpolation  and  that  the  phenomenon  is  merely  one 
of  word  order,  influenced  by  analogies  of  certain  frequent 
ooUocations. 

LIST  OF  SPANISH,  GALICIA.N,  AND  PORTUGUESE 
TEXTS,  EXAMINED  FOR  INTERPOLATION, 
WITH  NOTICES  OF  CHRONOLOGY  AND  DIA- 
LECT OF  AUTHORS  AND  MANUSCRIPTS. 

1.  Poema  del  Cid.    Edici6n  anotada  por  Ram6n  Men6ndez 

PidaL     Madrid :  1900.     (No  name  of  publisher. ) 

Diplomatic  edition  from  the  unique  manuscript  in  posees- 
rion  of  D.  Alejandro  Pidal  y  Hon.  The  manuscript  is  of 
the  XIV  century  and  was  probably  written  in  1307.* 

The  poem  goes  back  perhaps  as  &r  as  1139^  and  is  at 
least  as  old  as  the  middle  of  the  xii  century.^ 

From  internal  evidence  it  seems  probable  that  the  original 
author  of  the  Poema  del  Cid  lived  not  &r  from  Castcj6n  on 
the  Ebro^  that  is^  in  the  borderland  between  Arag6n  and 
Old  Castile,  which  was  also  the  home  of  Berceo.' 

2.  Vida  de  Santa  Maria  Egipciaca.    Florencio  Janer,  Edr. 

Poetas   Gastellanos  anterioree   al  agio  xv    (Biblvoteea  de  Aulorts 
EipaOoUs  de  M.  BimdeMyray  t  57),  p&gs.  307-318. 

'Men^idez  Pidal,  Lib.  ciL,  p.  iii ;  Baist,  Chundr,  d.  r.  Ph.f  II  Bd.,  2. 
Abt,  8.  397  u.  Anmerk. 

'Baist,  Gnmdr,,  n,  2,  s.  396. 

*Fitzmaarice-Kell7,  HisL  cf  Span,  Lit,  p.  51 ;  Bestori,  Le  Oesta  del  Oid^ 
p.  6. 


8  WINTHBOP  HOLT  CHENERY. 

First  published  by  D.  Pedro  Jos^  Pidal,  in  1841,  from  a 
manuscript  in  the  Escorial,  written  in  character  of  the  xv 
century.^  A  Spanish  translation  of  the  Vie  de  Sainte-Marie 
PEgypiienne  found  with  the  Garmina  Anglo-Normannica  of 
Bobert  Grosseteste,  Bishop  of  Lincoln.' 

Baist  believes  the  Spanish  translation  to  be  a  work  of  the 
xni  century.^  Amador  de  los  Rios  ascribed  the  poem  to 
the  first  half  of  the  xii  century.  His  arguments  are  refuted 
by  Gorra.* 

The  reprint  of  Pidal's  text  in  the  Rivadeneyra  collection, 
edited  by  Janer,  is  intended  to  be  diplomatic.  Janer  col- 
lated die  Pidal  text  with  the  codex  and  corrected  many  of 
the  errors  of  the  former. 

The  language  of  the  poem,  as  transmitted,  is  very  similar 
to  that  of  Berceo.  I  have  noticed  nothing  that  would  point 
to  Aragonese  or  other  dialects  than  that  of  Old  Castile. 

3.   Libre  de  ApoUonio.    Florencio  Janer,  Edr.  Poetas  Cast. 

ant.  al  s.  xv  (BibL  deAuL  Esp,,  t  57),  pdgs.  283--305. 

Edited  from  a  manuscript  preserved  in  the  Escorial.  The 
same  manuscript  contains  also  the  Vida  de  Santa  Maria 
Hffipciaca.  It  is  considered  by  some  (Introd.,  pdg.  xxxvi) 
to  be  of  the  xiv  or  beginning  of  the  xv  century.  Baist 
{Grundr.,  ii,  2,  s.  404)  speaks  of  the  manuscript  as  of  the 
end  of  the  xiii  century. 

The  poem  probably  belongs  to  the  first  half  of  the  xiii 
century,  and  is  thus  the  work  of  a  contemporary  of  Berceo.* 
Traits  of  Aragonese  dialect  in  the  text  Baist  attributes  to  the 
copyist.^  • 

^  Podas  OasL  anL  cU  sig,  XV,  pdg.  xxxvi. 

*  The  sources  are  treated  by  Mussafia,  U^er  die  Quelle  der  alispan,  Vida 
de  S,  Maria  Egipdaca,    Wien,  Hof-  u.  Staatsdruckerei,  1863. 
»  Orundr,,  ii,  2,  s.  401,  §  20. 
^Ling.  e  Lett,  spagn,,  p.  308. 

^  Baist,  Orundr.f  n,  2,  s.  389 ;  Janer,  ItUrod,,  pdg.  xxxvii. 
'  Orundr,,  n,  2,  s.  404,  Amn. 


OBJECT-PRONOUNS   IN   OLD   SPANISH.  9 

I  have  examined  for  interpolation  328  stanzas^  just  one- 
half  of  the  poem. 

4.  Gonzalo  de  Beroeo  : — 

Vida  de  Sancto  Domingo  de  Silos. 
Vida  de  Sant  Millan. 
Del  Sacrifi^io  de  la  Miasa. 
Martyrio  de  Sant  Laurengio. 
Loores  de  Nuestra  Sennora. 
Milagits  de  Nuestra  Sennora. 
Vida  de  Sancta  Oria,  Yirgen. 
In  PoeUu  QuL  ant  al  sigh  XY  (Bibl.  de  AuL  Esp,  de  Rtvadeneyroj  t  57), 
pigs.  39-146. 

The  works  of  Berceo  were  first  published  by  D.  Tomds 
Antonio  Sdnchez  in  1780.  Sanchez's  introduction,  reprinted 
in  the  Rivadeneyra  edition,  gives  no  information  with  regard 
to  the  manuscripts.  The  codices  of  the  monastery  of  San 
Milldn,  used  by  Sdnchez,  have  been  lost.  Janer,  in  the 
Rivadeneyra  reprint,  could  collate  the  Sanchez  text  with 
manuscripts  only  in  the  case  of  the  Vida  de  Santo  Domingo 
de  Silos  and  of  the  Sacrijigio  de  la  Missa,  Except  in  the 
S'dos  and  Sa^crifi^gio  de  la  Miasa,  the  text  is  confessedly  arbi- 
trary, as  r^ards  orthography  at  least.^  In  none  of  the  cases 
where  the  text  of  Silos  or  Missa  shows  interpolation  does 
Janer  indicate  any  variant  between  Sdnchez  and  the  manu- 
script and  we  may,  perhaps,  be  justified  in  thinking  that 
the  XVIII  century  editor  copied  the  cases  in  question  with 
reasonable  fidelity.  Compare,  however,  the  note  on  Sanchez's 
text  of  the  Alexandre, 

Gonzalo  de  Berceo  was  a  member  of  the  monastery  of 
San  Milldn  de  la  Ck)golla  near  Ndjera  in  the  diocese  of  Cala- 
horra  on  the  upper  waters  of  the  Ebro.  The  period  of  his 
literary  activity  falls  approximately  within  the  years  1220— 
1246.* 

'Cf.  Janer,  Lib,  eiL,  pdg.  39,  Nota. 

'Ticknor,  Hi$L  of  Span.  Lit,  i,  p.  26 ;  Baist,  Qrundr.,n,  2,  s.  402,  §  21. 


10  WIHTHROP   HOLT  CHENEBY. 

The  dialect  of  Berceo's  poems  is  CastiliaO;  but  shows 
traits  of  Aragouese,  as  might  be  expected  from  the  situation 
of  San  Milldn  de  la  CogoUa  in  the  valley  of  the  Ebro.* 
The  determination  of  Berceo^s  dialect  is  rendered  uncertain 
by  the  discrepancies  in  this  regard  of  the  Stochez  text  and 
the  manuscript  of  SUos,  belonging  to  the  Keal  Academia  de 
la  Historia.* 

5.   J  Gonzalo  de  Berceo  ?     El  Libro  de  Alexandre.     Poetas 

Cast  ant.  al  eiglo  xv  {Bibl.  deAut,  Esp,  de  M,  RivadeTieyrctf  t.  57 )y 
Florencio  Janer,  Edr.,  p&gs.  147-224. 

This  poem  was  first  published  by  Sanchez  in  1780  from 
the  manuscript  in  the  library  of  the  Dukes  of  Osuna  y  del 
Infantado.  This  manuscript,  which  appears  to  be  in  script  of 
the  XIV  century,*  was  collated  with  Sanchez's  text  by  Janer, 
who  notes  something  over  two-hundred  variant  readings.* 
At  least  two  of  these  variants  are  of  interest  in  the  present 
investigation.  In  stanzas  2062  and  2063,  in  which  se  te  tu 
pierdes  occurs  twice,  Sdnchez  both  times  wrote,  se  tu  ie  pierdes^ 

Until  the  discovery  by  Baist  in  1888  of  an  unknown  xv 
century  manuscript  containing  the  poem,  the  Alexandre  was 
generally  attributed  to  Juan  Lorenzo  Segura  de  Astorga, 
whose  name  occurs  in  the  last  stanza  of  the  Osuna  manu- 
script.*    As  early  as  1875,  however,  Morel-Fatio,  in  the 

^  The  dialect  peculiarities  of  Beroeo  are  siinimarilj  presented  in  Keller's 
AUspanigches  Le^Avuch^  ss.  154-5,  under  the  caption  ^^altcastiUach,** 

'Janer,  Lib.  cU,f  pdg.  39,  Nota. 

'A.  Morel-Fatio  (iSomonta,  iv,  p.  15)  assigns  the  Osuna  manuscript  to 
the  end  of  the  xm  centuiy. 

*Xi6.  ci^,  pdg.  147. 

^  The  sources  of  the  Alexandre  are  studied  by  Morel-Fatio  in  Jtomanioj 
IT,  p.  7  ei  8v4v.  :  '^Becherches  sur  le  texte  et  les  sources  du  Libro  de 
Alexandre,^* 

'  Baist,  Bomaniaehe  Forsehungen,  vi,  s.  292.  The  xv  century  manuscript 
closes  with  the  stanza : 

Sy  queredes  saber  gen  [1.  quien]  fiso  esta  vitado  [L  este  ditado] 
Gon9alo  de  Berceo  es  por  nombre  damado. 
Natural  4e  Madrid  en  Sant  My[l]han  quado  [L  criado] 
Bel  abat  Johan  8ancho  notajo  [1.  notario]  por  no[m]brada 


OBJBCT-PBONOUN8  IN   OLD   SPANISH.  11 

article  cited  in  the  note  above,  suggested  from  interior  evi- 
dence that  not  Segura,  but  some  one  named  Gonzalo/  was 
the  real  author  of  the  Alexandre.  Morel-Fatio,  in  the  article 
mentioned,  is  inclined  to  date  the  Alexandre  somewhat  later 
than  Berceo;  the  latter  he  assigns  to  the  years  1220-1240, 
while  he  thinks  the  Alexandre  was  composed  between  1240 
and  1260. 

The  poem,  as  we  have  it,  is  written  in  a  dialect  sensibly 
different  from  that  of  the  works  known  to  be  Berceo's. 
6dnchez  held  the  peculiarities  of  dialect  to  be  Leonese.* 
Morel-Fatio  '  considers  the  Leonese  traits  to  be  entirely  due 
to  the  copyist ;  the  original  author,  he  thinks,  employed  a 
Castilian  dialect.  Morel-Fatio's  main  argument  is  based  on 
the  observation  of  assonances.  If  the  primitive  author  had 
i^poken  a  dialect  in  which  6  did  not  diphthongize,  he  could 
not  have  written  stanzas  : — 


542 
2064 
1222 

534 


— fijuelo,  — luego,  — moyuelo,  — aguero.^ 
— ^fazedera,  — fuera,  — muera,  — guerrera. 
— cierto,  — abierto,  — huerto,  — ^muerto. 
— ^tienda,  — fazienda,  — cuenta,  — ^fazienda. 


J,  Comu  (Romania,  ix,  p.  89  et  suiv.)  discusses  the  3rd  pers. 
plur.  perf.  in  -iaron  in  Alexandre  and  (p.  71)  tiie  dissyllabic 
treatment  of  words  of  the  type  grey,  ley,  rey,  common  to  the 
Alexandre,  the  Apolonio  and  the  works  of  Berceo.  He  con- 
cludes that  the  Alexandre  was  written  in  a  dialect  very  close 
to  the  Castilian.* 

As  &r  as  I  can  see,  the  internal  evidence  of  the  text 

'  StE.  1386,  v.  4 :  £  dixo  a  Gon^alo :  ve  dormir  que  aesaz  as  velado. 

'Poetas  Oast,  IrUrod,,  p^.  xxz. 

^BcrnianiOj  IT,  p.  25. 

^Why  these  four  cannot  stand  in  assonance  in  a  non-diphthongizing 
dialect,  Morel-Fatio  does  not  explain.     The  other  cases  are  evident 

*G.  Baist  {ZeUachr,  /.  r.  PhUoL,^  iv,  s.  587)  carries  the  discussion  of  verh 
tetminations  in  the  Alexandre  somewhat  farther  and  attempts  to  show  which 
forms  come  from  the  author,  which  from  Juan  Lorenzo  Segura  and  which 
from  later  copjista. 


12  WINTHBOP   HOLT   CHENERY. 

fiimishes  no  absolute  criterion  for  determining  the  question 
of  authorship.  The  traits  of  western  dialect  may  well  be 
due  to  Juan  Lorenzo,  whose  native  town  of  Astorga  is  on 
the  westernmost  confines  of  the  kingdom  of  Le6n,  close  to 
Galicia.  It  seems  safe,  however,  to  assume  that  the  original 
was  written  in  a  Castilian  dialect. 

No  evidence  for  or  against  the  authorship  of  Berceo  is,  I 
think,  to  be  drawn  from  the  special  investigation  of  the 
present  work.  While,  from  reasons  wliich  will  be  developed 
later,  I  consider  the  rather  frequent  occurrence  of  interpola- 
tion in  a  text  as  early  as  that  of  the  Alexandre  a  strong 
evidence  of  western  influence,  yet  I  see  no  reason  why  this, 
as  well  as  other  traits  of  dialect,  may  not  be  attributed  to 
the  copyists.  That  copyists  did  sometimes  substitute  inter- 
polation for  the  normal  order,  and  vice-^ersa,  we  have  evidence 
from  variant  readings  in  some  other  works,  notably  those  of 
the  manuscripts  of  the  Archpriest  of  Hita. 

In  another  chapter  I  shall  attempt  to  show  that  interpola- 
tion, if  not  absent  from,  was  at  least  much  less  frequent  in, 
the  original  Alexandre  in  Castilian  dialect. 

6.    Poema  de  Fem^  Gongdlez.     Tex  to  crftico,  con  intro- 

ducci6n,  notas  y  glosario  por  C.  Carroll  Marden.     Baltimore :  The 
Johns  Hopkins  Press ;  Madrid  :  Librerla  de  M.  Murillo.    1904. 

Critical  edition,  based  on  a  manuscript  of  the  third  quarter 
of  the  XV  century,  preserved  in  the  Escorial.^ 

The  author  is  generally  held  to  have  been  a  monk  of  San 
Pedro  de  Arlanza,  near  Burgos  in  the  heart  of  Old  Castile. 
The  poem  is  certainly  posterior  to  Berceo's  Vida  de  Santo 
Domingo  de  Silos,  the  Libro  de  Alexandre  and  the  Crdnica 
general.^  Marden,  on  the  basis  of  historical  allusions  in  the 
poem  itself,  fixes  the  date  at  1250  or  soon  after.* 

*  Marden,  Lib,  cit.y  Introd.y  pdg.  xvi. 

'Marden  {loc.  ciL,  p^igs-  xxviii-xxix)  reviews  all  the  previous  notices 
and  furnishes  bibliographical  references. 
^IbicLy  pfigs.  xxx-xxzi,  andi2erue  Hispanique,  vn,  pp.  22-27. 


OBJECT-PRONOUNS   IN   OLD   SPANISH.  13 

Id  the  citations  given  in  the  Appendix  of  this  article 
I  have  inverted  the  arrangement  of  Marden^s  edition.  I 
give  the  readings  of  the  manuscript  and  indicate  Marden's 
corrections  as  variants.  Words  in  the  manuscript,  but  sup- 
pressed by  Marden,  are  italicized.  Words  added  by  Marden 
are  enclosed  in  parentheses.  Variant  readings  proposed  by 
Marden  are  added  in  parentheses  with  M, 

I  have  preferred  to  give  the  readings  of  the  manuscript, 
because  I  think  that  some  of  Marden's  corrections,  especially 
in  the  matter  of  pronouns,  are  open  to  objection.  I  take 
exception  to  the  following : — 

1)  Quien  oon  el  se  encontrrava  non  yva  [se]  del  sanoi  stz.  260,  v.  2. 

How  can  the  editor  introduce  an  enclitic  se  when  non 
accompanies  the  verb?  The  negative  particle  regularly 
attracts  the  object-pronoun  to  the  proclitic  position,^  except 
m  cases  of  interpolation,  when  the  pronoun  moves  still 
fsulher  forward. 

2)  Nonca  en  otra  lej  tomar  [se  non]  quisyeron,  9,  3. 

A  lo6  Yas[s]  alios  del  conde  dexar  \U  mm  quigieronlf  597,  4. 

In  the  last  verse  the  reading  of  the  manuscript  is  : — 

....  del  conde  delloe  se  departjeron. 

Marden's  variant  is  based  on  a  parallel  passage  in  the  Or6nica 
General.  In  the  entire  poem  there  is  not  a  single  example 
of  the  word-order  tomar  se  noUy  while  there  are  at  least 
eighteen  ^  of  the  order  infin.-neg.-pron.  obj.-finite  verb,  e.  g. 
cobrar  non  lo  podedeSj  stz.  68,  v.  4. 

7.   (El  Cantar  de  los  Cantares)  Das  Hohelied  in  castillan- 

ificher  Sprache  des  xm.  Jahrhunderts  nach  der  Handschrift  des 
Escorial,  I,  i,  6,  von  Julius  Cornu  in  Prag  herausgegeben.  Beitrage 
nir  rom.  u.  engl.  PhiloL  Festgabe  fiir  Wendelin  Foerster.  Ss. 
121-12S. 

'Gessner,  Zeiidehr.  /.  r.  PAiV.,  xvn,  s.  37. 

'a  stz.  68,  V.  4 ;  98,  2 ;  276,  2 ;  276,  3 ;  285,  4 ;  334,  1 ;  400,  4 ;  432, 
3;  435,  2;  462,  2;  490,  3;  538,  3;  556,  3;  570,  4;  676,  1;  678,  2;  735, 
2;  745,  1. 


14  WINTHROP   HOLT   CHENERY. 

Edited  irom  a  manuscript  containing  also  the  Gospels  in 
Castilian.  An  edition  of  the  latter  is  promised  by  Comu. 
The  manuscript  is  described  in  S.  Berger's  article  Les  Bibles 
CastiUanes,  Romaniay  xxviii  (1899),  p.  560  and  p.  391,  §  2. 

Owing  to  the  infrequency  of  dependent  clauses  in  the 
Song  of  Solomon,  the  text  does  not  aflford  much  material  for 
the  study  of  interpolation. 

8.  Textes  castillans  du  xni*  si^cle.    A.  Morel-Fatio,  Edr. 

Romaniay  xvi  (1887),  pp.  364-382. 
I.    Podme  d*  amour. 
11.    IMbat  du  vin  et  de  I'eau,  en  vera. 

in.   Les  dix  commandements  avec  commentaire  k  V  usage  des  confeeeeurs. 
(De  lo8  diez  mandamientos. ) 

The  Uvo  poems  are  composed  in  an  irregular  octosyllabic 
verse,  like  that  of  the  Vida  de  Santa  Maria  Egipciaca.  The 
three  texts  are  foimd  together  in  a  manuscript  of  the  xni 
century,  showing,  Morel-Fatio  thinks,  traits  of  Aragonese 
dialect.^  The  Aragonese  character  is  more  pronounced  in 
the  prose  piece  than  in  the  poems. 

9.  Documentos   de  la    6poca   de    Don   Alfonso   el   Sabio. 

{Memorial  Hist&rico  Espaflolj  t  i),  1851. 

Collection  edited  partly  from  original  documents,  partly 
from  earlier  collections  of  such  documents.  The  orthography 
is  much  modernized.  I  have  examined  for  interpolation  a 
number  of  documents  of  the  years  1253  and  1254,  nearly 
all  written  by  the  scribe  (Jarcla  de  Fromesta. 

10.  La  Leyenda  de  los  Infantes  de  Lara.     De  la  Cr6nica 

General  que  mand6  coraponer  el  Key  Don  Alfonso  X.  Eam6n 
Mendndez  Pidal :  La  Leyenda  de  los  Infantes  de  Lara.  P^gs. 
207-243. 

Critical  edition  by  Men^ndez  Pidal,  based  on  the  follow- 
ing manuscripts  of  the  Crdnica  General  of  Alfonso  X  : 

^  Loc,  cit,  p.  367  .  .  .  sinon  compost,  du  moins  transcrites  dans  la  partie 
arragonaise-navarraise  du  domaine  castilian. 


OBJECT-PBONOUN8  IN   OLD   SPANISH.  15 

E  BibL  EbcotUlI.    x-i-4   Script  of  the  middle  of  the  xnr  oenturj. 
/  Bibl.  Nac  de  Madrid    i-i-4   Fifteenth  century  copy  of  a  manuscript 

closely  related  to  E,    /shows  considerable  modernizing  of  the 

language 
A  Bibl.  Nac.  de  Madrid    x-61-1    Portuguese  version  in  script  of  the 

XIV  century. 
B  BibL  Nac.  de  Madrid    F.  42.     Castilian  manuscript  in  xv  century 

hand. 
7  BibL   EscuriaL     Y-ij-11    End(?)    of  xnr  century.     First  part 

written  in  Catalan.     The  Spanish  remainder  shows  Eastern 

characteristics. 
T  Library  of  Men^dez  Pelayo.     End  of  xiv  century. 
Z  BibL  Escurial.    x-i-7    xv  century. 
0  BibL  Escurial.    x-i-11    xv  century. 

Men^ndcz  Pidal  (p%.  387)  divides  these  manuscripts 
into  three  groups:  EIA,  B,  TYGZ.  The  text  follows 
mainly  E,  In  the  quotations  I  give  the  variants  of  the 
other  manuscripts  only  where  they  bear  upon  the  subject  of 
interpolation.  When  no  variant  is  given^  all  the  manuscript 
readings  given  by  Men^dez  Pidal  have  the  same  pronoun 
order  as  the  text.  I  have  examined  for  interpolation 
chapters  I- VII  of  Men^ndez  Pidal's  text. 

The  Cr&nica  General  was  probably  written  in  the  first 
half  of  the  reign  of  Alfonso  X  el  Sabio  (1252-1284),  i.  e., 
in  Ac  third  quarter  of  the  xiii  century.^ 

11.   La  Gran  Conquista  de  Ultramar  que  mand6  escribir  el 

rey  don  Alfonso  el  Sabio.  Ilustrada  con  notas  crfticas  y  un 
glosario  por  D.  Pascual  de  Grayangos  {BibL  deAutores  EepaSUAesy 
t  44).     Madrid  :  M.  Kivadeneyra.    1877. 

Thirty-five  chapters  of  Book  III  and  all  of  Book  IV  are 
edited  from  a  manuscript  of  the  Bibl.  Nacional,  in  script  of 
the  b^inning  of  the  xiv  century.  The  edition  is,  however, 
plainly  not  diplomatic.  I  have  examined  for  interpolation 
the  first  twenty  chapters  of  Book  IV  (pp.  504-515). 

The  work  is  a  Spanish  translation  made,  not  for  Alfonso 

'Baist,  Orundr.  d.  rom,  Phil,,  XT.  Bd.,  2.  Abt.,  s.  410. 


16  WINTHKOP   HOLT   CHENERY. 

the  Wise  but  for  Sancho  IV,  probably  in  the  last  years  of 
the  xni  century.^ 

12.    a)  Don  Juan  Manuel,  El  Libro  de  la  Caza  zum  ersten- 

male  herausgegeben  von  G.  Baist   Halle  :  Max  Niemeyer.    1880. 

b)  Don  Juan  Manuel:  El  Libro  del  Cauallero  et  del 

Escudero.  Mil  Einleitung  und  Anmerkungen  nach  der  Hand- 
schrift  neu  herausgegeben  von  S.  Grafenberg.  1893.  {Bomanische 
Forschungen,  VII.  Bd.,  ss.  427-550.) 

c)  Juan   Manuel :    El  Libro   de   los   Enxiemplos   del 

Conde  Lucanor  et  de  Patronio.  Text  und  Anmerkungen  aus  dem 
Nachlasse  von  Hermann  Knust  herausgegeben  von  Adolf  Birch- 
Hirschfeld.    Leipzig  :  Dr.  Seele  und  Co.    1900. 

In  the  case  of  the  Libro  de  la  Caza  and  of  the  Uhro  del 
Cauallero  et  del  Escudero,  the  material  presented  in  the 
Appendix  of  this  article  covers  the  whole  text;  in  that 
of  the  Uhro  de  los  EnxiemploSj  only  the  first  twenty-five 
exemphs  (pp.  1—110). 

The  three  works  named  above  are  all  edited  from  the 
same  manuscript  (Bibl.  Nacional  de  Madrid,  S.  35).  This 
is  of  the  XV  century  and  a  full  hundred  years  later  than  the 
author.  Other  manuscripts  are  known  to  exist  only  in  the 
case  of  the  lAbro  de  los  Enxiemplos.  The  edition  of  the  latter 
gives  variants  from  four  other  manuscripts  : — 

M  MS.  of  the  second  half  of  the  xv  century  in  the  Bibl.  Nac.  de 

Madrid. 
E  MS.  of  the  XV  century  in  the  same  library. 
P  MS.  of  the  XV  century,  belonging  to  the  Conde  de  Pufionrostro. 
O  MS.  of  the  XVI  century  in  the  collection  of  D.  Pascual  Grayangoe. 

Don  Juan,  son  of  the  Infante  Don  Manuel  and  nephew 
of  Alfonso  X,  lived  from  1282  to  1348.2     The  chronology 

^Gayangos,  Op,  ci/.,  p.  xi ;  Baist,  Qrundr.  d.  rom.  PAi/.,  II.  Bd.,  2.  Abt., 
8.  415,  §  28 ;  Gaston  Paris,  Romaniaj  xvn,  p.  513  et  sidv,  :  *'  La  Chanson 
d'Antioche  provenyale  et  la  Oran  Conquista  de  UUramarV 

*Baiat,  Orundr,  d.  rom,  Phil,,  II.  Bd.,  2.  Abt,  s.  418. 


OBJECT-PRONOUNS   IN   OLD   SPANISH.  17 

of  his  works  has  been  minutely  worked  out  by  Gottfried 
Baist,*  who  dates  the  three  works  in  question  as  follows : — 

Libro  de  la  Caza.     A.  D.  1325-6. 

Libro  del  Cauallero  et  del  Escudero.     1326. 

Libro  de  los  Enxicmplos.     Primera  Parte  1328-9. 

It  is  probable  that,  in  spite  of  the  lateness  of  the  manu- 
scripts, the  texts,  as  we  have  them,  reflect  pretty  faithfully 
the  syntactic  usage  of  Don  Juan.  The  latter,  as  he  tells  us 
himself,*  was  particularly  nice  in  matters  of  language  and 
orthography,  which  makes  the  loss  of  the  older  manuscripts 
tiie  more  regrettable. 

13.  Juan  Ruiz,  arcipreste  de  Hita :  Libro  de  Buen  Amor. 

Texte  du  xiv®  si^e,  public  pour  la  premidre  fois  avec  les  le9on8 
des  trois  manuscrits  connus  par  Jean  Dacamin  {BibKothique  Mt- 
ridionale  publiie  90U8  lea  auspices  de  la  FaculU  dea  Lettren  de  Toulouse. 
l^S^rie.    TomeVL)    Toulouse :  fedooard  Privat    1901. 

This  is  one  of  the  very  few  editions  of  a  Spanish  text, 
presenting  with  any  degree  of  completeness  variant  readings 
fix)m  several  manuscripts.  The  editor  designates  and  de- 
scribes the  manuscripts  as  follows : — 

S  MS.  formerly  belonging  to  the  G)legio  Mayor  de  San  Bartolom^  at 
Salamanca,  now  in  the  library  of  the  Boyal  Palace  at  Madrid. 
Script  of  the  end  of  the  xrv,  or  beginning  of  the  xv  century, 
in  any  case  later  than  that  of  the  two  following. 

G  MS.  formerly  belonging  to  D.  Benito  Martinez  Grayoeo,  now  in  the 

*  Baist,  Die  Zeitfolge  der  Schriften  D.  Juan  Manuels :  Libro  de  la  Oazoy 
w.  128-155. 

' "  El  porque  don  Johan  vio  et  sabe  que  en  loe  libros  oontesce[n]  muchos 
yerroB  en  los  tmaladar  porque  las  letras  semejan  unas  a  otras,  cuydando  por 
la  una  letra  que  es  [la]  otra,  en  escriviendolo  mudase  toda  la  rrazon  et 
por  aventura  confondese,  et  los  que  despues  fallan  aquello  escripto,  ponen 
la  culpa  al  que  fizo  el  libro,  et  porque  don  Johan  se  rrecelo  desto,  rruega  a 
y»  que  leyeren  qualquier  libro  que  fuere  trasladado  del  que  el  conpuso  o  de 
los  libros  que  el  fizo,  que  si  fallaren  alguna  palabra  mal  puesta,  que  noii 
pongan  la  culpa  a  el,  fasta  que  bean  el  libro  mismo  que  don  Johan  fizo  quo 
es  emendado  en  muchoe  logares  de  su  letra." — Libro  de  los  Enxiemploifj 

2 


18  WINTHROP    HOLT   CHENEBY. 

library  of  the  Beal  Academia  Espafiola.     Script  of  the  ziv 
century.^ 

T  MS.  formerly  in  the  library  of  the  cathedral  of  Toledo,  now  in  the 
National  Library  at  Madrid.  Script  of  the  same  age  and  char- 
acter as  that  of  O,^ 

Juan  Ruizy  Archpriest  of  Hita,  near  Guadalajara  in  New 
Castile^  was  probably  bom  near  the  end  of  the  xiii  century 
and  certainly  lived  until  the  middle  of  the  following  cen- 
tury.* The  date  Era  1381  or  a.  d.  1343,  given  in  stanza 
1634,  probably  comes  from  the  author  himself.* 

14.    Poema  de  Alfonso  Onceno,  rey  de  Castilla  y  de  Le6n. 

Florencio  Janer,  Edr.     Poetas  Castellanos  anteriores  al  siglo  zv 
(Bibl  de  AtUorea  EspanoUa,  t  57),  pfigs.  477-551. 

^  O  is  dated  at  the  end,  A.  d.  1389  : 

fenito  libro,  gra^ias  a  domino  nostro  jesu  zpisto ;  este  libro 
fue  acabado  jueaes  xxm  dias  de  joUio  del 
afio  del  Nas9imiento  del  nuestro  saluador  jesu  zpisto 
de  mill  e  tresientoe  e  ochenta  e  Nueue  afioe.     Pig.  330. 

'  In  the  quotations  which  I  have  made  from  this  work,  I  have  followed 
the  text  as  given  by  the  editor,  i.  «.,  the  text  of  iSand  where  that  is  lack- 
ing, O.  1  have  indicated  the  variant  readings  of  the  manuscripts  only 
where  they  affect  cases  of  interpolation.  In  order  to  insure  greater  fidelity 
to  the  manuscripts,  the  editor  employs  four  varieties  of  s,  namely,  s,/,  0*,  t, 
and  two  sorts  of  t  besides  j.  As  these  orthographic  refinements  in  no  way 
affect  the  question  of  interpolation,  I  have  disregarded  them,  representing 
s,  /,  and  ahy  8  alone,  and  s  by  », 

•  Fitzmaurice-Kelly,  HiaL  of  Span,  Lit.^  p.  76. 

*  *^  Era  de  mill  £  tresientos  £  ochenta  £  vn  afios 

fue  conpuesto  el  rromanpe,  por  muchos  males  e  dafios 

que  fasen  muchos  e  muchas  aotras  con  sus  engafios, 

E  por  mostrar  alos  synplex  {sic)  fablas  e  versos  estrafios." 

Stz.  1634,  MB.  S. 

T  ends  at  this  point  with  a  variant  stanza,  naming  a  date  three  years 
earlier,  as  follows  : — 


Era  de  mill  e  tresyentos  e  sesenta  e  ocho  alios 

fue  acabado  este  lybro  por  muchos  males  e  dafios 

daputs  (8tc)  que  fasen  muchos  e  muchas  a  otros  con  sus  engafios 

E  por  mostrar  alos  synpres  fabras  e  versos  estrafios. 


OBJECT-PRONOUNS   IN   OLD  SPANISH.  19 

Edited  by  Janer  from  a  manuscript  of  the  end  of  the  xrv 
century,  preserved  in  the  Escorial.  Whether  Rodrigo  Ydfiez, 
mentioned  in  stanza  1841,  is  the  author,  is  imcertain.  Janer 
(Op.  cU,,  Introd.y  pag.  xlviii)  believes  the  poem  is  nearly 
contemporary  with  the  events  which  it  describes,  e.  g.  the 
conquest  of  Algeciras,  A.  D.  1344  (Era  1382,  vide  stz. 
2451). 

Comu  and  Baist  believe  the  poem  is  a  transcription  of  a 
Portuguese  or  Galician  original.  Carolina  Michaelis,  on  the 
odier  hand,  believes  the  original  composer  was  a  Leonese, 
accustomed  to  speak  Portuguese  or  at  least  compose  in  that 
idiom.  Both  Comu  and  Michaelis  base  their  conclusions  on 
the  study  of  assonances  in  the  poem.^ 

The  evidence  from  interpolation  is  probably  not  sufficient 
to  decide  the  question  of  original  dialect.  The  author,  in 
any  case,  can  hardly  have  been  a  Castilian.  The  use  of 
interpolation  in  the  text,  as  will  be  shown,  is  exactly  parallel 
to  that  of  Portuguese  and  Galician  texts,  and  quite  different 
from  anything  in  works  of  imdoubted  Castilian  origin. 

15.  Pero    L6pez    de  Ayala:    Bimado    de   Palacio.      Este 

libro  fipo  el  honrado  caballero  Pero  L6pez  de  Ajala  eetando  preso 
e  llamaae  el  Libro  de  Palagio  {fie],  Florencio  Janer:  Poetas 
Gastellanoe  anterioreB  al  siglo  xv  (BibL  de  Aut.  Esp,^  t,  57), 
pAgB.  425-476. 

Janer  gives  no  data  with  regard  to  the  manuscript  or 
manuscripts  on  which  the  edition  is  based.  He  merely  says 
(p.  425) :  "  Enteramente  conforme  con  el  c6dice  mis  com- 
plete que  se  conoce." 

The  author  lived  from  1332  to  1407.  Baist*  dates  the 
Rimado  from  1378  to  1385.     Fitzmaurice-Kelly  *  assigns 

*Bai«t,  Orundr.  f.  r.  PkOoLy  XT.  Bd.,  2.  Abt,  s.  422,  §  35 ;  Michaelis, 
<^.,  SB.  204-5  XL  Anmerkangen. 
*Gfundr.  d,  ram.  Philol.y  Bd.  II.,  2.  Abt.,  s.  421. 
*HisL  of  Span.  LiL,  p.  S9. 


20  WINTHROP   HOLT   CHENERY* 

the  composition  of  the  work  to  the  years  1378-1403,  basing 
the  latter  date  on  a  statement  in  the  text  that  the  sdiism  of 
1378  had  lasted  twenty-five  years. 

I  have  examined  for  interpolation  the  first  five  hundred 
stanzas  (2000  verses),  pp.  425-441. 

16.  Poema  de   Jos6.     Michael   Schmitz :  Ueber  das   alt- 

spanische  Poema  de  Jos^     Bomanidche  Forachungen,  xi  (1901)| 
88.  315-411. 

Edited  from  the  edition  by  Morf  *  of  the  manuscript  of 
the  Bibl.  Nac.  de  Madrid  in  Arabic  script.  The  manuscript 
is  of  the  XVI  century.  A  somewhat  different  version  of  the 
poem  exists  in  an  older  manuscript  now  in  the  library  of 
the  Real  Academia  de  la  Historia  and  edited  by  Ram6n 
Men6ndez  Pidal.*  I  have  not  been  able  to  collate  all  the 
cases  of  pronouns  in  the  two  editions,  but  in  those  that  I 
have  collated  I  have  found  agreement. 

Morf  dates  the  poem  not  earlier  than  the  second  half  of 
the  XV  century.  Men^dez  Pidal  puts  it  much  earlier,  con* 
sidering  the  manuscript  edited  by  him  to  belong  to  the  end 
of  the  XIV  or  beginning  of  the  xv  century. 

Gayangos  and  Men^ndez  Pidal  believe  the  writer  was 
Aragonese.  Men^ndez  Pidal,  in  the  article  cited,  makes  s 
detailed  study  of  the  traits  of  Aragonese  dialect  in  the  poem 

With  regard  to  the  use  of  pronoims,  the  most  noticeabL 
peculiarity  of  the  poem  is  the  very  frequent  occurrence  o 
the  pronoun  subject.  This  may  be  an  argument  for  a  rathe 
late  date. 

17.  Visi6n  de  Filiberto.     Octavio  de  Toledo  (Jos6  Maria 

Edr.     ZeiUcknftf,  ram,  PhUol,,  n,  ss.  40-60. 

^H.  Morf,  El  Poema  de  Jose,  Leipzig,  1883. 

*  Poema  de  Yfiyuf.  Materiales  para  su  estudio.  Revista  de  Archhu 
BibliotecoB  y  Museos,  3»  Epoca,  t.  vn  (1902),  p6g8.  91-129 ;  276-30 
347-362. 


OBJECT-PRONOUNS   IN   OLD   SPANISH.  21 

A  XIV  century  prose  redaction  of  the  DisprdcUio  Corporis 
d  Animae^  found  in  the  Toledo  manuscript  of  the  Ubro  de 
Buen  Amor  of  Juan  Buiz,^  and  in  script  of  the  same  charao* 
ter.  The  latter^  as  has  been  shown^  is  a  manuscript  of  the 
last  years  of  the  xiv  century.' 

18.  Pedro  de  Luna :  Libro  de  las  consolaciones  de  la  vida 

humana.  EBcritores  en  Proea  anteriores  al  aiglo  xv  recogidos  4 
ilustradoe  por  D.  Pascual  de  Qajangos  (BibL  deAuL  Eap.,  t  51), 
pdgB.  561-602. 

Edited  fix)m  a  codex  in  a  hand  of  the  beginning  of  the 
XV  century  in  the  Escorial.'  The  work  is  divided  into  fif- 
teen books  of  which  the  first  ten  (or  fifly-four  columns  of  the 
Bivadeneyra  type)  were  examined  for  interpolation. 

Pedro  de  Luna,  known  also  as  Antipope  Benedict  XIII, 
was  a  native  of  Aragon.  Luna,  who  died  in  1423  or  1424, 
composed  the  work  in  Latin  in  his  declining  years  under  the 
title  Vitae  humanae  adversus  omnes  casus  consolationes.  It 
IB  not  certain  that  the  Castilian  version  is  by  him,  but  various 
Aragonisms  in  the  text  make  it  seem  probable.^ 

19.  a)  El  Libro  de  Exenplos  por  A.  B.  C.  de  Climente 

SAnchez,  archidiacre  de  Valderas.  mb.  de  Paris.  A.  Morel- 
Fatio,  £dr.    BomamOf  vn,  p.  4S1  et  suiv. 

b)  El  Libro  de  los  Enxemplos.     Escritores  en  Prosa 

anteriores  al  siglo  xv,  reoogidos  4  ilustrados  por  D.  Pkucual  de 
Gajangos  (^t6/.  de  AiU,  Esp.y  t.  51),  pfigs.  447-542.  Madrid: 
M.  Rivadeneyra.    1884. 

» Vide  MS.  Tin  No.  13,  above. 

'Octayio  de  Toledo  (loc,  ciL)  also  edits  a  text,  Beuelaeidn  de  vn  her* 
niianno  (MS.  del  Escorial,  xiv  century),  with  the  somewhat  varying  text 
of  the  Ditputa  del  cuerpo  e  dd  anima  (MS.  de  la  BibL  Natl,  de  Paris)  with 
the  variants  of  another  P^uis  MS.  These  texts  are  not  available  for  the 
present  investigation  because  not  presenting  any  cases  of  pronouns  in  the 
categories  where  interpolation  commonly  occurs. 

'(^yangos  {op.  city  p,  561)  mentions  a  second  manuscript,  **propio  de 
vn  tugeto  aveeindado  en  esta  eortey"  but  gives  no  indication  of  variants. 

^GayangoB,  op.  dL,  p.  561. 


22  WINTHROP   HOLT   CHENERY. 

The  BivadeneTra  edition  is  printed  from  a  Madrid  manu- 
script^ not  older  than  the  XV  century.^  This  manuscript 
lacks  seventy-two  exemplosy  all  but  one  in  the  first  part  of  the 
alphabet.  These  were  found  in  a  later  manuscript^  now  in 
Paris,  and  are  published  in  Romania  as  above.  The  rest  of 
the  Paris  manuscript  remains  unedited.  Morel-Fatio  dates 
the  Paris  manuscript  as  of  the  end  of  the  xv  century.  The 
composition  of  the  work  he  assigns  to  the  years  1400-1421.* 

20.  a)  La  Estoria  de  los  Quatro  Dotores  de  la  Santa  Eglesia. 

Die  G^eschichte  der  vier  groesen  lateinischen  Kirchenlehrer,  in 
einer  alten  spanischen  Ueberaetzung  nach  Vincenz  von  Beaavais 
berausgegeben  von  Friedrich  Lauchert  {RomaniMhe  Bibliothek  hrsg, 
V.  Dr,  Wendelin  FoenUTf  XIV.  Bd. ).  Halle  a.  S.  :  MaX^iemejer. 
1897. 

b)  La   Estoria   del  rey  Anemur  e  de  losaphat  e  de 

Barlaam.    Von   Friedrich    Lauchert    Bovnanigehe  Forschungeny 
VII.  Bd.,  BB.  831-402. 

Critical  editions  made  from  a  xv  century  manuscript  in 
the  library  of  the  University  of  Strassburg.  Lauchert* 
thinks  the  manuscript  is  a  copy  of  an  earlier  Spanish  trans- 
lation from  the  Speculum  historiale  of  Vincent  of  Beauvais. 
The  original  Spanish  translation  cannot,  I  think,  be  older 
than  the  middle  of  the  xv  century.  The  orthography  is 
archaistic  and  similar  to  that  of  the  texts  of  Don  Juan 
Manuel  and  other  works  of  the  xiv  century  but  the  con- 
structions employed  seem  more  modem.  I  wish  these  works 
and  their  manuscript  might  be  more  exactly  dated,  as  they 
are  among  those  that  exhibit  the  last  vestiges  of  interpola- 
tion in  Castilian. 

21.  a)  El  Primero  Libro  del  esforzado  et  virtuoso  caballero 

Amadls,  hi  jo  del  rey  Peri6n  de  Gaula  7  de  la  reina  Elisena ;  el 

^  See  Ghtjangos,  loc  eU,,  p&g.  428,  and  also  in  his  notes  to  Ticknor,  HisL 
delalALE^,,  I,  p.  502. 
*J2omama,  vn,  p.  482ei«uw.  ^EtL  de  los  Qu.  DoL,  ^  z. 


OBJECrr-PBONOUNS   IN  OLD  SPANISH.  23 

coal  hki  ooiregido  y  emendado  por  el  honmdo  6  viiiaoso  caballero 
Gard-Orddfiez  de  Montalbo,  regidor  de  la  noble  villa  de  Medina 
del  Gampo,  4  ooiTegi61e  de  los  antiguoe  orig^nales,  que  estaban 
oormptoB  4  oompueBtos  en  antiguo  estilo,  etc.  Libros  de  Gabal- 
lerfas,  con  nn  diacono  preliminar  j  on  caUlogo  razonado  por  D. 
Ptocoal  de  Qajangos  (BibL  de  Aid,  Etp.,  t,  40).  Madrid :  M, 
Bivadeneyra.    1874. 

b)  Las  Sergas  del  muy  esforzado  caballero  Esplandito, 

hijo  del  exoelente  rey  AmadiiB  de  Gaola.  In  Libros  de  Gabal- 
lerias,  etc  (as  above),  p^igs.  40d-^l. 

The  RivadeneTTa  edition  is  a  reprint  of  an  edition  printed 
at  Venice  in  1633  by  Francisco  Delgado.  The  extant  edi- 
tion of  1508  was  not  accessible  to  Gayangos.  I  have 
examined  for  interpolation  the  first  twenty  chapters  of  Book 
I  oi  Amadis  (108  columns  of  Rivadeneyra  text)  and  the 
first  ten  chapters  of  Las  Sergas. 

The  first  books  of  AmadiSy  as  we  know  them^  were  com- 
piled in  the  last  years  of  the  xv  century  by  Garci-Ord6fiez 
de  Montalvo  firom  earlier  works,  but  are  not  known  to  have 
been  printed  before  1608.^  The  question  whether  Montalvo's 
source  was  Spanish  or  Portuguese  has  been  the  subject  of  a 
controversy  among  scholars  and  is  not  yet  definitely  settled.* 
Las  Sergas  de  Esplandidn  is  a  sequel  to  AmadiSy  composed 
by  Montalvo  himself.' 

The  frequent  cases  in  Amadis  of  interpolation,  taken 
together  with  the  absence  of  interpolation  in  Las  Sergas, 
tend  to  confirm  the  argument  for  a  Portuguese  source. 
Meyer-Lubke  has  anticipated  me  in  suggesting  that  interpo- 
lation in  Amadis  may  be  due  to  the  Portuguese  original/  but 

^Baist,  Onmdr.  <L  r.  Phil,  IL  Bd.,  2.  Abt,  s.  440,  §  46. 

*Baist,  loe,  dL,  s.  441 ;  Carolina  Michaelis,  op,  ciLf  11.  Bd.,  2.  Abt.,  as. 
216-226,  §§  65-66. 

*Baist,  2oe.  <^,  s.  440. 

^OrcanmaUk  d.  rom.  Spr,,  nr,  s.  764,  §  715.  Gessner  (ZeUachr,  f,  rom, 
PkHoL,  xvn,  s.  34)  mentions  interpolation  and  other  peculiarities  of  pro- 
nominal syntax  as  distingoishing  Amadis  from  other  contemporary  Spanish 
texts,  bat  does  not  ascribe  them  to  Portuguese  influence. 


24  WINTHROP   HOLT   CHENEBY. 

I  shall^  in  another  part  of  this  investigation^  attempt  to 
show  that  interpolation  in  Amadis  is  of  a  quite  different  sort 
from  that  found  in  texts  of  undoubted  Castilian  origin  and 
that  it  bears  a  decidedly  Portuguese  stamp. 

22.    La  Leyenda  del  abad  don  Juan  de  Montemayor^  publi- 

cada  por  Ram6n  Men^ndez  Pidal  {Oesdlachaft,  fur  RoTnaniache 
LUeraturf  2.  Bd.).  Dresden.  1903.  (Vertreter  fiir  den  Buch- 
handel :  Max  Niemeyer,  Halle  a.  S. ) 

1.  Diego  Bodriguez  de  Almela :  Cbmpendio  historiaL  Oapitulo 

oclxxxvij. 

2.  Historia  del  Abad  don  Juan  de  Montemajor  impresa  en  Valla^ 

doUd,  1562. 

The  first  text  is  a  chapter  from  Almela's  historical  work, 
composed  about  1479  and  presented  to  the  Catholic  Monarchs 
in  1491.  This  work  exists  in  two  different  redactions,  the 
first  having  one,  the  second,  four,  manuscripts.  Men6ndez 
Pidal  publishes  the  text  of  the  manuscript  of  the  first  redac- 
tion with  varia  lectio  of  the  manuscripts  of  the  second.  The 
manuscripts  are  distinguished  as  follows  : — 

First  Redaction. 

P  Bibl.  Nac  de  Madrid.   P-1  In  hand  of  the  second  half  of  the  XY 
century. 

Second  Redaction. 

U  Bibl.  Escurial.   U~ij-10  y  12  Of  the  b^^ning  of  the  xvi  century. 
M  XVI  century  manuscript  in  the  library  of  D.  Marcelino  Men^dez 

Pelayo. 
Note, — In  quoting  from  this  text  I  give  variants  only  where  they 

interest  the  question  of  interpolation. 

The  second  text  is  edited  from  a  copy  of  the  only  known 
exemplar  of  the  edition  of  1562.  The  copy  was  made  under 
the  super\'^ision  of  S'*  Michaelis  de  Vasconcellos. 

The  common  sources  of  both  of  these  texts  are  extensively 
discussed  by  Men6ndcz  Pidal  (op.  cU,y  pdgs.  vii-xxxvi).  His 
thesis  is  that  they  are  taken  from  a  lost  prose  redaction  of  a 


OBJBCnVPRONOUNS  IN   OLD  SPANISH.  26 

Io6t  Castilian  epic.     Carolina  Michaelis  had  assumed  a  Por- 
tnguese  origin  for  the  legend.^ 

No  argument  for  or  against  the  theory  of  a  Castilian 
original  could  be  drawn  from  the  cases  of  interpolation  in 
Almela's  text  without  previously  comparing  other  portions 
of  his  work.  The  cases  of  interpolation  seem  rather 
firequent  for  so  late  a  work  but  are  of  the  same  character 
as  those  observed  in  xiv  century  Castilian  texts  and  may  be 
copied  from  the  lost  Castilian  prasificaoi&n  which  Men^ndez 
Pidal's  theory  postulates. 

23.  Souhaits  de  bienvenue  adress£s  h  Ferdinand  le  Catho- 

lique  par  on  podte  barcelonais  en  1473.  BcmamOf  xi,  pp.  333-356. 
(A.  Morel-Fatio,  Edr. ) 

24.  Comedia  de  Calisto  d  Melibea.    (Unico  texto  aut^ntico 

de  U  CeleBtina. )  B^mpreute  pablicada  por  R  Foulch^-Delbosc. 
{BibUoteea  Hupamca.)  Bazvielona,  ''UAveny;"  Madrid,  M. 
MoriUa    1900. 

A  reprint  of  the  third  edition  of  the  work^  published  in 
1501  at  Seville.* 

25.  Juan  de  Valdfe :   Didlogo  de  la  Lengua.    Herausge- 

geben  Ton  Eduard  Boehmer.  Bomaniaehe  Studien  furag.  v,  Eduaard 
Boehmer,  VI.  Bd.,  88.  339-490.  Bonn :  Eduard  Weber's  Vedag 
(Julias  Flittner),  1895. 

Edited  fix>m  a  manuscript  in  the  Bibl.  Nac.  de  Madrid. 
The  manuscript  was  probably  written  before  1558.*  The 
dialog  was  composed  about  1535.^ 

26.  La  vida  de  Lazarillo  de  Tormes,  y  de  sus  fortunas  y 

adaeraidades.     Be8titaci6n  de  la  edici6n  pHndpe  por  B.  Foulch^ 

» Orvaidr.  d,  ram,  Philol.,  II.  Bd.,  2.  Abt,  8.  206,  |  60. 

'Qessner  (ZeUsckr.  /.  rom,  PkUoLf  xvn,  6.  34)  states  that  interpolation 
does  not  occur  in  the  Odettina.  My  examination  of  the  critically  edited 
reprint  oonfirmB  his  finding. 

'Boehmer,  op.  eiLj  8.  455. 

«Bu8t,  Grtmdr.  d.  rom.  PkiloL,  U,  Bd.,  2.  Abt,  b.  458,  {  59. 


26  WINTHROP   HOLT  CHENERY. 

Delbosc  {BtbUoteeakispamca.)  Barcelona,  ''L'Aveii9;"  Madrid, 
M.  MuriUo.    1900. 

Critical  reconstruction  of  the  lost  editio  princeps  from  the 
three  editions  of  the  year  1554  (Alcald  de  Henares^  Burgos, 
and  Antwerp)  with  the  variant  readings  of  these  editions. 

27.  Luis  de  Lie6n :  La  Perfecta  Casada  por  el  maestro  F. 

Luys  de  Leon.  Texto  del  siglo  xvi.  Beimpresi6n  de  la  Teroem 
Edici6n|  con  variantes  de  la  Primera  7  un  Pr61ogo  por  Elizabeth 
Wallace.  {Dteennial  Publications,  Second  SericB.  VoL  vi.) 
Chicago :  The  University  of  Chicago  Press.    1903. 

The  edition  followed  was  printed  at  Salamanca  in  1587. 

GALICIAN  AND  PORTUGUESE  TEXTS. 

28.  Cantigas  de  Santa   Marfa  de  Don  Alfonso  el  Sabio. 

Las  publica  la  Real  Academia  Espafiola.  (L.  de  Cueto,  marqu&i 
de  Valmar,  Edr. ).    Madrid :  Luis  Aguado.    1889. 

Edition  made  from  a  xiii  century  manuscript  preserved  in 
the  Escorial.^  The  cardigaa  date  from  about  the  third  quarter 
of  the  XIII  century.'  I  have  collected  the  examples  of 
interpolation  in  the  first  fifteen  cantigaa  (p%8.  3-26). 

29.  (El-Rey  Dom  Diniz  de  Portugal.)    Das  Liederbuch  des 

Konigs  Denis  von  Portagal.  Zum  ersten  Mai  vollstandig  heraus- 
gegeben  und  mit  Einleitung,  Anmerkungen  und  Gloesar  versehen 
von  Henry  R.  Lang.    Halle  a.  S. :   Max  Niemeyer.    1894. 

Critical  edition  based  on  Monaci's  diplomatic  editions  of 
the  Oandoneiro  da  Vaticana  (Codex  Vaticanus  4803) '  and 
the  Canoiormro  Colocci-Brancuti.  The  Vatican  codex  be- 
longs to  the  end  of  the  xv  or  b^inning  of  the  xvi  century.* 

^Pkz  y  Melia,  op,  eit.,  Introd,^  p.  37. 

'Carolina  Michaelis,  Orundr.  d,  rom,  PhiloLt  II.  Bd.,  2.  Abt.,  as.  184-5. 

'II  canzoniere  portoghese  della  biblioteca  vaticana,  messo  a  stampa  da 
Ernesto  Monad.  G)n  una  prefazione,  con  facsimili  e  con  altre  illustra- 
zioni.    Halle  a.  S. :  Max  Niemeyer  editore.    1875. 

^Lang,  op,  eiLf  EinL  s.  V. 


OBJECT-PRONOUNS   IN   OLD  SPANISH.  27 

Dom  Diniz,  grandson  of  Alfonso  X  of  Castile,  reigned  from 
1279  to  1325.* 

I  have  examined  for  interpolation  only  the  first  fifty 
eantigas  d'amary  all  taken  from  the  Vatican  manuscript  (985 
verses  in  all).  The  quotations  in  the  Appendix  follow 
Lang's  text  in  every  case,  as  very  few  of  his  emendations 
affect  cases  of  interpolation.' 

30.  Estoria  troyaa  acabada  era  de  mill  et  quatro9entos  et 

ooze  annos  (1373).  EztraUs  du  MS,  de  la  Bibl  NcUU,  de  Madrid, 
i-i-67  par  Jules  Comu.  Miacellanea  Linguistica  in  onore  di  Chror 
nadio  Afooli,  pp.  95-12S.    1901. 

Cr6mca  Troyana,  c6dice  gall^o  del  siglo  xiv  de  la 

Bihlioteca  NadoDal  de  Madrid,  oon  apuntes  gramaticaleB  y  vocaba- 
lario  por  D.  Manuel  B.  Bodrfguez.  Publfcalo  &  expensas  de  la 
excma.  Dipataci6n  de  esta  provinda  Andr^  Martinez  Salazar. 
Volomen  Primero.  La  Corufia.  Imprenta  de  la  Gasa  de  Miaeri- 
GOidia.    1900. 

Both  publications  are  based  on  the  same  manuscript.  This 
was  completed  in  the  year  1373.  In  the  quotations  I  have 
foUowed  the  text  as  given  by  Comu,  examining  for  interpo- 
lation "pages  95—113. 

31.  a)  Yida  de  Eufirosina. 

b)  Yida  de  Maria  Egipcia. 

c)  Extraits  d'un  Traits  de  devotion. 

Textes  portugais    du    xiY«   sidcle.     Jules   Comu,    Edr. 
Bomania,  XI,  pp.  357-390. 

These  three  works  are  found  in  a  single  xrv  century 
manuscript.  The  first  two  are  in  the  same  hand.  The  third 
is  in  a  different  hand. 


^Ihid,,  8.  xxxriff. 

'To  T.  975 :  qual  eu  a  vi,  u  ouvi  Deus  vrado,  Lang  appends  the  following 
note :  ms.  ql  ea  ui ;  dtr  mnn  wwU  das  mdrum  verlangen  a.  In  view  of  the 
great  preponderance  of  the  interpolated  order  in  the  text,  I  should  have 
emended :  qual  a  «u  n^  etc. 


28  WINTHROP   HOLT   CHENEBY. 

32.  Un  Viaggio  fantastico,  in  portoghese,    E.  Teza:  Tri- 

foglio.    ZeiUchriftf,  r(m,  PhiloL,  XI.  Bd.,  88.  289-297. 

Edited  from  a  manuscript  in  the  library  of  Siena  (D.  F. 
13,  pp.  219-223).  The  text  is  Old  Portuguese  but  the 
editor  vouchsafes  no  fiirther  indication  of  date. 

33.  Z.  Consiglieri  Pedroso:  Contribu95es  para  um  roman- 

ceiro  e  cancioneiro  popular  portuguez.    BomamOy  x,  pp.  100-116. 
1881. 

Collected  by  the  editor  fit)m  oral  tradition  chiefly  in 
Lisbon  and  vicinity. 

34.  A.  Coelho,  Edr. :  Romances  sacros,  ora95es  e  ensalmos 

popolares  do  Minho.    BomaniOf  m,  p.  262  et  mdv.    1874. 

Collected  by  the  editor  from  oral  tradition  in  the  province 
named. 

35.  Henry  R.  Lang :  Tradi95es  populares  ayorianas.     Can- 

tigas  populares.    ZeUsehr.  /.  ronu  PhiloL,  XVI.  Bd.,  as.  422-431. 
Editor's  uote  (s.  422) :  '^  Os  materiaes  que  vou  dar  a  oonheoer 
aqui,  foram  sem  excep9&o  oolhidos  de  gente  da  ilha  do 
Fayal." 

NOTES  ON  SPANISH  TEXTS  AND  SPANISH 
DIALECTS  IN  GENERAL. 

An  examination  of  the  preceding  list  of  texts,  utilized  for 
linguistic  material,  will  show  that,  whenever  they  were  to  be 
had,  critically  edited  editions  have  been  followed.  As  the 
number  of  the  latter  is  still  very  limited,  it  has  been  neces- 
sary to  have  recourse  to  a  rather  large  number  of  works 
which  have  not  yet  found  critical  editors. 

It  will  be  seen,  also,  that  in  the  case  of  most  works  there 
have  been  added  to  the  usual  bibliographical  indications  of 
edition,  manuscripts,  etc.,  a  few  words  with  r^ard  to  the 
chronology  and  dialect  both  of  the  manuscripts  and  of  the 
author. 


OBJECT-PRONOUNS   IN   OLD   SPANISH.  29 

In  many  cases  the  chronology  is  decidedly  unsatisfactory. 
The  small  number  of  critical  editions,  the  dearth  of  texts 
edited  on  more  than  one  manuscript,  and  the  lack  of  critical 
apparatus  generally,  make  it  extremely  hazardous,  in  the 
absence  of  external  data,  to  attempt  to  fix  from  internal 
criteria  alone  the  date  of  any  text. 

Even  more  perplexing  than  the  question  of  date  is  that 
of  dialect.  In  the  absence  of  any  authoritative  treatise  on 
the  subject,  it  may  be  well  briefly  to  state  the  principles 
which  have  guided  the  present  investigation. 

In  the  first  place  one  must  bear  in  mind  the  historical 
conditions  of  the  formative  period,  i.  e.,  the  period  during 
which  the  peninsular  dialects  were  differentiating  most 
rapidly  from  Vulgar  Latin  and  taking  on  those  character- 
istics of  Castilian,  Galieian,  etc.,  which  we  meet  in  the 
earliest  Komance  texts.  For  a  period  of  nearly  four  cen- 
turies, that  is,  from  the  fall  of  the  Visigothic  monarchy  in 
A.  D.  711  to  die  last  quarter  of  the  xi  century,*  all  of  Spain 
south  of  the  rivers  Ebro  and  Duero  remained  in  undisputed 
possession  of  the  Moors.  In  the  course  of  the  x  and  xi 
centuries,  we  observe  the  rise  of  several  independent  Christian 
states  along  the  northern  border  of  the  peninsula.  Each  of 
these  is,  I  think,  to  be  regarded  as  a  linguistic  centre. 
These  states,  proceeding  from  East  to  West,  are  : — 

1)  Catalonia. 

2)  Aragon  and  Navarre. 

3)  Old  Castile. 

'  The  following  dates  will  give  an  approximate  idea  of  the  chronology  of 
the  Quistian  recoverj  of  the  peninsala  :  10S5.  Capture  of  Toledo. — 1094. 
Valencia  taken  by  the  Gd,  but  evacuated  in  1102. — 1104.  Capture  of 
Medinaceliy  a  Moorish  stronghold  near  the  meeting  point  of  the  boundaries 
of  Old  Castile,  New  Castile  and  Aragon.  — 1118.  Saragossa.  — 1147. 
Lisbon. — 1177.  Cuenca,  in  New  Castille. — 1212.  Battle  of  Las  Navaa  de 
ToloM,  carrying  Christian  arms  into  Andalusia. — 1236.  Capture  of  Cor- 
doba.—123S.    Final  capture  of  Valencia. —1248.   Seville, 


30  WINTHROP   HOLT   CHENERY. 

4)  Asturias  and  Leon. 

5)  Galicia. 

As  the  Christian  recovery  of  Spain  proceeded  from  North 
to  South,  each  of  these  small  states  formed,  as  it  were,  a 
linguistic  base  from  which  speech  was  carried  southward  by 
the  conquistadorea.  In  their  gradual  progress  southward, 
the  Christians  of  the  North  mingled  with  great  bodies  of 
Romance  speaking  brethren  (aljamiados)  who  had  been  liv- 
ing under  Mohammedan  rule.  It  would  seem,  however,  as 
if  the  influence  of  the  cUjamiado  dialects  on  the  future  trend 
of  speech  had  been  inconsiderable  as  compared  with  that  of 
the  northern  linguistic  centres  named  above.  The  northern 
conquerors,  the  crisUanos  vi^08,  everywhere  formed  the 
dominant  class  and,  naturally,  the  pioneers  of  literature  in 
the  vernacular  would  either  be  members  of  the  dominant 
caste  or  if  not,  would  wish  to  adopt  its  idiom. 

I  shall  consider  the  five  linguistic  centres  in  turn,  pro- 
ceeding fit)m  East  to  West. 

1)  Catalonia. — ^This  is  the  centre  of  a  linguistic  province 
so  sharply  marked  off  from  the  rest  of  Spain  that  we  do  not 
have  to  r^ard  it  in  the  study  of  the  interrelations  of  Spanish 
dialects.  Catalan  speech  extended  southwards,  embracing  a 
large  part  of  the  east  coast. 

2)  Aragon  and  Navarre. — ^Unlike  Catalonia,  Aragon  had 
no  Trans-Pyrenean  connections  and  its  speech  is  very  close 
to  that  of  its  western  neighbor,  Castile.  In  the  march  of 
conquest  the  Aragonese  moved  to  the  southeast,  leaving  New 
Castile  to  their  western  neighbors. 

3)  Old  Castile. — ^The  kings  of  Castile,  in  their  triumph- 
ant progress  from  the  conquest  of  Toledo  in  1085  to  that  of 
Seville  in  1248,  that  is,  in  a  century  and  a  half,  carried  their 
speech  over  the  greater  part  of  the  peninsula.  The  linguistic 
province,  which  at  Santander  on  the  Cantabrian  coast  runs 
almost  to  a  point,  spreads  out  ever  wider  and  wider  towards 


OBJECT-PRONOUNS   IN   OLD  SPANISH.  31 

iiie  south^  taking  in  first  New  Castile  and  finally  all  Anda- 
lusia and  Murcia.  The  relative  uniformity  of  Spanish  as 
spoken  to-day  over  all  of  this  vast  area,  in  contrast  to  the 
divergent  vernaculars  of  other  parts  of  the  peninsula,  still 
bears  witness  to  the  former  unity  of  Castilian  speech. 

4)  Leon  and  Asturias. — ^Although  these  provinces  were 
tiie  cradle  of  the  Recanquistaf  their  dialect,  owing  to  their 
early  union  with  Castile  and  the  transference  of  the  seat  of 
power  to  the  latter  country,  remained  subordinate  to  the 
Castilian  and  was  not,  to  any  great  extent,  carried  into  the 
conquered  r^ons.  It  forms,  however,  a  connecting  link 
between  the  speech  of  Castile  and  that  of  Galicia,  having 
characteristics  in  common  with  each  of  them. 

5)  Galicia. — ^The  speech  of  this  province  difierentiated 
itself  markedly  from  the  dialects  to  the  East  and,  carried 
southward  into  Portugal,  gave  rise  to  the  modem  Portuguese. 
In  the  Middle  Ages,  however,  there  was  no  sharp  boundary 
between  Galician,  on  the  one  hand,  and  Leonese  and  Cas- 
tilian on  the  other.  In  spite  of  salient  phonetic  differences 
both  of  these  idioms  belong  to  the  same  Sprcu^hgemeinde. 
For  this  reason  it  has  been  necessary  to  include  Portuguese 
and  Galician  texts  in  the  present  investigation. 

The  point  of  the  preceding  discussion  which  I  wish  most 
to  emphasize  is  the  fundamental  character  of  the  East  to 
Wed  differentiation  of  the  dialects,  in  contrast  to  the  com- 
parative uniformity  of  speech  in  the  direction  North  and 
South.  This  has  an  important  bearing  on  my  thesis,  as  I 
hope  to  make  it  seem  probable  that  interpolation  is  a  phe- 
nomenon first  appearing  in  the  West,  gradually  extending 
towards  the  East,  gaining  a  foothold  for  a  time  in  Old 
Castile  but  &lling  from  Castilian  speech  when  the  centres 
of  political  and  literary  activity  were  shifted  eastward  from 
Old  Castile  to  New  Castile. 


32 


WINTHROP   HOLT  CHENERY. 


ALPHABETIC  LIST  OP  ABBREVIATIONS. 

The  Numbers  refer  to  the  List  of  Spanish,  Galician  and  Portuguese  Tezt& 


Abad  Juan. 

Alex. 

Alf.  Onceno. 

Amadis. 

Apol. 

Berceo. 

Laur. 

Loor. 

Milag. 

Millan. 

Missa. 

Oria. 

Silos. 
Buen  Amor. 
Oant.  Oant 
Cant  S.  Maria. 
Gay.  et  Esc. 
Gaza. 
Celest. 

ad. 

Gonsol. 

Contrib. 

D^bat 
Dial.  Leng. 
Diniz. 

Docs.  Alf.  X. 
Egipc. 

Egipc.  (Pg.). 
Enxemp. 
Est.  Troy. 
Eufros. 
Exenp. 
Fern.  Gon9. 
Filiberto. 


La  Leyenda  del  Abad  don  Juan  de  Montemayor  (22). 

El  Libro  de  Alexandre  (5). 

Poema  de  Alfonso  Onceno  (14). 

Amadis  de  Oatda  (21a). 

Ijibro  de  Apolonio  (3). 

Gonzalo  de  Berceo  (4). 

Martyrio  d€  Sant  Lauren^, 

Loores  de  Nuestra  Sennora. 

Milagro8  de  Nuestra  Sennora^ 

Vida  de  Sant  Milldn, 

Del  Sacnfi^  de  la  Missa, 

Vida  de  Sancta  Oria,  Virgen, 

Vida  de  Saneio  Domingo  de  Silos. 

V.  Juan  Ruiz. 

El  Cantor  de  los  Oantares  (7). 

Oantigas  de  Santa  Maria  de  Don  Alfonso  el  Sabio  (28) . 

V.  Juan  Manuel. 

V.  Juan  Manuel. 

Oomedia  de  OaUsto  et  Melibea,  etc.  (24). 

Poema  del  Cid  (1). 

Pedro  de  Luna :  Libro  de  las  Oonsolaeiones  de  la  vida 

humana  (18). 
Oontribugdes  para  um  romaneeiro  e  eancioneiro  popular 

portugtuz  (83). 
D&>at  duvinetde  Veau  (8) . 
Juan  de  Vald^s :  Didlogo  de  la  Lengua  (25) . 
El-Rey  Dom  Diniz  de  Portugal :  Das  Liederbtich  des 

Komgs  Denis  r.  Portugal  (29). 
Doeumentos  de  la  ipoca  de  Don  Affonso  et  Sabio  (9). 
Vida  de  Santa  Maria  Egipciaoa  (2). 
Vida  de  Maria  Egipcia  (31b). 
El  Libro  de  los  Enxemplos  (19b). 
Estoria  TroydLa,  etc  ( 30). 
Vida  de  Eufrosina  (31a). 

El  Libro  de  Exenplos  de  Climente  Sdnckez  (19a). 
Poema  rfc  Ferndn  Oon^dUz  (6). 
Vision  de.  FUibcrto  ( 17 ). 


OBJECT-PBONOUN8  IN   OLD  SPANISH. 


33 


Gian.  Gooq. 

La  Oran  Cbn^uuta  de  Ultramar  (11). 

Inf.  de  Larm. 

La  Leyenda  de  loe  JirfanteB  de  Lara  (10). 

J08& 

Poema  de  Joei  (16). 

Joan  MaoDeL 

Don  Juan  ManueL 

OtT.  et  Esc. 

El  Libra  dd  OavalUro  et  dd  Eeeudero  (12b). 

Ckza. 

El  LOfro  de  la  Oua  (12a). 

Patronia 

El  Lihro  de  loe  Enxiemploe  del  Oonde  Lueanor  ei  de 

BUronio  (12c). 

Joan  Raiz :  Boen 

Joan  Buiz,  ardpreste  de  Hita  : 

Amor. 

Libro  de  Buen  Amor  (13). 

Laar. 

V.  Berceo. 

Lazar. 

La  Vida  de  Lazarillo  de  Tormes  (26). 

Loot. 

V.  Berceo. 

Mand. 

De  loe  die*  MamdatmaUoe  (8). 

Milag. 

V.  Berceo. 

Millan. 

r.  Berceo. 

Miasa. 

V.  Bercea 

Oria. 

V,  Berceo. 

P.  d'A. 

Pohne  dP Amour  (8). 

horonia 

V.  Jnan  ManueL 

Perf.  Oisada. 

Luis  de  Le6n  :  La  Perfeda  Caaada  (27). 

Qoa^oDot 

La  Eetoria  de  loe  QwUro  Dotoree  de  la  Santa  Egleda 

(20a). 

Bimado. 

Pero  L6pez  de  Ajala :  lUmado  de  Palacio  ( 15). 

Bom.  8acr. 

Bamameee  aaeroBf  ora/^  e  enaalmoe  popvlairee  do  Minho 

(34). 

Bergaa. 

Laa  Sergae  de  Eeplandian  (21b). 

{^'lOH. 

V.  Beiceo. 

Soniudts. 

Souhaite  de  hierwenue  adreeeis  d  Ferdinand  le  CkUholique 

(23). 

Trad.  Ajor. 

Tradifde  popularee  a^orianae  (35). 

Traits 

EttraHe  d^un  TraiU  de  dhotiaa  (31c). 

Viag.  FantasL 

Viaggio  fanUuitico  inportoghese  (32). 

36  WINTHROP   HOLT  CHENERY. 

3)  Qucmdo  (modem  spelling  cuando)  which  is  employed 
to  symbolize  all  exordiums  other  than  que  or  si^ 
whether  conjunctions,  relative  pronouns,  or  relative 
adverbs  with  conjunctional  force.^ 

Still  anodier  variety  of  interpolation  is  found  in  the  case 
of  infinitives  governed  by  a  preposition.  In  this  construc- 
tion pronoun-objects,  the  negative  particle,  and  adverbs 
commonly  precede  the  infinitive,  standing  between  it  and 
the  governing  preposition.  Pronoun-subjects  and  other 
words  occasionally  occur  in  the  same  position.  Thus  the 
preposition  becomes  quite  parallel  to  the  exordium  of  a 
dependent  clause  and  the  same  varieties  of  interpolation  are 
possible.  These  ca^es  will  be  symbolized  in  the  same 
manner  as  the  others,  por  representing  any  preposition 
governing  an  infinitive. 

The  Appendix  of  this  article  shows  all  the  examples, 
in  the  works  or  parts  of  works  indicated,  of  the  categories 
defined  above.  Examples  of  normal  order  are  classed  under 
the  sub-heading  a);  those  of  interpolated  order,  under  6). 
Examples  of  normal  order  are  given  only  in  the  three  cate- 
gories first  mentioned  above  {noriy  bien,  yo).  Nominal  and 
multiverbal  interpolations  will  be  symbolized  by  two  blanks 
( —  — ).  The  pronoun-object  itself  is  symbolized  by  fo, 
which  will  be  employed  to  represent  also  the  combination  of 
indirect  and  direct  object  {ge  to,  etc.),  as  two  pronoim  objects 
form  a  syntactic  unit  which  is  never  broken.  The  categories 
of  interpolations  and  exordiums  are  combined  according  to 
the  following  scheme,  the  Spanish  words  having  the  symbolic 
values  defined  in  the  foregoing  paragraphs. 

^  Occasionally  a  word-group,  having  the  function  of  a  relative  through 
the  inclusion  of  quantOf  or  the  like,  stands  in  the  place  of  an  exordium. 
Interpolations  in  such  cases  are  classed  as  anomalous  in  the  Appendix,  but 
receive  special  mention  in  the  discussion. 


OBJEOr-PBONOUNS  IN  OLD   SPANISH. 


37 


Scheme  of  Classification  of  Illustrations. 


1.  a)  Que,  si,  quando  non  lo. 
b)  Qoe,  d,  quando  lo  non. 

2.  a)  Qoe,  si,  quando  bien  lo. 
b)  Que,  si,  quando  lo  bien. 

3.  a)  Que,  si,  quando  yo  lo. 
b)  Que,  si,  quando  lo  yo. 

4.  Que,  si,  quando  lo . 

b.    Anomalous  Examples. 

6.   InfinitiTe.    a)  l)Pornonla 
b)  1)  For  lo  non. 


Si.  3)  Quando. 

Si.  3)  Quando. 

SL  3)  Quando. 

SL  3)  Quando. 

SL  3)  Quando. 

Si  3)  Quando. 

Si.  3)  Quando. 


2)  For  bien  lo. 

2)  For  lo  bien.    3)  For  lo 


l)Que. 

2) 

l)Que. 

2) 

l)Que. 

2) 

l)Que. 

2) 

l)Que. 

2) 

l)Que. 

2) 

DQoe. 

2) 

JVbfe.~The  material  of  Nos.  4  (Berceo),  12a  (Gaza),  13  (Buen  Amor), 
17  (flliberto),  19a  (Ezenp.),  31  (Eufros.,  Egipc.  (Fg.)*  TraiU),  does  not 
exactly  follow  the  preceding  scheme,  but  is  arranged :  1.  a)  Que  non  lo. 
b)  Qme  lo  non,     2.  a)  Si  non  lo.    h)  Silo  non^  etc     In  some  works,  also, 

examples  of  cat^;ory  No.  4,  Que  lo ,  etc.,  are  combined  with  the 

anomalous  examples.  This  last  classification  was  adopted  tentatirely  dur- 
ing the  earlier  part  of  the  investigation.  Later  it  appeared  that  the 
division  into  the  categories  que,  si,  quando  was  not  organic.  Consequently 
It  seemed  best  to  modify  the  scheme  of  classification  in  such  a  way  as  to 
give  leas  prominence  to  these  categories. 


38  WDTTHROP   HOLT  CHENEBT. 


CHAPTER  I. 

INTERPOLATION   IN   CASTILIAN  WORKS  OF   THE 

XH  AND  XIH  CENTURIES. 

A. 

The  Poema  del  Cid, 

The  Gd  (Appendix,  No.  1)  is  the  only  monument  of  the 
zii  century  of  sufficient  length  to  afford  material  for  the 
study  of  interpolation.^  Examination  reveals  only  eight 
examples  of  interpolation,  distributed  as  follows :  two  of 
the  type  que  lo  non,  one  of  qucmdo  h  non,  against  nineteen 
of  giLe  non  lo,  three  of  si  non  lo  and  seven  of  guando  non  lo, 
or  three  to  twenty-nine  in  favor  of  the  normal  order  for  the 
first  category ;  one  example  of  que  lo  bien  to  sixteen  of  que, 
9%,  quando  bien  lo  ;  three  of  que  lo  yo,  one  of  si  lo  yo,  against 
four  of  que  yo  lo,  one  of  si  yo  lo  and  fourteen  of  qrw/ndo  yo  lo, 
or  four  to  nineteen  in  favor  of  the  normal  order ;  one  anoma- 
lous example :  qui  lofer  non  quisiesse,  v.  2993.' 

^  Fragmentary  specimena  of  Spanish  of  an  early  date  are  furnished  by  the 
works  named  below.  For  the  subject  of  interpolation  their  evidence  is 
entirely  negative. 

a)  J.  Friebsch,  Altspanische  Gloesen,  ZeiiMhr,  /.  rom,  PhiloLf  xix,  ss. 
1-40. 

b)  Egidio  Gorra,  Linffua  e  Uttemiura  Bpagnuola^  pp.  177-180,  183- 
184.     The  fragments  of  early  texts  in  this  work  are  reprinted  from  : 

c)  R  Monaciy  Testi  basso-latini  e  volgari  della  Spagna,  racoolti  per  an 
ooiBo  accademico  sui  primordi  della  letteratura  castigliana,  con  note. 
Boma :  Tipografia  del  Senato,  1891. 

d  )  Miderio  de  Im  Beyea  Magosy  Abdruck  von  G.  Baist     Erlangen,  1887. 

'  I  class  this  as  an  example  of  interpolation  because  proclisis  of  a  pronoun 
object  with  an  infinitive  when  the  latter  is  accompanied  by  a  modal  verb, 
IS  abnormal  in  Old  Spanish  texts,  especially  so  when  the  clause  is  negative. 
For  the  normal  order,  cf.  Oidy  v.  619  :  Los  moros  ei  Uu  monu  vender  non  loa 
podremos. 


OBJEGrr-PRONOUNS  IN  OIJ>  SPANISH.  39 

The  relatively  rare  occurrence  of  interpolation  in  the  CSd, 
when  taken  together  with  the  small  number  of  examples  of 
it  in  most  works  of  the  following  century,  leads  one  to 
suspect  that  the  phenomenon  is  not  a  feature  of  the  dd  in 
its  original  form  but  is  due  to  later  scribes.  The  metrifica- 
tion  and  text  criticism  of  the  dd  are,  however,  so  uncertain 
that  any  attempt  to  dispose  of  the  interpolations  by  establish- 
ing critical  readings  with  normal  order  does  not  seem 
warranted.  The  proportion  of  interpolated  subject  pronouns 
is  much  greater  than  that  of  examples  in  other  categories 
and  it  is  possible  that  some  of  these  cases  may  be  original. 
The  earliest  authentic  case  of  interpolation  that  I  have  met 
is  of  this  sort.  In  a  document  of  the  year  1206^  there 
occurs  the  following  passage : — 

en  tal  gaifla  que  aquelloe,  vasallo  6  vaealloe  de  la  Eeyna  Dofia  Beren- 
gaela,  &  que  los  ela  mandare  dar,  fagan  omenexe  primeramente,  op, 
dL,  pdg.  cxxxT,  1.  3. 

B. 

Metrical  Works  of  the  xni  Century  on 

French  Models. 

1.  Vida  de  Santa  Maria,  Egipcmca  (Appendix  No.  2). — 
In  the  1442  verses  of  this  poem  there  is  only  one  example 
of  interpolation : — 

por  poco  qne  se  mm  morieii)  t.  103, 

as  against  eight  examples  of  the  type  que  non  lo,  five  of 
them  with  the  pronoun  se.  I  think  we  must  attribute  this 
one  exceptional  case  of  interpolation  to  a  xrv  century  copyist. 

^Trmtados  de  Paz  entre  los  reyes  Don  Alfonflo  VIIL  de  Castilla  y  IX.  de 
Lete,  finnadoe  en  Gabreros,  Era  1244,  alio  de  1206,  sacados  de  eecritoia 
original  que  eziate  en  la  Santa  Iglesia  de  Le6n.  Fray  Manuel  Bisco,  Edr. 
EfliMfia  Sagrada,  t.  zzxri,  ap^nd.  Ixii,  p&gs.  cxzxii-cxl. 


40  WINTHBOP   HOLT  CHENERY. 

2.  lAbro  de  Apolonio  (Appendix  No.  3). — ^In  the  first 
half  of  this  work^  which  is  all  that  I  have  examined,  there  is 
but  one  example  of  interpolation  : — 

Fija,  si  T06  queredes  buacarme  grant  placer, 
Que  V08  yo  siempre  aya  mucho  que  giade^er. 

Sts.  166,  1-2. 

I  incline  to  think  that  in  this  case  the  copyist  anticipated 
the  words  yo  siempre  and  that  the  original  reading  was : 
Qiie  vos  aya  yo  siempre.^  The  poem,  moreover,  exhibits  not 
less  than  twenty-six  examples  of  the  categories  in  which 
interpolation  normally  occurs  without  a  single  case  of  it.' 

3.  GhnzaJo  de  Berceo  (Appendix  No.  4). — ^The  extensive 
remains  of  Berceo's  verse  afford  a  wide  field  for  the  study 
of  interpolation.  The  published  text  of  the  seven  poems  of 
Berceo  which  I  have  examined,  presents  fifteen  examples 
of  interpolation,  thirteen  of  non  and  only  two  of  subject 
pronouns.  The  examples  of  the  type  que  non  lo  outnumber 
those  of  qv>e  lo  non  three  to  one  (22  to  7),  and  those  of  »i  non 
lo  are  more  than  twice  as  frequent  as  those  of  si  lo  non.^ 
The  only  anomalous  example  is  : — 

Por  poco  se  non  riso,  taut  ovo  grant  sabor. 

MilUn  222,  4. 

^The  Terse  is  metrically  correct  and  it  is,  of  course,  possible  that  the 
interpolation  is  orig^al.  Another  hypothesis  is  that  Que  vos  yo  aya  repre- 
sents the  original  order.  Interpolation  may  have  begun  earlier  with  no9 
and  vos  than  with  the  other  pronouns,  since  the  former  do  not  have  distinct 
case  or  stress  forms.     This  will  be  discussed  in  another  chapter. 

'  Brief  mention  should  be  made  of :  El  Libro  de  los  Beyes  de  Oriente. 
Morencio  Janer,  Poetas  Castellanos  anteriores  al  siglo  xv.  {BibL  de  A%iL 
JESip.,  t  57),  p^  319-321. 

This  poem,  contained  in  the  same  manuscript  with  Apol.  and  Egipe,f  and 
written  in  Terse  similar  to  that  of  the  latter,  contains  no  example  of  inter- 
polation, but  it  is  too  short  to  offer  cTidence  of  any  considerable  Talue. 

'  These  figures  cannot  be  taken  as  final.  Compare  the  note  on  the  RiTa- 
deneyra  edition  of  the  Alezandre  in  the  lAtt  of  Texts^  No.  5. 


OBJECT-PRONOUNS  IN  OLD   SPANISH.  41 

I  incline  to  attribute  to  xiy  century  copjrists  most  of  the 
examples  of  the  types  que  lo  noUf  ai  lo  non,  in  Berceo.  For 
the  examples  of  the  type  ^ue  lo  non  I  cannot,  however, 
adduce  any  argument  for  a  different  reading  in  the  original. 
Granted  the  absence  of  synalepha  in  Berceo's  syllable  count/ 
the  normal  or  the  interpolated  order  is  indifferent  to  the 
metre. 

The  proportion  of  cases  of  the  type  si  lo  non  is,  we  have 
seen,  rather  higher  than  that  of  que  lo  non.  It  seems  proba- 
ble liiat  some  of  the  former  are  unoriginal : — 

1)  Qae  Af  non  quisieasen  quitar  de  la  foUia. — MilUn  283,  2. 

The  first  half  verse  is  one  syllable  short.  I  should  read  : 
Que  si  non  se  quisiesaen, 

2)  Sennor,  «t  not  non  sanas,  daqoi  nonqua  ixtiemos. — MilUn  327,  1. 
Si  no8  non  rales,  madre,  podemosnos  perder. — Loor.  223,  2. 

In  the  two  cases  above,  I  think  that  no8  partakes  of  the 
character  of  a  stressed  pronoun.  It  is,  then,  to  be  r^arded 
as  a  relic  of  earlier  usage  before  stressed  pronouns  employed 
as  objects  required  the  preposition  d. 

There  are  only  two  cases  of  interpolated  subject  pronouns 
in  gue-clauses,  as  against  thirteen  with  normal  order,  and  no 
case  with  si  as  against  eight  of  the  type  si  yo  lo.  The  first 
example : — 

Lo  que  lit  H  di9ia  fa^ieielo  probar.     Milagr.  726,  3. 

diould  be  compared  with  : — 

Qua  eUi  lea  dennaflse  oonseio  embiar.  Siloe  450,  3. 

Que  dU  Hs  mostnue  qual  debieasen  alzar.  Milagr.  307,  4. 

£q  el  sa  amor  sancto  que  il  la  en^ienda.  Missa  102,  3. 

Que  H  las  absuelva  de  todos  los  pecadoa.  Missa  269,  2. 

It  is  apparent  that  the  last  two  examples  lack  a  syllable. 

^F.  HanflKD,  My»od&nm  de  Vermf,  Oadellana,  pAgs.  6-8 ;  Sabred  HiatOf 
«tc,  pigB.  12-14. 


50  WINTHROP   HOLT   CHENERY. 


CHAPTER  II. 

INTERPOLATION  IN  CASTILIAN  WORKS  OF 

THE  XIV  CENTURY. 

A. 
Alfonso  el  Sabio  to  Don  Juan  Manuel. 

Although  the  greater  number  of  the  monuments  which  we 
shall  study  in  this  chapter  belong  to  the  xiv  century,  the 
period  embraces  documents  from  the  early  years  of  the  reign 
of  Alfonso  X  (1252-1284).  The  literary  monuments  of 
Alfonso  X  and  his  inmiediate  successors  are  classed  here, 
rather  than  with  the  xiii  century  texts  discussed  in  the  last 
chapter,  because  of  their  quite  different  standing  in  the 
matter  of  interpolation.  The  Court  of  Castile  in  the  latter 
half  of  the  xiii  century  was,  we  know,  influenced  by  Grali- 
cian  traditions.  Alfonso  X  cultivated  Galician  verse,  and  it 
is  probable  that  most  persons  at  his  court  were  more  or  less 
familiar  with  the  western  idiom.  To  what  extent  the  use 
of  interpolation  in  Castilian  texts  is  the  result  of  Galician 
influence,  it  is  difficult  to  say,  but  the  sudden  ap]>earance  of 
interpolation  as  a  regular  phenomenon  of  Castilian  writing 
in  the  reign  of  Alfonso  X,  compared  with  its  raritj^  in  works 
of  the  period  just  preceding,  points,  rather  unmistakably  as 
I  think,  to  an  outside  influence.  I  do  not  believe,  however, 
that  it  was  merely  a  literary  affectiition.  The  regularity 
with  which  certain  categories  of  interpolation  continue  to  be 
employed  by  all  sorts  of  writers  of  Castilian  throughout  the 
XIV  centur)-,  seems  sufficiently  to  indicate  that  it  was,  oi 
had  become,  a  phenomenon  of  Castilian  speech  as  well 
Even  so  it  may  have  received  its  first  vogue  from  imitatior 
of  the  Galicianisms  of  courtiers. 


OBJBCrr-PRONOUNS  IN   OLD  SPANISH.  43 

great  use  of  interpolation  in  the  preserved  text  is  only  one 
feature  of  the  dialect  with  which  the  original  text  is  overlaid. 
The  text,  as  published,  shows  twenty-nine  examples  of  the 
type  qite  non  h  to  seven  of  que  lo  non;  three  of  si  non  lo  to 
five  of  silo  non;  and  five  of  quando  non  fo  to  six  of  quando 
lo  non.  The  proportionate  number  of  interpolations  is  thus 
much  greater  than  in  the  text  of  any  xiii  century  work  pre- 
senting normal  Castilian  dialect.  Of  the  twenty-nine  cases 
of  the  type  que  non  lo,  fifeeen,  or  more  than  one-half,  are 
of  the  form  que  nol;  only  two  are  of  the  form  qu^  no  lo  and 
there  is  no  example  of  que  no  le.  In  the  cases  of  que  nol  it 
is  clear  that  the  Leonese  copyist  could  not  substitute  interpo- 
lation and  at  the  same  time  preserve  die  original  syllable 
count  except  by  writing  qv^  non  and  this  contraction  he 
seems  to  have  avoided.  With  the  pronoun  «€,  contraction 
{que  noa)  is  rare  in  Alexandre,  and  it  seems  not  to  occur  with 
me,  te.  In  ihe  great  majority  of  these  cases  we  find  the 
interpolated  order.  8e  is  contracted  once  with  non  before  a 
following  le : — 

Quenoa  le  retenfe  castiello  nin  ^iudat — Alex.  2S5,  2. 

and  twice  witli  qu£  in  non  interpolations : — 

Qne  tal  fijo  oaies,  qua  rum  totties  por  meior. — Alex.  334,  4. 
lidiaron  on  gran  dia  que$  non  podien  nen^er. — Alex.  600,  1. 

The  first  of  the  two  examples  above  has  one  syllable  too 
many.     The  following  reading  rectifies  the  metre  : 

Qui  tal  fijo  ooieSy  nos  touies  por  meior. 

There  are  three  examples  of  que  non  se  and  five  of  que  Be 
non.  8U  non  in  two  cases :  133,  4 ;  205,  4,  may  be  for  an 
original  «  nol,  given  the  frequency  of  que  nol,  discussed 
above. 

As  between  the  types  quando  non  h  and  quando  lo  non 
the  cases  are  pretty  evenly  divided.     If  in  the  verse : — 


44  WINTHROP   HOLT   CHENERY, 

Quien  It  rum  obedegiesse  fane  traj^ion. — Alex.  2471,  4. 

we  suppose  the  original  composer  to  have  written  qaim  nd, 
the  syllable  count  becomes  correct. 

Interpolation  of  adverbs  (other  than  non),  entirely  absent 
in  Berceo,  is  rare  in  Alexandrey  which  has  twenty-three  cases 
of  adverbs  between  exordium  and  pronoun-object  and  only 
four  cases  of  interpolation.     The  latter  are : — 

Era  muy  alegre  por^u^  lo  assi  ueya  onrrado. — Alex.  177,  4. 
SerUn  mas  leales  si  lo  ctssy  fezieres. — Alex.  48,  3. 
Ca  n  ^  bien  entendiesaes,  mucho  te  e8came9en. — ^Alex.  360,  4. 
Sennor,  9ieg06  se  uean  quantos  luw  mal  pegaron. — Alex.  2488,  2. 

The  first  example  is  too  long ;  I  suggest : — 

Era  se  muy  alegre  por  qud  yeie  onrrado. 

The  third  example  is  too  long  by  a  syllable.  An  emenda- 
tion, ca  sil  bien,  would  support  original  interpolation.  I 
prefer  to  think  that  the  copyist  added  ca  at  the  beginning  of 
the  verse.  In  the  two  other  cases  above,  nothing,  as  far  as 
I  can  see,  can  be  adduced  from  metrical  considerations.^ 

With  the  subject  pronoun,  interpolation  in  Alexandre  is 
comparatively  frequent.  The  ratio  of  the  interpolated  to  the 
regular  order  is  eight  to  thirteen.  (Compare  two  to  twenty- 
one  in  Berceo.)  The  interpolated  cases,  however,  seem  to 
offer  no  internal  evidence  of  a  normal  original. 

From  our  point  of  view,  the  most  remarkable  feature  of 
Alexandre  is  the  large  niunber  of  interpolations  of  a  kind 
common  in  western  dialects  (cf.  chap,  iv),  but  anomalous  in 
Castilian  of  any  period.  Thus  there  are  eight  cases  of  multi- 
verbal  interpolation  and  three  in  which  non  follows  the 
object-pronoun,  although  the  latter  does  not  stand  next  to 

^  In  the  fourth  example,  the  only  one  in  Alez,  of  the  adverb  mo/  occurring 
with  pronoun  objects,  one  is  tempted  to  write  mcd^efforon,  treating  it  as  a 
formation  parallel  to  maldeeir,  malquererf  maUraJtar^  etc  The  sense,  how- 
ever, seems  to  preclude  this  hypothesis. 


OBJBCT-PRONOUN8  IK   OLD  SPANISH.  46 

the  exordium.  If  Alexandre  comes  trom  an  Old  Casdlian 
original,  the  latter  can  hardly  have  possessed  many  of  the 
class  of  interpolations  which  we  are  now  considering.  Berceo 
has  only  a  single  example : — 

SimeloltLta. gratia quisieflse oondonar. — ^MilUn  SO,  3. 

I  think  that  criticism  of  these  examples  of  irr^ular  inter- 
polation in  Alexandre  will,  in  a  number  of  cases,  show  that 
the  present  form  is  not  original. 

I)  Siloyo  saber  paedo  non  me  lo  podri  lograr. — Alex.  34,  3. 

Merely  suppressing  me  in  the  second  half  restores  the 
metre.     I  propose  to  read : — 

Si  JO  saber  lo  paedo    non  lo  podra  lograr. 

I  justify  the  order  Infinitive — Pronoun  Object — Modal  Verb 
by  its  extreme  frequency  in  Alexandre,  Berceo  and  Old 
Oastilian  generally.^ 

2)  Nonca  te  falllr^    timeia  non  falle9iere8. — Alex.  362,  3. 

This  verse  can  be  corrected  by  reading  «  tu  nomfalle^iereSy 
but  as  the  contraction  nom  is  uncertain  for  Berceo  and 
Alexandre  and  as  the  pronoun  subject  is  not  expressed  in  the 
first  half  verse,  I  am  inclined  to  omit  it  in  the  second  also, 
in  which  case  we  have  «  me  non  (or  with  greater  probability 
si  mm  me)  fallegieres.     The  sense,  however,  seems  to  demand 

'  Examples  are  AUz,,  3,  1 ;  14,  3  ;  46,  4  ;  et  passim,  Cf.  Cic{.,  yv.  813. 
S90,  1071,  1298,  1416,  1620,  1951,  2168,  3011.  (See  Nils  Flaten,  The  Per- 
$omal  Pronoun  in  the  Poema  del  Cid,  Modem  Language  Notes,  xvi,  coL  72) . 
In  this  oonstmction  the  pronoun  object  is  not  attached  to  the  infinitive  (as 
errooeoualy  indicated  in  the  Gajangos  editions  by  the  introduction  of  a 
hyphen),  but  is  the  object  of  the  governing  verb.  This  appears  plainly 
when  the  phrase  is  negative  :  pagar  non  te  lo  podria,  Alex.,  36,  2.  Cf. 
Alex.  101,  2  ;  146,  2,  etc  Berceo,  Silos,  132,  4  ;  Millfin,  50,  4  ;  68,  1, 
etc.  De^iria  non  podremoSj  Silos  33,  4,  is  an  exception  and  is  probably  not 
original,  as  the  reading  of  the  manuscript  collated  by  Janer  is  de^r  wm  lo. 
Compare,  also,  the  note  on  the  edition  of  Fern,  Oon^.  ( List  of  Texts,  No.  6). 


48  WINTHROP   HOLT  CHENEBY. 

only  one  example  of  interpolated  non,  Si  los  non  doorryany 
530,  4,  as  against  eleven  of  regular  order  (type  que  ncm  h 
8 ;  91  1 ;  quando  2).  There  is  no  example  of  interpolation 
in  the  bien  category  and  only  one  case  of  an  interpolated 
subject  pronoun:  quanto  que  te  yo  digo,  238,  3.  In  the 
latter  category  there  are  five  (accepting  Marden's  readings, 
six)  cases  of  regular  order.  There  are  two  anomalous 
cases: — 

1)  Que  ge  la  conqueriTan    mas  rum  lo  byen  asmayan. — F.  Gonp.  132,  4. 

I  should  prefer  to  read  mas  bien  non  h  dsmavany  or 
perhaps,  pero  bien  not  asmavany  although  the  versification 
does  not  demand  any  change. 

2 )  Sennor,  dicho  te  he    lo  que  ie  denr  queria. — ^F.  Gonp.  344,  1. 

Marden  emends  the  verse  by  striking  out  te,  and  inci- 
dentally removes  the  anomalous  order.* 

C. 
Minor  Texts  of  the  xiii  Century. 

1.  El  Oantar  de  hs  Gantarea  (Appendix  No.  7). — This 
XIII  century  Castilian  version  of  the  Song  of  Solomon 
presents  only  two  examples  of  the  categories  in  which  inter- 
polation usually  occurs.  The  first  example,  si  non  te  connoces, 
cap.  1,  V.  7,  is  regular ;  the  second,  por  que  noa  aasi  coniurest, 
cap.  V,  V.  9,  shows  interpolation. 

2.  The  Pohne  d^amour,  Dihat  du  vin  et  de  PeaUy  and  IHx 
commandementa  (Appendix  No.  8  abc),  three  short  composi- 
tions preserved  in  a  xiii  century  manuscript,  show  no 
examples  at  all  of  interpolation.  This  might  be  expected 
from  the  fact  that  the  manuscript  seems  to  have  been  written 
in  Aragon. 

^  With  regard  to  the  position  of  pronouns  in  phrases  containing  infinitiyes 
with  governing  verbs,  see  the  note  above  to  Alex.  34,  3. 


OBJECT-PRONOUNS   IN   OLD  SPANISH.  49 


D. 


Summary. 

In  the  preceding  examination  of  texts  of  works  of  the 
xni  century  it  will  have  been  noted  that  in  them  interpola- 
tion is  relatively  rare.  I  have  attempted  to  prove  also  that 
in  die  texts  in  which  it  is  most  frequent,  many  of  the  cases 
of  it  are  not  original.  It  should  be  noted  that  interpolation 
is  most  firequent  in  those  texts  which  exhibit  western  traits^ 
and  entirely  absent  in  those  of  eastern  (Aragonese)  origin.' 
It  is  not  possible,  however,  to  maintain  that  all  cases  of 
interpolation  in  xin  century  works  are  due  to  copyists, 
because  one  or  two  cases  of  it  appear  in  xiii  century  manu- 
scripts.* It  was  pointed  out,  also,  that  the  early  occurrence 
of  interpolation  of  the  pronoun  subject  seems  to  be  better 
supported  than  that  of  other  categories. 


^Akz.,  and  to  some  extent  also,  Berceo.  For  traits  of  western  dialect  in 
tke  texts  of  the  latter,  see  Hanssen  :  Misc.  de  Versif,  Oastell.f  pdgs.  4-5. 

'P.  <jPA.,  Dibatf  Mand, 

'See  note  at  the  end  of  the  discussion  of  interpolation  in  the  Cid  and 
Cbnt  OanL 

4 


52  WINTHROP   HOLT   CHENERY. 

interpolations,  because  once  (p^.  221,  1.  11),  /has  si  h  uoa 
where  E  and  the  others  have  «i  uoa  h. 

The  groups  B  and  G  YTZ  are  apparently  based  on  texts 
with  fewer  interpolations  than  JEM,  although  the  places 
where  they  all  agree  in  a  normal  order  against  the  inter- 
polated order  of  EA  are  not  very  numerous.  Examples  are : 
que  lo  non  EA,  q.  w.  lo  all  others  (p.  266,  1.  11);  aun  qud 
eUa  quiera  E,  normal  order  in  IB  YTGZ  {215,  11);  qiie  uos 
yo  diga  EA,  all  others  suppress  yo  (223,  13). 

In  the  case  of  nominal,  multiverbal  and  anomalous  inter- 
polations the  discrepancies  of  the  manuscripts  are  much 
greater.  The  only  example  for  which  no  variants  are  given 
is  que  uos  esta  mi  carta  aduze,  218,  23.  In  five  cases  at 
least,  all  other  manuscripts  agree  in  having  normal  orders  as 
opposed  to  the  interpolations  of  EA,  viz. :  p.  228,  1.  10 ; 
228,  18;  215,  10;  225,  5;  225,  19.  (The  variants  are 
indicated  in  the  Appendix,  No.  10,  §§  4  and  5.) 

The  large  number  of  anomalous  and  multiverbal  interpo- 
lations in  the  text  of  Inf.  de  Lara  plainly  indicate,  I  think, 
Gralician  influence.  Manuscript  E  must  descend  from  one 
written  by  somebody  very  familiar  with  the  western  dialects. 
Whether  the  original  composed  for  Don  Alfonso  presented 
as  many  anomalous  interpolations  is  extremely  doubtful.  In 
those  cases,  at  least,  where  all  the  other  manuscripts  except 
EA  exhibit  a  normal  order,  it  would  seem  as  if  a  critical 
text  should  reject  the  interpolated  order.  It  is  possible, 
however,  that  the  original  was  written  in  Castilian  by  a 
western  writer  who  unconsciously  introduced  his  western 
syntax.  On  tliis  supposition,  E,  as  the  oldest  text,  has  pre- 
served more  of  the  original  interpolations,  while  the  other 
later  manuscripts  represent  redactions  that  tend  more  and 
more  to  conform  to  the  syntax  usual  in  Castilian,  and  so 
reject  the  interpolations  of  a  non-Castilian  character.  It  is 
difficidt  to  decide  between  these   two    hypotheses   without 


OBJECT-PRONOUNS   IN   OLD   SPANISH.  63 

evidence  for  or  against  western  influence  in  the  original 
drawn  from  other  sources  than  the  observation  of  inter- 
polation.^ 

3.  Gran  Oonquista  de  Ultramar  (Appendix  No.  11). — 
The  twenty  chapters  of  this  text  which  I  have  examined 
show  only  such  interpolations  as  are  quite  normal  for  works 
of  a  somewhat  later  date.  In  the  rum  cat^ory  cases  are 
equally  divided  between  interpolation  and  normal  order. 
As  the  edition  seems  to  be  defective  in  many  ways,  I  do  not 
think  it  safe  to  base  any  conclusions  on  the  examples  of 
interpolation  which  it  offers. 

B. 

Don  Juan  Manuel  to  L6pez  de  Ayala. 

1.  Don  Juan  Manuel  (Appendix  No.  12abc). — In  the 
works  of  Don  Juan^  son  of  the  Infante  Don  Manuel  and 

'  I  have  not  included  in  the  Liii  cf  Texts  the  greatest  monument  of  the 
reign  of  Alfonso  X,  the  Siele  PartidaSf  as  the  transmitted  text  bears  rather 
the  character  of  a  xrv  century  work  than  of  one  of  the  period  of  Don 
AlfoQsa  The  Siete  Partidas  were  promulgated  as  the  law  of  Spain  first  in 
1348,  and  the  manuscripts  which  have  come  down  to  us  probably  represent 
redactions  of  that  period.  In  their  use  of  interpolation  the  Siete  Partidaa 
stand  quite  parallel  to  the  works  of  Don  Juan  Manuel.  Below  I  give  a 
iommary  of  interpolations  from  the  beginning  of  Parlida  1  to  Partida  J, 
TUnlo  IVf  Ley  XIV  (pp.  1-62).  I  cite  page  and  line  of  the  edition  fol- 
lowing:— 

Los  Siete  Partidas  del  rey  don  Alfonso  el  Sabio,  cotejados  con  varies 
o6dices  antiguos  por  la  Eeal  Academia  de  la  Historia.  Madrid :  Imprenta 
Beal,  1807. 

1.  a)  Que  non  lo  :  6,  21 ;  11,  12  ;  54,  6.     Si :  23,  14. 

b)  Que  lo  non  :  13,  2  ;  24,  13 ;  26,  28  ;  28,  8  ;  34,  5  ;  42,  3 ;  52,  2  ; 
55,  31 ;  56,  4.     Si :  49,  25.     Quando  :  2,  14. 

2.  a)  Que  bien  lo  :  53,  16. 

b)  Que  lo  bien  :  5,  11  ;  13,  25 ;  15,  16 ;  42,  2  ;  55,  18.     Si :  15,  1. 
Qaando :  51,  6. 

3.  a)  Que  yo  lo,  etc  :  No  example. 

b)  Que  lo  yo :  2,  18  ;  4,  12  ;  8,  13.     Quando :  22,  5  ;  27,  6. 

4.  Anomaious :  quien  la  bien  recibe  como  debe  et  la  hien  guarda,  51,  6. 


56  WINTHROP   HOLT   CHENEBY. 

exordium.  The  interpolation  in  Patron, j  69,  9;  a  quanto 
jloxa  mente  voslo  el  rruega,  appears  to  be  a  corrupt  reading,  as 
all  the  other  manuscripts  agree  in  rejecting  el.  This  leaves 
only  one  example  of  anomalous  interpolation  unexplained : 
Et  alo  que  coaa  son  los  angelea,  fijo,  ya  voa  yo  dixe  que  .  .  .  • 
Cav.  et  Esc.  470,  6. 

As  has  been  stated,  I  regard  interpolations  of  other  forms 
than  those  included  in  the  first  three  categories  {nxm,  bien, 
yo)  of  my  classification  scheme  as  abnormal  in  Castilian  and 
as  almost  certain  indication  of  western  influence.  I  adduce 
the  works  of  Don  Juan  Manuel  as  representing  the  norm  of 
interpolation  in  Castilian  at  the  time  when  it  had  reached  its 
greatest  development. 

2.  Juan  Ruiz,  Archpriest  of  Hita  (Appendix  No.  13). — 
Examination  of  the  diplomatic  edition  of  the  Libro  de  Buen 
Amor  gives  the  following  results. 

In  the  non  category  there  are  forty-four  cases  of  normal 
order  to  thirty-one  interpolations,  distributed  as  follows: — 

que  non  lo  35,  si  5,  quaiudo  4. 

qu^  lo  non  26,  si  3,  quando  2. 

Manuscript  T  shows  the  interpolated  order  once  where  S 
has  the  normal ;  manuscript  (?,  on  the  other  hand,  in  eight 
instances  shows  normal  order  instead  of  the  interpolated 
order  of  S.  The  contraction  not  for  non  le,  rare  in  the  texts 
of  Don  Juan  Manuel,  is  rather  frequent  and  in  some  cases 
the  metre  demands  nol  where  non  le  is  written,  e.  g. : 

Achaquc  le  leuanta    por  que  non  le  de  del  pan,  93,  2. 

Contraction  of  non  se,  and  possibly  also  of  non  me,  appears 
to  be  demanded  in  a  number  of  cases.  Cf.  161,  3;  421,  4; 
623,  4;  731,  4.  Quel  non  (in  Don  Juan  Manuel  regular 
for  qvs  le  non)  occurs  once  (1129,  3)  and  there  is  no  instance 
of  que  le  non. 


OBJBCT-PBONOUN8   IN   OU>   SPANISH.  57 

With  other  adverbs  than  non,  the  normal  order  is  in  a 
marked  majority  (thirty-one  cases  of  normal  order  to  eleven 
of  interpolated).  Three  of  the  latter  cases  are  normal  in  the 
manuscripts  GT. 

In  the  category  of  subject  pronouns,  the  same  preponder- 
ance of  normal  order  is  visible  (twenty  cases  of  normal  order 
to  six  of  interpolation).  The  proportion  of  interpolations  in 
this  cat^ory  as  compared  with  that  of  the  same  category  in 
other  texiSy  seems  small,  but  there  is  substantial  agreement  of 
the  manuscripts,  G  showing  one  case  of  interpolation  where 
S  has  normal  order. 

There  are  only  four  examples  of  the  category  que  lo 

(Appendix  No.  13,  §§  10  b  and  11)  and  one  anomalous  inter- 
polation (1482,  2).  In  three  of  these  five  cases  of  irregular 
interpolation  G  shows  normal  order. 

A  critical  revision  of  the  text  of  Buen  Amor  might  change 
somewhat  the  proportions  of  normal  and  interpolated  order 
as  indicated  above.  A  rather  large  proportion  of  the  verses 
of  the  poem  are  metrically  imperfect.  Some  can  easily  be 
amended ;  others  require  considerable  changes  in  the  language 
and  it  seems  doubtful  whether  they  formed  perfect  alexan- 
drines in  the  original.  An  investigation  of  the  five  examples 
last  mentioned  shows  that  at  least  three  stand  in  verses 
metrically  imperfect : — 

1 )  Segund  U  dios  le  demostrafle  fazer  sefias  con  la  mono,  51,  3. 

Evidently  one  of  the  fe's  is  to  be  dropped,  and  the  reading 
ofG;  quales  dios  les  mostrase,  suggests  that  it  is  the  first 
one.    I  amend :  Segund  dios  le  mostrasefer  sefias  con  la  mano, 

2)  Con  lo  qud  dios  diere    paselo  bien  fermoso,  780,  4. 

The  first  half  verse  is  short.  Juan  Ruiz  may  have  written 
9U€  le  dios  but  it  is  more  probable  that  he  wrote  que  dios  le. 

3)  Quered  saljr  al  mando    aque  vos  dios  fizo  nasper,  917,  4. 

The  second  half  verse  is  too  long  but  is  difiBicult  to  correct. 


58  WINTHROP   HOLT  CHENERY. 

4)  Sbj  V08  lo  bien  sopieBedee    qual  es  e  quan  prepado,  732,  3. 

This  verse  is  metrically  correct  but  G  presents  the  reading 
»i  vos  bien  lo. 

5)  De  eso  que  vos  rres^elades    ya  vos  yo  aaseguroi  1482,  2. 

The  second  half  verse  is  metrically  perfect,  but  G  shows  the 
reading  yo  iioa  asseguro.  The  interpolation  in  S  may  be  due 
to  a  desire  to  avoid  the  concurrence  of  ya  yo. 

The  foregoing  makes  it  seem  probable  that  in  Juan  Ruiz, 
as  in  Don  Juan  Manuel,  interpolation  was  confined  to  the 
three  categories  in  which  it  is  normal  in  xrv  centurj^ 
Castilian. 

Criticism  of  the  cases  of  pronoun  subject  interpolation 
tends  to  diminish  still  further  their  number,  already  small : — 

1 )  Segund  quelo  yo  deseo  ....  684,  3. 

2)  .  .  .  .  ante  quda  el  asa,  1360,  3. 

3 )  .  .  .  .  ante  que  gelo  yo  digs,  1497,  2. 

4)  Pues  vos  yo  tengo,  hennana  ....  989,  4. 

Suppression  of  the  subject  pronoun  in  the  four  half  verses 
just  quoted  makes  them  regular. 

5)  Sj  vosyo  engafiare,  el  ami  lo  demande,  817,  4. 

The  reading  of  6r  is :  sy  yo  a  vos  engafiare.  ...  It  is  possi- 
ble to  posit  an  original  reading : 

Sy  a  yo6  engafiare    el  a  mi  lo  demande  .  .  . 

Yo  was  then  added  to  remove  the  ambiguity  of  the  first 
construction,  and  finally  ai  a  vos  yo  changed  to  si  vos  yo  in 
order  to  rectify  the  metre. 

From  the  forgoing  it  will  be  seen  that  the  exact  status  of 
interpolation  in  Juan  Ruiz  is  rather  uncertain.  In  the  trcms- 
mitted  text  it  is  very  much  less  frequent  than  in  the  courtly 
prose  of  Don  Juan  Manuel,  and  attempts  at  text  criticism  seem 
to  indicate  that  in  the  original  it  was  even  much  less  frequent 


OBJECr-PBONOUNS  IN   OLD  SPANISH.  69 

dian  in  the  text.  As  the  Archpriest  of  Hita  represents 
mther  the  popular  tradition  of  Castilian  than  the  courtly 
idiom  of  the  literary  successors  of  Don  Alfonso  the  Learned, 
infrequency  of  interpolation  in  his  verse  may  be  another 
aigament  for  the  attribution  of  interpolation  in  Castilian  to 
the  influence  of  western  dialects  on  the  court  speech.  It 
should  be  noted,  too,  that  Juan  Ruiz  lived  in  New  Castile 
nod  consequently  found  himself  locally  removed  from  the 
centres  of  western  influence. 

3.  Visidn  de  FUiberto  (Appendix  No.  17). — In  ^elAst  of 
Texts  I  have  placed  this  work  at  the  end  of  the  xiv  century, 
as  that  is  the  date  of  the  manuscript  and  there  is  no  indica- 
tion of  the  time  of  composition.  Found  in  one  of  the 
manuscripts  of  Buen  Amor,  its  treatment  of  interpolation 
leads  me  to  class  it  with  that  work.  The  text  is  too  short, 
however,  and  offers  too  few  examples  of  the  interpolation 
catteries  to  give  much  weight  to  such  a  determination. 

The  piece  contains  no  case  of  interpolation  of  non,  with 
three  cases  of  normal  order.  There  are  three  examples  of 
interpolated  adverbs  and  five  of  adverbs  in  normal  order. 
Two  examples  of  interpolated  subject  pronouns  occur,  and 
three  of  normal  order.  One  nominal  interpolation  occurs : 
«y  te  dies  crio,  53,  42. 

4.  Pero  L6pez  de  Ayala :  Rimado  de  Palaoio  (Appendix 
Ko.  15). — In  chronological  order  the  Poema  de  Alfonso 
(hceno  follows  immediately  upon  the  Archpriest  of  Hita, 
but  the  discussion  of  it  will  be  taken  up  in  ccmnection  with 
that  of  Hie  much  later  Amadis,  both  works  betraying  marks 
of  an  original  in  western  idiom. 

Of  the  Castilian  writers  whom  I  have  examined,  L6pez 
de  Ayala  is  the  latest  one  that  makes  any  considerable  use 
of  interpolation.  He  seems  to  represent  the  last  phase  of 
the  courtly  literature  which  began  with  the  Bey  Soldo. 


60  WINTHROP   HOLT   CHENERY. 

In  the  first  five  hundred  stanzas  of  the  Rimado  I  find  the 
status  of  interpolation  to  be  as  follows :  In  the  non  category, 
nine  cases  of  normal  order  to  three  of  interpolation ;  in  the 
adverb  category,  fourteen  of  normal  order  to  six  of  interpo- 
lation ;  in  the  subject  pronoun  category,  two  of  normal  order 
to  eight  of  interpolation ;  three  cases  in  the  category  Que  h 
and  three  anomalous  examples. 

From  the  above  it  will  be  seen  that  interpolation  pre- 
dominates only  in  the  case  of  the  subject  pronoun.  This,  as 
has  already  been  pointed  out,  is  the  species  of  interpolation 
most  general  in  Old  Spanish,  Juan  Ruiz  forming  an  excep- 
tion in  this  regard.* 

The  proportion  of  multiverbal  and  anomalous  interpola- 
tions is  rather  large,  but  some  of  these  cases  are  probably 
not  original  and  others  can  be  explained. 

1 )  Que  le8  yo  (iqui  dir4    ca  los  he  bien  usadoe,  63,  4. 

Suppression  of  yo  corrects  the  metre,  leaving  an  interpolation 
of  the  ordinary  type  que  lo  bien, 

2)  Salvo  obedien9ia    que  lea  leal  deuemoe,  236,  4. 

Leal  uninflected  can  only  be  an  adverb,  and  consequently  this 
example  also  belongs  in  the  category  qxie  bien. 

3)  Asi  les  Dio8  alucngue    los  dias  de  las  vidas,  229,  3. 

The  composer  probably  had  in  mind  a  construction  asi  que 
lea  dio8  ahiengue  and  omitted  que  for  the  sake  of  the  metre. 
Dios  is  the  oftenest  occurring  nominal  interpolation  and  is  so 
much  more  frequent  than  any  other  that  during  the  earlier 
part  of  this  investigation  I  put  it  in  a  category  by  itself. 

^  I  saj  that  this  sort  of  interpolation  is  the  most  general,  not  the  most 
frequent  As  the  yo  category  occurs  much  less  often  than  the  mm  category, 
the  actual  number  of  interpolations  is  usually  greater  in  the  latter,  but  in 
most  works  the  ratio  of  interpolation  to  normal  order  is  higher  in  the 
former. 


OBJECrr-PBONOUNS  IN  OLD  SPANISH.  61 

4)  Algiina  petition    e  la  turn  va  recabdar,  412,  2. 

The  second  half  verse  is  too  long.  If  instead  of  e  fci  we 
write  que  the  enjambemerU  with  the  preceding  verse  is  less 
violent  and  the  anomalous  interpolation  disappears,  thus : — 

Por  ende  non  se  qaexe    quien  a  Dios  va  rogar 
Algana  petition    que  non  va  recabdar.^ 


'  Prof.  J.  D.  M.  Ford  has  communicated  to  me  a  note  of  his  on  another 
example  of  anomalous  interpolation  in  the  Rimado : — 

Con  quien  yo  me  fasta  agora  de  todoe  defendf,  720,  6. 

Profenor  Ford  suggests  that  the  anomalous  position  of  the  object  pronoun 
is  due  to  metrical  necessity.  It  can  be  contracted  with  yo  (yom),  but  in  any 
other  position  spoils  the  verse.  It  seems  to  me  that  contraction  of  me  in  a 
text  as  late  as  that  of  the  Rimado  would  need  to  be  supported  by  other 
examples  before  it  could  be  accepted.  I  incline  to  think  that  yo  in  this 
veise  was  merely  repeated  by  a  copyist  from  the  preceding  verse.  Sup- 
preasiDg  yo  in  the  second,  the  two  verses  read : — 

(Pues)  a  tan  alto  Sennor    yo  so  acomendado. 
Con  quien  me  fasta  agora    de  todos  defendf. 

The  interpolation  then  remains  multiverbal  and  not  anomalous.  Professor 
Ford's  suggestion  of  metrical  necessity  remains  equally  applicable  to  this 
reading  also. 

I  have  examined  one  other  work  by  Ayala,  but  I  do  not  include  it  in 
the  Appendix^  as  I  have  not  copied  all  the  occurrences  of  the  several  cate- 
gories.   The  edition  is  entitled  : — 

£1  Hbro  de  las  aves  de  ca^a  del  canciller  Pero  L6pez  de  Ayala,  con  las 
glosas  del  duque  de  Alburquerqne.  (Pascual  de  Grayangos,  £dr. ). 
Madrid  :  Sociedad  de  Bibli6filo8,  1869. 

In  this  work  the  proportion  of  interpolations  seems  to  be  rather  higher 
than  in  the  Rimado.  They  are  all,  however,  in  the  regular  categories 
{non,  bierif  yo).  The  works  on  falconry  seem  to  be  largely  copied  one  from 
azK>ther,  and  the  greater  use  of  interpolation  in  the  Libro  de  la  Ca^a  than 
in  the  Rimado  is  probably  due  to  portions  of  it  having  been  adapted  from 
older  worics  on  the  subject. 


62  WINTHROP   HOLT  CHENERY. 


C. 

Summary. 

Enough  material  has,  I  think,  been  presented  in  this 
chapter  and  the  accompanying  jxulions  of  the  Appendix  to 
show  the  general  features  of  interpolation  in  xiv  century 
texts.  If  interpolation  in  xiv  century  Castilian  is  a  feature 
borrowed  from  western  dialects,  the  conditions  of  its  occur- 
rence are,  at  any  rate,  much  more  narrowly  defined  than  in 
the  latter,  as  may  be  seen  by  comparing  chapter  iv,  in  which 
Galician  and  Portuguese  texts  are  discussed.  Chapter  ill 
will  deal  with  texts  which  throw  light  on  the  chronology  of 
the  disappearance  of  interpolation  &om  Castilian. 


CHAPTER  III. 

SPANISH  TEXTS  OF  THE  XV  AND  XVI 

CENTURIES. 

A. 
Castilian  Texts  Showing  Occasional  Interpolation. 

1.  El  Libro  dc  JExenplos  jmr  A,  B.C.  (Appendix  No.  19). — 
Although  the  Paris  manuscript  (Appendix  No.  19  a)  is 
considerably  more  modem  than  the  Madrid  manuscript 
(Appendix  No.  19  b)  the  occiurence  of  interpolation  is  sub- 
stantially the  same  in  both. 

The  portion  examined  of  the  published  text  of  the  Madrid 
manuscript  gives  the  following  results :  In  the  non  category, 
eighteen  examples  of  normal  order  (type  que  non  fo  16,  «  1, 
quando  1)  to  two  interpolations  of  the  type  que  lo  non;  in 
the  bien  c*ategory,  nine  cases  of  normal  order  and  none  of 


OBJECT-PRONOUNS   IN   OLD  SPANISH.  63 

interpolation ;  in  the  yo  category,  five  of  normal  order  (type 
que  yo  lo  4,  «  1)  to  one  interpolation  (type  que  lo  yo).  No 
interpolation  occurs  outside  of  these  three  regular  categories. 

In  the  published  portion  of  the  Paris  manuscript  there 
are  in  the  non  category  twelve  cases  of  normal  order  (all  of 
the  type  que  non  lo)  to  five  cases  of  interpolated  order  (two 
of  the  type  que  lo  non,  three  of  »i  lo  non) ;  in  the  yo  cate- 
gory, five  cases  of  normal  order  {que  4,  «i  1)  to  one  of 
mterpolated  order  (type  qv^  lo  yo) ;  one  anomalous  example. 

Contrary  to  what  we  should  expect,  the  numerical  ratio 
of  interpolated  to  normal  order  appears  to  be  higher  in  the 
more  modem  Paris  manuscript  than  in  the  older  Madrid 
manuscript.  If,  however,  we  remove  the  category  si  non  lo — 
« lo  non,  the  ratio  becomes  nearly  equal  (for  the  non  cate- 
gory, Madrid  text  17:2,  Paris  text  12  :  2).  The  Paris  text 
shows  three  cases  in  the  «  non  lo — si  lo  non  category,  all 
interpolated,  while  it  happens  that  in  the  portion  of  the 
Madrid  text  examined,  there  is  but  one  case  in  this  category 
and  that  one  shows  normal  order. 

As  indicated  above,  the  Paris  text  has  one  example  of 
anomalous  interpolation : — 

Si  lo8  rum  amamos  e  los  non  honrramos. — Exenpl.  503,  19. 

The  interpolation  in  the  first  clause  is  reckoned  in  the 
«  lo  non  category  above.  The  interpolation  of  the  second 
clause  is,  I  think,  not  to  be  considered  as  an  independent 
example  of  anomalous  interpolation,  but  as  a  mere  repetition 
of  the  word  order  of  the  first  clause  with  ellipsis  of  siJ 

2.  La  Estoria  de  los  Quatro  Dolores  de  la  Santa  Eglesia 
and  La  Estoria  del  rey  Anemur,  etc.  (Appendix  No.  20  ab). — 
In  the  first  hundred  capita  of  the  first  named  text,  I  find : 

'  Q.  Quien  la  bien  recibe  como  debe  et  la  bien  guarda.     Siete  Partidas,  1, 
Tit.  IV,  Ley  6,  pdg.  61,  1.  6. 


64  WINTHROP   HOLT   CHENERY. 

Ist)  In  the  non  category,  seventy  examples  of  normal  order 
(fifty-four  of  the  type  qns  non  lo)  and  one  example  of  inter- 
polated order  of  the  type  que  lo  non;  2nd)  In  the  bien 
category,  four  of  normal  order  (si  1,  quando  3)  and  one  of 
interpolated  order  (type  que  lo  bien)  ;  3rd)  In  the  yo  cat^ory, 
ten  of  normal  order  (que  6,  «i  4)  and  one  of  interpolated 
order  (type  quando  lo  yo) ;  one  multiverbal  interpolation, 
que  lo  el  non. 

The  one  example  of  an  interpolated  adverb  is  only 
apparent.  Por  que  lo  nml  trayeaen,  11,  27,  should  read  por 
que  lo  maltrayeseti.  The  only  irregular  interpolation :  maguer 
que  lo  el  non  quisiesey  47,  6,  is  rather  a  combination  of  tlie 
types  qite  lo  yo  and  que  lo  non  than  a  multiverbal  interpola- 
tion in  the  ordinary  sense. 

In  the  Edoria  del  rey  Anemur,  although  found  in  the  same 
manuscript  as  the  preceding  and  translated  from  the  same 
Latin  source,  the  proportionate  number  of  interpolations  is 
considerably  higher.  In  the  non  category  there  are  twenty- 
five  examples  of  normal  order  (que  19,  si  3,  quando  3)  and 
three  of  interpolated  (que  1,  si  2);  in  the  bien  category,  two 
of  normal  (que-  1,  quando  1)  and  two  of  interpolated,  both  of 
type  que  lo  bien;  in  the  yo  category,  one  of  normal  order, 
commo  tu  me  echaste  (363,  41)  and  three  of  the  type  que  lo  yo. 

In  this  text,  just  as  in  the  Exenp.,  there  is  a  greater 
tendency  to  interpolation  of  non  after  si  lo  than  after  que  lo. 
In  contrast  to  the  use  of  Exenp.  and  Quatro  Dot,  interpola- 
tion predominates  in  the  yo  category,  placing  the  text  in  this 
regard  on  a  par  with  most  xrv  century  texts.  In  view  of 
so  marked  a  difierence  in  the  treatment  of  the  yo  categorj*^, 
it  does  not  seem  likely  that  Barlaam  and  Quatro  Dot.  are 
the  work  of  the  same  translator. 

3.  Leycnda  del  cibad  don  Juan  de  Morvtemayor  (Appendix 
No.  22).     The  text  taken  from  Almela's  Compendio  shows 


0BJBCT-PK0N0UN8  IN  OLD  SPANISH.  65 

foor  examples  of  interpolation  in  the  rum  category,  all  of  the 
ijpe  que  lo  iwm^  and  five  of  normal  order  {(jwe.  4,  9%  1).  In 
the  yo  cat^ory  there  is  one  interpolation :  mqor  que  lo  tu 
dizes  (12^  10),  and  no  occurrence  of  normal  order. 

The  text  of  the  popular  edition  of  the  l^end,  printed  in 
1562,  contains  no  example  of  interpolation.  Que  no  le 
dexasse  mviry  etc.,  p^g.  32,  1.  27,  is  the  only  passage  parallel 
to  one  in  Almela  with  interpolation  (e  qv^  lo  non  dexase 
6mr,  etc.y  9, 14 ;  vide  Appendix).  It  would  be  very  remark- 
able if  any  cases  of  interpolation  were  preserved  in  a  text  of 
the  latter  half  of  the  xvi  century. 

The  large  number  of  interpolations  in  Almela's  text  can 
hardly  be  a  characteristic  of  his  speech,  seeing  that  he  flour- 
ished in  the  latter  part  of  the  xv  century.  It  seems  safe  to 
assert  that  they  are  derived  from  the  source  whence  he 
derived  the  legend.  This  source,  according  to  Men6ndez- 
Pidal,  was  a  prose  redaction  of  an  older  Castilian  epic. 
There  is  nothing  in  the  character  of  the  interpolations  which 
betrays  Portuguese  influence.  They  are  all  of  the  types 
usual  in  xrv  century  Castilian.  The  number  of  cases,  how- 
ever, is  rather  small  to  make  the  argument  conclusive. 

B. 
Spanish  Texts  of  Aragonese  Character. 

1.  Poema  de  Josi  (Appendix  No.  16). — ^This  poem  con- 
tains no  examples  of  interpolation,  although  it  presents  a 
good  number  of  occurrences  of  the  regular  categories  and 
particularly  of  the  yo  category. 

2.  Pedro   de    Luna :    De   las  Conaolaciones  de  la    Vida 
humana  (Appendix  No.  1 8). — In  the  ten  books  of  this  work 

'  One  of  these  cases  is  not  taken  from  the  edited  text,  but  from  the  agree- 
ment on  it  of  three  manoscripts. —  Vide  Append. 

5 


66  WINTHROP   HOLT   CHENERY. 

examined^  I  find  in  the  non  category  eleven  examples  of 
normal  order  and  none  of  interpolated ;  in  the  bien  category, 
one  of  normal  and  two  of  interpolated ;  in  the  yo  category, 
none  of  normal  and  two  of  interpolated. 

The  occurrence  of  pronouns,  as  in  most  works  translated 
from  the  Latin,  is  rather  restricted.  At  first  sight  the  ratio 
of  interpolations  to  cases  of  normal  order  seems  too  large  for 
a  text  written  in  Aragon.  It  will  be  seen,  however,  that  all 
four  cases  of  interpolation  occur  in  quotations.  In  these 
cases  the  translator  may  have  availed  himself,  consciously  or 
unconsciously,  of  older  Castilian  versions  of  the  works  quoted. 
The  two  cases  of  the  type  que  lo  bien  are  both  a  quotation 
from  Saint  Gregory  in  the  same  words :  Los  males  que  nos 
aqui  apremien.  The  two  cases  of  the  type  qtie  lo  yo  are 
quoted  from  the  Old  Testament  (see  Appendix). 

3.  Souhaiis  de  bienvenue,  etc.  (Appendix  No.  23).  This 
poem  is  adduced  as  an  example  of  a  text  written  in  Castilian 
by  a  Catalan  or  Aragonese.  It  shows  no  vestige  of  inter- 
polated order,  but  its  evidence  for  absence  of  interpolation  in 
Eastern  dialects  would  be  more  satisfactory  if  its  date  were 
earlier. 

C. 
Castilian  Texts  Without  Interpolation. 

1.  Comedia  deCalisto  et  MeJibea  (Appendix  No.  24). 

2.  Juan  de  Valdfe,  Didlogo  de  la  Lengua  (No.  25). 

3.  Lazarilh  de  Tormes  (No.  26). 

4.  Luis  de  Le6n,  La  Perfeeta  Casada  (No.  27). 

These  texts,  covering  nearly  the  whole  of  the  xvi  century, 
show  not  a  single  example  of  interpolation.^ 

'  Still  earlier  evidence  for  the  disappearance  of  interpolation  is  afforded 
by  the  following  brief  text : — 


OBJECT-PRONOUNS   IN   OLD   SPANISH.  67 

The  Didlogo  de  la  Lenguaj  however,  deserves  special 
mention  because  it  is  probably  the  first  work  in  which  the 
phenomenon  is  noticed.  In  two  places  Vald^  mentions 
the  interpolated  order  or  adduces  an  example  of  it/  and 
&om  these  passages  we  gather  that  he  considered  it  incorrect 
and  antiquated. 

D. 

Summary. 

In  this  chapter  an  attempt  has  been  made  to  show  that 
after  the  close  of  the  xiv  century  interpolation  becomes  very 

Libro  de  Cetrerla  de  Evangelista  j  una  Profe9ia  del  mismo,  con  pr61ogo, 
▼ariantes,  notas  7  glosario  por  A.  Paz  7  Melia,  Zeitachr.f,  rom,  PhiloLf  I. 
bd.,  88.  222-246. 

This  text  is  published  from  a  manuscript  of  the  xv  century  in  the  BibL 
Nac.  de  Madrid.  The  author  flourished  in  the  reign  of  Enrique  lY  (1454- 
1474).    Following  are  references  to  the  cases  of  normal  order : — 

1.  Que  non  lo :  p.  233,  1.  21  ;  234,  5  ;  235,  7  ;  235,  16 ;  23S,  32  ;  244, 
12 ;  244,  30  ;  245,  20.     Si  non  lo  :  227,  19.     Quando  :  235,  11. 

2.  Que  bien  lo  :  227,  10  ;  227,  21 ;  230,  15  ;  234,  13  ;  234,  15.  Si  bien 
lo :  228,  5.     Quando :  227,  18. 

3.  Que  TO  lo  :  No  example. 

* ''  Pues  sabed  que  lo  es,  por  tanto  os  guardad  de  caer  en  el.  Y  tambien 
de  caer  en  otro  que  es  a  mi  parecer  aun  mas  feo  que  este,  7  por  esto  creo 
que  son  mas  loe  que  tropieyan  en  el ;  este  es  que  no  pongais  el  verbo  al  fin 
de  la  clausula  quando  el  de  SU70  no  se  cae,  como  hazen  loe  que  quieren 
imitar  a  los  que  scriven  mal  latin. 

—  Easo  nos  declarad  un  poco  mas. 

—  Digo  que  os  deveis  guardar  siempre  de  hablar  como  algunos  d^sta 
manera :  Siempre  U  bien  quite  7  nunea  te  bien  hiztf  porque  es  mu7  mejor 
dezir  Siempre  te  quise  bien  7  nunca  te  hize  bien,** — Pdg.  404,  IL  22-30. 

The  second  passage  occurs  in  a  discussion  of  the  6t7le  and  language  of 
Amadit  de  Oatda : 

**  Pareoeme  tambien  mal  aquella  manera  de  dezir  time  vos  prometeia  por 
sivM  me  promeieisj  7  aquello  delono  deseubrir  por  de  no  descubrirlo,  l  Que 
ospareoe  ddsto? 

—  Que  lo  aveis  considerado  bien,  con  tanto  que  a7a  siempre  lugar  la  dis- 
culpa  del  antigoedad,  la  qual  vosno  le  podeis  negar  deninguna  manera." — 
P%  7, 11.  7-11. 


68  WINTHROP   HOLT   CHENERY. 

rare  in  Castilian  texts ;  that  in  works  of  the  second  half  of 
the  xy  century  we  can  r^ard  it  only  as  an  archaism  inherited 
£rom  older  sources ;  ^  and  that  in  texts  of  the  xvi  century 
the  phenomenon  is  nearly  or  quite  absent. 

Works  written  in  Aragon  and  its  dependencies  are  grouped 
together  in  accordance  with  the  view  developed  in  chapter  ii, 
that  interpolation  is  a  feature  of  language  due  to  western 
influence,  one  which,  for  a  time,  obtained  a  considerable  hold 
in  Castilian  speech  but  which  can  hardly  have  reached  the 
provinces  not  in  direct  contact  with  the  court  language  of 
the  kingdom  of  Castile  and  Leon.^ 


^  AmadU  de  Oavla  would  naturally  fall  in  this  clafis,  but  on  account  of  its 
yery  special  character  in  the  matter  of  interpolation,  it  will  be  discussed  in 
connection  with  Oalician  and  Portuguese  texts. 

'  Instances  of  interpolation  are  not  entirely  absent  from  Aragonese  texts. 
In  the  Actax  del  Parlamento  de  CatalufUij  there  are  a  few  documents  written 
in  Spanish  among  a  much  greater  number  in  Catalan  and  LaUu.  The  legal 
style  in  which  these  documents  are  composed  avoids  the  use  of  simple  per- 
sonal pronouns  and  renders  them  ill-adapted  to  the  investigation  of  inter- 
polation.    I  liave  found  only  one  example  : — 

Afio  de  1409.   Convenio  celebrado  entre  don  Martin  de  Arag6n  y  su 

sobrino  don  Juan  2°  de  Castilla e  mandara  so  ^iertas  penas  a 

lo6  cogedores  et  arrendadores  de  la  dicha  quema  que  la  non  lieven  nin  cox- 
gan  nin  exiguan  .  .  .  (Colecc.  de  Documentos  de  la  Corona  de  Arag6n,  t. 
I,  pfig.  100,  1.  17). 

The  document  quoted  above  is  decidedly  Castilian  in  character  and  may 
well  be  the  production  of  a  Castilian  secretary. 


OBJBCrr-PRONOUNS   IN   OLD  SPANISH.  69 


CHAPTER  IV. 

INTERPOLATION  IN  GALICIAN  AND  PORTUGUESE 
TEXTS  AND  IN  SPANISH  TEXTS  DERIVED  FROM 
GALICIAN  OR  PORTUGUESE  ORIGINALS. 

Introducttory  Note. 

As  this  investigation  is  primarily  concerned  with  interpo- 
lation in  Spanish,  the  texts  discussed  in  this  chapter  have 
not  been  examined  with  a  view  to  writing  the  history  of 
interpolation  in  Gralicia  and  Portugal.  Only  enough  mate- 
rial is  presented  to  illustrate  the  peculiar  characteristics  of 
interpolation  in  the  western  idiom.  For  the  sake  of  con- 
venience and  uniformity,  the  nomenclature  and  arrangement, 
adopted  for  Spanish  texts,  are  followed  here,  although  in  a 
treatise  on  interpolation  in  Portuguese  a  somewhat  different 
classification  of  material  would  be  preferable.  The  cases 
classed  as  anomalous  in  Castilian  are  in  Portuguese  and 
Galician  hardly  to  be  called  so,  but  the  designation  is  allowed 
to  stand. 

A. 
Old  Galician  and  Old  Portuguese  Texts. 

1.  Alfonso  (X)  el  Sabio :  Cardigas  de  Santa  Maria  (Ap- 
pendix No.  28). — In  the  first  fifteen  cardigas  I  find :  1st)  In 
the  rum  cat^ory  one  case  of  normal  order  to  three  of  inter- 
polation ;  2d)  In  the  bien  category  none  of  normal  to  five  of 
interpolated ;  3rd)  In  the  yo  category,  one  of  normal,  none 
of  interpolated.  So  far  we  might  be  dealing  with  almost 
any  Spanish  text  of  the  end  of  the  xiii  century.  In  the 
next  category  (nominal  and  multiverbal  interpolation),  how- 
ever, we  meet  nineteen  cases  {qae  9,  »f  2,  quando  8).     Add 


72  WINTHROP  HOLT  CHENERY. 

the  non  category,  one  example  of  normal  order  (type  quando 
non  lo)  to  eighteen  of  interpolated  (yue  lo  non  15,  si  1, 
quando  2) ;  2nd)  In  the  bien  category,  three  of  type  que  hien 
lo  to  six  of  que  lo  bien;  3rd)  In  the  yo  category,  two  of 
normal  order,  type  que  yo  lo,  to  five  of  interpolated  {que  1, 
si  2,  quando  2).  The  proportion  of  nominal,  multiverbal 
and  anomalous  interpolations  is  not  so  high  as  in  the  other 
western  texts  examined,  only  eight  in  all  (nominal  four, 
multiverbal  three,  anomalous  one).  This  may  be  due  to  the 
feet  of  these  pieces  being  in  prose  while  the  others  are  in  metre. 
In  the  anomalous  example  : — 

Ay  amigoe,  que  mal  me  era  julgastes,  382,  37. 

the  object  pronoun  follows  the  adverb  mal.  The  tendency 
of  pronoun  objects  to  attach  themselves  to  adverbs  in  Portu- 
guese has  already  been  noticed. 

5.  Viaggio  fantastico  (Appendix  No.  32). — ^This  frag- 
mentary text  shows  relations  similar  to  the  other  Old  Portu- 
guese texts :  i.  e.  in  the  non  category,  no  case  of  normal  order 
to  four  of  interpolated ;  in  the  yo  category,  none  of  normal 
to  one  of  interpolated ;  in  the  nominal  and  multiverbal  cate- 
gory, four  interpolations  and  in  the  anomalous,  one. 

The  latter :  aie  que  as  pesaoas  as  nam  queirdo  ouvir,  292, 
2,  exhibits  the  inversion  of  pronoun  and  negative  particle, 
common  in  modem  Portuguese  anywhere  except  at  the  begin- 
ning of  a  clause. 

B. 

Notes  on  Modern  Portuguese  Texts  and  Summary 

OP  Characteristics  op  Interpolation  in 

Galician  and  Portuguese. 

Modem  Portuguese  Texts  (Appendix  Nos.  33-35). — ^The 
three  texts  here  examined  for  interpolation  are  based  on  oral 


OBJECT-PRONOUNS   IN   OLD   SPANISH.  73 

tradition  in  popular  speech,  but  the  usage  of  modem  literary 
Portuguese  in  the  matter  of  interpolation  seems  not  to  be 
materially  different.  The  relations  of  interpolation  to  normal 
order  and  the  distribution  of  categories  in  modem  Portuguese 
have  no  essential  bearing  on  the  investigation  of  interpolation 
in  Old  Spanish.  Consequently  I  shall  not  here  analyse  the  ^ 
material  collected.  It  is  enough  to  point  out  that  interpo- 
lation still  persists  in  Portuguese  in  all  the  old  categories ; 
and  &r  from  losing  ground,  as  Meyer-Liibke  seems  to  imply/ 
it  appears  to  be  gaining,  especially  in  principal  clauses. 

Before  passing  on  to  the  Spanish  texts  preserving  features 
of  western  originals,  it  will  be  well  briefly  to  summarize  the 
mam  features  of  Portuguese  interpolation.  These  were 
found  to  be: — 

1st)  In  all  periods  marked  predominance  of  interpolation 
in  the  non  category,  leading,  in  the  later  texts,  to 
frequent  use  of  the  order  lo  non  even  when  not  in  a 
dependent  clause  or  when  separated  from  the  ex- 
ordium by  other  words. 

2nd)  Predominance,  but  to  a  lesser  degree  than  in  the 
preceding  category,  of  interpolation  in  the  bien  and 
yo  cat^ories,  especially  in  the  latter. 

3rd)  Extensive  use  of  nominal  and  multiverbal  interpola- 
tion, this  in  marked  contrast  to  Castilian  usage. 

4th)  Numerous  cases  of  interpolation  in  principal  clauses, 
in  clauses  beginning  with  e,  mats,  and  in  dependent 
clauses  with  the  pronoun  object  following  some  other 
word  than  the  exordium.  Cases  in  which  the  object 
pronoun  follows  an  adverb  are  especially  frequent. 

■ 

^Zeilschr.  /.  rem,  PhiloLf  xxi,  s.  318  :  Es  ware  ein  interessantes  Unter- 
oehmen,  nachzuweisen  wie  viel  von  den  alten  Begeln  bis  heute  geblieben 
ttt,  die  Ausnahmen  in  alter  Zeit  zosammenzustellen  und  za  erklaren,  die 
•ilmahliche  Umgestaltung  zu  verfolgen. 


74  WINTHROP   HOLT   CHENERY. 

Castilian  texts^  as  we  have  seen,  confme  interpolatioii 
almost  exclusively  to  the  first  two  categories  above,  while  in 
Galician  and  Portuguese  texts  a  majority  of  all  the  interpo- 
lations are  apt  to  be  found  in  the  third  and  fourth  cat^ories 
above.  I  think,  then,  that  we  shall  be  justified  in  holding* 
a  large  number  of  examples  in  a  Spanish  text,  falling  under 
three  and  four  above,  as  an  indication  of  an  original  in  west- 
em  speech  or,  at  least,  of  a  writer  more  familiar  with  western 
dialects  than  with  Castilian. 


C. 

Castilian  Texts  Transcribed  or  Compiled  from 

Western  Originals. 

1.  Poenia  de  Alfonso  Onceno  (Appendix  No.  14). — Exam- 
ination of  the  published  text  of  this  work  reveals ;  1st)  In 
the  non  category,  one  case  of  normal  order  to  eighteen  inter- 
polations (type  que  lo  non  1 4,  si  lo  non  4)  ;  2d)  in  the  hien 
category,  eight  cases  of  normal  order  (all  of  type  que  bien  16) 
and  fourteen  of  interpolated  (type  que  lo  bien  4,  si  lo  bien  8, 
qiuindo  lo  bien  2) ;  3d)  In  the  yo  category,  three  of  normal 
order,  type  que  yo  lo,  and  two  of  interpolated,  type  qu^  lo  yo ; 
4th)  Thirty-four  nominal  and  multiverbal  interpolations  (gtie 
11,  ^  20,  quando  3);  5th)  Eleven  anomalous  interpolations. 

The  noteworthy  fact  to  be  gathered  from  the  preceding 
summary  is  that  forty-five,  or  a  majority,  of  all  the  interpo- 
lations are  in  the  last  two  categories,  while  only  thirty-four 
are  in  the  three  categories  which  normally  admit  interpolation 
in  Castilian.  Of  the  thirty-four  nominal  and  multiverbal 
interpolations  only  three  are  combinations  of  two  of  the  three 
regular  types :  si  fe  bos  non  1198,  4  ;  1350,  4 ;  si.  nos  el  noa 
1298,  4.  In  four  other  cases,  namely,  900,  4;  1955,  4; 
2199,  4;  2339,  2;  the  interpolation  consists  of  the  words 


OBJECT-PRONOUNS  IN   OLD  SPANISH.  75 

muy  bien.  All  the  remaining  interpolations  certainly  contain 
words  with  ftdl  stress.  In  five  of  the  eleven  cases  of 
anomalous  interpolation^  the  pronoun  object  follows  the 
word  iodos;  in  four  cases^  an  adverb  (nunca,  ayna,  luegoy 
menpre).  In  two  of  these  cases^  todo8  follows  the  exordium 
of  a  dependent  clause;  the  other  oases  are  in  principal 
clauses.  It  was  noticed  in  the  general  characterization  of 
Galician-Portuguese  interpolation  above,  that  attachment 
of  the  object  pronoim  to  adverbs  was  frequent,  both  in 
principal  and  dependent  clauses.     The  verses  : — 

El  fijo  de  Santa  Maria 

Le  non  mo6tr6  atal  plaser,  15S8,  3-4. 

both  contain  one  syllable  too  many,  and  the  construction 
with  unstressed  fe  at  the  beginning  of  the  verse  seems 
improbable  either  for  Castilian  or  Gralician. 

2.  Amadis  de  Gaula  (Appendix  No.  12  a). — Examination 
of  the  first  twenty  chapters  of  the  First  Book  shows :  1st) 
In  the  non  category,  thirty  cases  of  normal  order  {qtie  25, 
«  2,  quando  3)  and  sixty  of  the  interpolated  (qus  42,  »i  18)  ; 
2nd)  In  the  bien  category,  forty-three  of  normal  order  (qv£ 
40,  ri  2,  quando  1)  and  nineteen  of  interpolated  (<qv£  16,  «f 
1,  quando  2) ;  3rd)  In  the  yo  cat^ory,  twenty-nine  normal 
{que  26,  si  1,  quando  3)  and  twenty-one  interpolated  (qu^  8, 
«  9,  quando  4)  ;  two  cases  of  nominal  interpolation  (type  si  lo 
— ),  seven  of  multiverbal  {(que  5,  si  2)  and  four  of  anomalous. 

Interpolation  preponderates  only  in  the  non  category.  Just 
as  in  Alfonso  OncenOy  si  is  followed  by  interpolated  order 
almost  to  the  exclusion  of  normal  order.  Only  one  of  the 
multiverbal  interpolations  is  a  combination  of  two  simple 
types:  qv£  lo  yo  no^  28,  1,  24.  Of  the  four  anomalous 
interpolations,  one  is  an  interpolated  infinitive:  que  las 
defender  pueda,  32,  2,  32 ;  one  is  in  a  dependent  clause  with 
the  object  pronoun  following  an  adverbial  phrase,  si  a  mi 


76  WINTHBOP   HOLT  CHENERY. 

grado  lo  vos  sabreis^  19,  1,  21 ;  the  remaining  two  are  in 
principal  clauses,  one  following  an  adverb,  agora  me  no  peaa, 
34,  1,  14,  the  other  the  coordinating  conjunction  o,  6  me  t& 
guiarda,  39,  2,  33.  The  three  last  are  interpolations  of 
tjrpes  very  common  in  Portuguese,  as  we  have  seen. 

If  interpolations,  and  especially  interpolations  of  western 
type,  do  not  predominate  in  the  text  of  Am^adis  as  they  do 
in  the  earlier  Alfonso  Onceno,  we  may  attribute  the  feet  to 
the  castilianizing  hand  of  Montalvo.  Eather  it  is  very 
remarkable  that  so  many  of  them  have  been  preserved  by  so 
late  a  Castilian  redactor.  As  noted  in  the  preceding  chap- 
ter, they  attracted  the  attention  of  Juan  de  Vald6s. 

Turning  to  Las  Sergas  de  Esplandidn  (Appendix  No.  21b), 
Montalvo's  sequel  to  Amadis,  we  find  only  one  interpolation 
in  the  first  ten  chapters,  although  there  are  forty-one  cases  of 
the  three  regular  interpolation  categories.  The  one  example 
of  interpolation  is  multiverbal  and  is  probably  a  literary 
affectation,  viz. :  que  nos,  por  bien  y  reparo  de  los  suyoSy  suele 
dar  semej antes  azotes ,  412,  2,  41. 

Comparison  of  Las  Sergas  with  Amudis  proves  beyond  a 
doubt  that  the  latter  was  compiled  from  an  original  with 
frequent  interpolation.  The  number  of  interpolations  in  the 
nominal,  multiverbal  and  anomalous  categories,  while  not  so 
large  as  it  must  have  been  in  the  Portuguese  original,  is  still 
too  large  to  have  been  derived  from  a  Castilian  original  with 
interpolations  of  normal  Castilian  types. 

CHAPTER  V. 

PRONOUN  ORDER  IN  LATIN  TEXTS. 

[This  chapter,  dealing  with  Pronoun  Order  in  the  Vulgar 
Latin  of  the  Peregrinaiio  S.  Silviae  and  of  certain  Hispanic 
Latin  texts  found  in  the  Espafla  Sagrada,  it  has  seemed  best 
to  omit  in  the  present  publication.] 


OBJBCrr-PBONOUNS  IN  OLD  SPANISH.  77 


F^ARX    TWO. 


THEORETICAL  DISCUSSION. 

Introductory  Note. 

The  theoretical  exposition  of  interpolation  presented  in  the 
following  pages  is  not  intended  as  a  final  solution  of  the 
problem.  The  paucity  of  scientifically  co5rdinated  data  on 
problems  of  word  order  in  the  Romance  Languages  exacts 
that  any  theoretical  exposition  like  the  following  be  r^arded 
as  merely  tentative. 

CHAPTER  VI. 

THEORY  OF  PRBOTIVE  ENCLLSIS  OF  OBJECT 

PRONOUNS. 

I  shall  discuss  in  this  chapter  the  theory  of  the  position  of 
enclitic  words,  advanced  for  ancient  Indo-European  languages 
by  WackemageP  and  Delbriick*  and  applied  to  Vulgar 
Latin  and  primitive  Romance  dialects  by  Thumeysen  *  and 
Meyer-Lubke.* 

'  J.  Wackernagel :  Ueber  ein  Gesetz  der  idg.  Wortstellung.  Idg,  Forach, 
Lbs.  333-436. 

*R  Delbruck  :  VergL  Syntax  der  idg.  Sprachen.  I.  Bd.,  a.  475;  ui. 
Bd.,  as.  41,  50. 

*  R  Thameysen  :  Zar  Stelloog  des  Verbuma  im  Afrz.  Zeiisekr,  /.  rom. 
PkiLxvi.m.  289-307. 

*W.  MejeivLubke:  Zur  Stellung  der  tonlosen  Objektspronomina. 
Zeiisekr.  /.  rom,  PhiloL  xxi.  ss.  313-334.  Orammatik  der  rom,  Sprachen.  ni. 
BA,  a8.764ff. 

Just  as  the  galley  proofs  of  this  article  are  going  back  to  the  printer,  my 
Attention  has  been  called  to  the  following  work  :  Elise  Richter,  Zur  ErU- 
^Bidcbmg  der  romamMieii  WortsteUung  ous  der  laieiniseken  ( Halle  a.  S.  :  Max 


78  WINTHROP   HOLT   CHENERY. 

Briefly  stated,  and  omitting  details  irrelevant  to  our  dis- 
cussion, the  theory  is  as  follows.  The  first  word  of  a  sent- 
ence or  clause  is  strongly  stressed.  Unstressed  words,  t.  e. 
particles  and  pronouns,  tend  to  become  enclitic  to  the  first 
stressed  word  (exordium)  of  the  clause,  and  this,  because  the 
rhythm  of  speech  causes  the  weakest  accent  of  the  clause  to 
be  found  immediately  after  the  strongest.  Hence  the  weak- 
est words  naturally  gravitate  to  the  jK)sition  immediately 
after  the  initial  accent  of  the  clause,  the  first  stressed  word. 

According  to  this  theory  the  pronoun  objects  were  always 
enclitic  in  Latin  and  generally  enclitic  to  the  initial  word  of 
the  clause.  The  change  from  the  enclitic  position,  postulated 
for  Vulgar  Latin,  to  the  proclitic  position  with  the  verb, 
observed  in  the  Romance  Languages,  is  accounted  for  by  the 
shifting  of  the  position  of  the  verb  from  the  end  of  the  clause 
to  the  second  place.  This  shift  of  the  verb  is  held  to  be  due 
to  analogy  with  ease,  which  in  classical  Latin  preferred  the 
second  place.  Habere,  reduced  to  the  fimction  of  an  auxili- 
ary, naturally  fell  into  the  same  category  with  esse.  Second- 
place  position  of  the  verb,  made  conmion  through  the  increas- 
ing use  of  compound  tenses  (perfects  and  passives),  then 
became  generalized  for  all  verbs.  From  this  it  resulted  that 
the  verb  came  to  stand  immediately  after  the  pronoun  object, 
enclitic  to  the  first  member  of  the  clause.  The  close  syntac- 
tical connection  of  verb  and  object  then  caused  the  pronoun 
to  be  regarded  as  proclitic  to  its  verb  rather  than  enclitic  to 
the  preceding  word,  and  in  this  way  grew  up  the  inseparable 
connection  of  verb  and  unstressed  pronoun  object,  general  in 
the  Romance  Languages. 

Niemejer,  1903).  I  find  no  reference  to  interpolation  in  this  work,  but  I 
discover  that  in  the  criticism  of  the  Thumeysen  and  Meyei>Lubke  theories 
of  Romance  word-order,  discussed  in  this  chapter,  the  author  has  antici- 
pated me  on  a  number  of  points  ;  notably  in  rejecting  the  theory  of  strong 
stress  on  the  initial  word  of  a  sentence  or  clause  in  Latin  (op,  ciL,  ss. 
38  fiL),  and  in  postulating  for  the  Komanoe  sentence  or  clause  a  strong  end 
stress  (88.  83 ff.). 


OBJECT-PRONOUNS   IN   OLD   SPANISH.  79 

The  interpolated  order,  foand  in  Portuguese  and  Old 
Spanish,  is  regarded  as  a  striking  confirmation  of  the  theory 
of  original  enclisis  of  the  object  pronoun.  Meyer-Liibke  has 
no  hesitation  in  pronouncing  it  a  relic  of  the  original  order, 
oniveraal  in  Vulgar  Latin.  In  spite  of  the  fact  that  so 
eminent  a  scholar  as  Meyer-Liibke  regards  the  argument 
for  original  enclisis  in  Vulgar  Latin  as  conclusive  and  "  in 
die  Augen  springend/'  I  think  that  it  can  be  shown  to  be 
open  to  several  objections. 

In  the  first  place,  the  theory  postulates  a  strong  initial 
stress.  Are  we  justified  in  assuming  that  in  Classic  and 
Vulgar  Latin  the  first  word  of  a  sentence  or  clause  was 
specially  emphatic  or  stressed?  Latin  phonology  has  demon- 
strated that  in  prehistoric  Latin  the  first  syllable  of  a  word 
bore  the  main  stress,  and  the  treatment  of  initial  syllables  in 
Romance  phonology  shows  that  afler  the  stress  in  Latin  was 
shifted  towards  the  end  of  the  word  the  initial  syllable  con- 
tinued to  preserve  a  secondary  stress.  This  may  be  a  reason 
why  unstressed  words  are  avoided  aft^r  a  pause.  On  the 
other  hand  it  hardly  seems  probable  that  et,  uel,  »i,  ne,  and 
other  monosyllables,  used  freely  to  introduce  clauses,  were 
often  stressed.  There  seems  to  be  no  inherent  rhythmical 
impossibility  in  beginning  a  clause  with  any  weak  word.  If 
certain  classes  of  weak  words  are  always  used  as  enclitics,  I 
thmk  it  is  due  to  inherited  habit  rather  than  to  rhythmical 
necessity.^ 

It  seems  to  me,  also,  that  the  radical  difference  between 
the  early   Latin   accentuation   with  initial   stress   and   the 

*  The  UDStressed  pronoan  continues  to  be  avoided  after  a  pause  until  late 
in  the  Bomanoe  period,  but  the  article,  an  unstressed  word  of  later  form- 
fttioQ,  knows  no  such  rule.  Prevalence  of  initial  stress  in  primitive  Latin 
might  engender  a  kind  of  trochaic  sentence  rhythm  unfavorable  to  initial 
Qse  of  weak  words.  In  English  and  Grerman,  however,  although  the  word 
fltm  is  prevailinglj  initial,  all  sorts  of  weak  words  (articles,  prepositions, 
coojonciions)  are  used  after  a  pause  with  entire  freedom. 


80  WINTHROP   HOLT  CHENERY. 

Classic  and  Vulgar  Latin  stress,  always  on  the  penolt  or 
antepenult,  ought  to  be  considered.  The  later  accentuation 
seems  to  be  more  favorable  to  the  development  of  proclisis 
than  of  enclisis.  When  in  the  Romance  languages  two 
stressed  words  are  brought  into  close  syntactical  connection, 
it  is  always  the  first  that  suffers  diminution  of  its  stress,  e.  g,y 
vuMro  hermdrw  but  Iiermctno  vu^tro,  buhi  amigo  but  amlgo 
bu&nOy  htnws  de  habldr  and  hahlarimos  (habldr  himos). 
Evidence  of  the  same  tendency  in  Latin  is  probably  to  be 
seen  in  the  formation  of  improper  compounds  such  as  pater- 
familias,  msiurandumj  etc.  When  today  the  priest  pro- 
nounces the  liturgical  salutation  as  Dbminus  vobiscuniy  he 
is  probably  following  ancient  usage,  although  logically  he 
ought  to  say  D6minus  voblscurriy  The  L6rd  be  with  you.  The 
Gr^orian  chant  seems  to  me  to  be  another  evidence  of 
tendency  in  later  Latin  to  throw  the  stress  on  the  final  part 
of  a  word  group,  for  I  think  that,  in  Latin,  musical  accent 
and  expiratory  stress  went  together.  In  the  Gregorian 
tones,  the  level  intonation  of  the  colon  with  a  musical 
cadence  on  the  final  stress  group,  is,  I  think,  merely  a  fiir- 
ther  development  of  the  phrase  accent  employed  by  the 
Eomans  in  reading  and  reciting.  Something  very  like  it  is 
observable  in  the  cries  of  Spanish  street  venders. 

I  have  discussed  at  some  length  the  tendency  of  Latin  and 
Romance  to  shift  the  stress  from  the  first  to  the  last  part  of 
a  phrase  or  word  group,  that  is,  a  tendency  away  from 
enclisis  and  towards  proclisis,  because  to  my  mind  it  proves 
that  there  is  no  inherent  reason  why  pronouns  in  Latin 
should  be  enclitic  rather  than  proclitic.  If  pronouns  in 
Latin  continued  to  be  prevailingly  enclitic,  it  must  have 
been  due  to  inherited  custom. 

An  extended  investigation  of  the  position  of  pronoun 
objects  in  Latin  does  not  fall  within  the  scope  of  this 
article.     As  far  as  I  have  been  able  to  observe,  however,  it 


OBJBCrr-PKONOUNS   IN   OLD   SPANISH.  81 

does  not  seem  to  me  that,  either  in  Classical  Latin  or  in 
texts  of  a  Vulgar  type,  pronoun  objects  have  any  such  un- 
mistakable tendency  to  follow  the  first  member  or  stressed 
word  of  a  clause  as  to  warrant  the  statement  that  this  position 
is  the  r^ular  one  and  that  the  pronouns  are  always  enclitics. 
If  enclisis,  and  especially  enclisis  to  the  first  member  of  the 
clause,  was  a  universal  trait  of  Vulgar  Latin,  it  is  rather 
remarkable  that  neither  in  the  oldest  monuments  nor  in  the 
multifiirious  dialects  of  Romance  is  there  any  occurrence  of 
mterpolation  of  which  we  have  any  notice,  except  only  in  the 
Iberian  Peninsula. 

From  the  general  usage  of  the  older  forms  of  the  Romance 
Languages,  all  of  which  agree  in  making  the  pronoun  enclitic 
whenever  the  verb  is  the  first  member  of  the  clause,  we 
should  expect  Vulgar  Latin  also  to  avoid  placing  the  un- 
sta-essed  pronoun  in  initial  position.^  Further  than  this  we 
can  hardly  go. 

The  testimony  of  Portuguese  and  Old  Spanish  word  order 
for  universal  enclisis  in  Vulgar  Latin  is  rendered  weaker  by 
another  consideration.  In  these  idioms,  the  pronoim  object, 
when  separated  from  its  verb,  almost  invariably  follows  the 
exordium  of  a  dependent  clause.  Now  these  exordiums,  in 
most  cases,  can  hardly  be  other  than  words  with  weak  stress. 

*A  number  of  early  Latin  hymns  begin  with  object  pronouns,  e.  g.y  the 
compline  hjmn : — 

Te  lucis  ante  terminum 
Rerum  Creator  poscimus, 

but  in  these  cases  the  pronoun  is  probably  stressed,  as  there  is  always  a 
vocative  or  accusative  noun  in  apposition. 

Avoidance  of  proclitic  pronouns  at  the  beginning  of  a  clause  is,  we  have 
nid,  a  phenomenon  of  customary  usage,  not  of  rhythmical  necessity.  The 
definite  article,  proclitic  in  every  Romance  idiom  except  Roumanian,  shows 
fmn  its  phonological  development  that  it  was  just  as  much  an  unstressed 
▼ord  as  the  object  pronoun,  but  there  was  no  hesitation  in  using  it  at  the 
beginning  of  clauses. 

6 


82  WINTHBOP   HOLT   CHENEBY. 

Like  personal  pronouns,  they  have  no  independent  existence 
but  occur  only  in  close  connection  with  other  words.  Per- 
sonal pronouns  are  symbols  standing  for  names  easily 
inferred ;  similarly,  exordiums  of  dependent  clauses  are 
symbols  of  readily  inferred  relations.  In  neither  case  is 
stress  logically  necessary.  In  Portuguese  the  object  pro- 
noun frequently  follows  6(<),  mais,  copulative  conjunctions 
which  must  be  regarded  as  among  the  weakest  of  all  words.* 

The  point  I  wish  to  make  is  that  the  exordium,  being 
oonmionly  a  word  with  weakened  stress  and  standing  very 
often  afl:er  a  pause,  logical  or  respiratory,  partakes  of  the 
nature  of  a  proclitic  rather  than  an  enclitic,  especially  in 
the  Romance  sentence  with  its  tendency  to  ascending  rhythm, 
already  discussed.  If  it  be  granted,  then,  that  the  sentence 
rhythm  of  Vulgar  Latin  was  such  as  to  fisivor  the  formation 
of  proclisis  rather  than  enclisis  and  that  in  dependent  clauses 
the  verb  was  more  strongly  stressed  than  the  exordium,  it 
will  scarcely  be  granted  that  the  object  pronoun  was  always 
enclitic  to  the  exordium  rather  than  proclitic  to  the  verb. 

Another  argument  for  the  proclitic  character  of  the  pro- 
noun object  in  primitive  Komance  is  to  be  found,  I  think,  in 
the  word  order  observed  when  the  verb  is  accompanied  by 
the  negative  non.  The  order  Negative — Pronoun — Verb  is 
well-nigh  universal  in  the  Romance  Languages.     The  nega- 

'Meyer-Liibke  {ZeUdch,  /.  rom,  PhiloLy  xxi,  s.  320)  obviates  this  diffi- 
culty by  aasuming  that  que  after  a  pause  had  a  secondary  stress,  strong  enough 
to  attract  an  enclitic  pronoun.  Et,  on  the  otlier  hand,  was,  in  his  view, 
entirely  unstressed,  but  itself  was  enclitic  to  the  last  word  of  the  preceding 
clause.  Modem  Spanish  y  for  older  e  offers  evidence  of  the  enclitic  char- 
acter of  the  conjunction. 

As  Meyer-Liibke  suggests,  modem  y  may  have  developed  from  e  in  such 
collocations  as  padre  e  madre,  but  when  it  is  used  to  connect  clauses  there 
must  commonly  be  some  pause,  and,  in  any  case,  the  conjunction  belongs 
to  the  second  clause  ;  it  cannot  then  be  enclitic  No  Old  Spanish  poet  ever 
thought  of  ending  a  verse  with  e(/),  but  as  a  verse  beginning  it  is  common 
enough. 


OBJECr-PBONOUNS  IN  OLD   8PAM18H.  83 

s 

tive  is  a  word  tending  to  weakened  stress,  but  unlike  the 

peiBDDal  pronouns  is  not  entirely  unstressed.     The  fact  that 

io  cases  with  pronoun  objects,  it  does  not  stand  next  to 

the  verb,  in  spite  of  its  close  syntactical  connection  with  the 

latter  and  of  the  universal  tendency  of  the  Indo-European 

languages  to  place  it  in  direct  connection,  shows  that  the 

weaker  pronoun  is  proclitic.     On  the  hypothesis  of  enclisis 

the  pronoun  would  either  follow  the  verb  or  seek  the  support 

of  some  other   word  stronger  than  the  negative.     If  the 

pronoun  was  always  enclitic  in  vulgar  Latin,   we  should 

expect  to  find  vestiges  of  one  or  both  of  the  arrangements 

just  defined  in  other  Komance  idioms  than  Portuguese  and 

Old  Spanish  and  there,  not  alone  in  dependent  clauses  but 

m  others  as  well.^ 

Still  another  mode  of  approaching  the  question  of  original 
enclisis  or  proclisis  in  Vulgar  Latin  and  primitive  Romance 
personal  jHronouns  is  afibrded  by  the  phonetic  development 
(^  the  pronouns  themselves  in  the  several  idioms.  Here 
again  the  evidence  for  universal  enclisis  in  Vulgar  Latin  is 
entirely  inconclusive.  The  best  case  for  enclisis  in  the  pro- 
fioon  can  probably  be  made  from  the  comparison  of  the 
article  t/(fe)  =  Span,  el  with  the  pronoun  {it)lu{m)  =  Span.  fo. 
The  preservation  of  the  initial  vowel  in  the  proclitic  article 

'  I  infer  that  the  negative  commonly  bears  some  stress  from  the  fact  that 
in  Isngnages  where  it  has  been  weakened  to  a  mere  enclitic  or  proclitic  it  is 
uoally  leinforoed  by  the  addition  of  another  word.  Spanish  and  Italian 
pvaenre  the  Latin  negative  intact  ( the  former  merely  dropping  the  final 
eofuooant)  and  express  negation  without  the  concurrence  of  any  other 
word.  The  French,  on  the  other  hand,  have  to  say:  je  n^aimepasj  etc. 
In  English  not  is  reduced  to  an  enclitic  and  then,  except  with  auxiliary  and 
Biodal  verbs,  strengthened  by  a  periphrastic  conjugation  with  (2o,  the  latter 
htring  the  value  of  a  negation  only.  IdonU  aee  him  or  I  see  him  not  (cf. 
Ciennan :  leh  sehe  ihn  niehi).  The  second  order  shows,  besides,  that  the 
negative  has  stronger  stress  than  the  pronoun  object,  since  the  weaker  word 
▼iU  naturally  stand  nearer  to  the  stressed  verb,  just  as  in  the  Romanoe 
Older:  d padre  no  lo  rt. 


84  WINTHROP   HOLT   CHENEBY. 

seems  to  be  due  to  the  secondary  stress  in  initial  syllables, 
and  the  second  vowel  falls,  as  it  commonly  does  in  non-initial 
pretonic  syllable.  Compare  \Ue  cdMus,  \Uu(m)  cdttu(m)  Span. 
d  goto  with  JbUicdre  Span,  holgar,  cdllocdre  Span,  colgar.  If 
the  article  did  not  receive  secondary  initial  stress,  as  when  a 
preposition  preceded,  then  both  vowels  might  be  lost,  as  in 
dt(d)  iUu(m)  mdnteim)  =  Span,  al  itionte.  In  the  pronoun 
illu(rn)y  on  the  other  hand,  the  initial  vowel  is  treated  like 
the  penultimate  vowel  of  a  proparoxytone.  Compare  anuite 
iUu(m)  =  Span,  aumdlo  (Old  Span,  also  amaldd),  amdtis 
illu{rii)  =  Old  Span,  aniddes  h,  with  miisGulum  Span,  muslo. 
In  spite  of  the  apparent  evidence  for  enclisis  to  be  drawn 
fix)m  the  preceding  argument,  I  think  that  fiirther  consider- 
ations will  show  that  lo  is  not  necessarily  an  enclitic  form. 
We  have  seen  that  in  the  older  Romance  idioms,  and  probably 
also  in  Vulgar  Latin,  unstressed  pronouns  never  begin  a 
clause.  From  this  it  follows  that  forms  with  initial  sec- 
ondary stress  are  never  necessary.  Illu(rn)  as  pronoun 
object  and  preceding  the  verb  must,  then,  always  stand 
between  words  with  stronger  stress  than  its  own.  If  it  is 
proclitic  to  its  verb,  the  position  of  its  vowels  is  quite  par- 
allel to  the  intertonic  vowels  of  a  word  with  three  pretonic 
syllables.  Botli  of  the  vowels  may  fall,  as  in  Old  Span,  nbl 
v^  (iidn  illu(m)  video)  ;  compare  Ital.  parlare  from  pdraho- 
hire;  or  only  one  of  them  as  in  Span,  no  lo  veo ;  compare 
cabalgar  from  cdbcdlicdre.  In  the  latter  case,  the  final 
vowel  is  more  likely  to  be  preserved  than  the  initial,  because 
of  the  analogy  of  (ir)h((m)  derived  from  the  enclitic  position 
of  the  pronoun  with  verb  exordium.^ 

*  A.  Mussafia,  in  a  note  entitled  Endisi  o  procluti  del  prorwme  persorude 
qual  oggetto  in  Rcmuinia,  xxvn,  pp.  145-6,  discussing:  the  theory  of  original 
vulgar  Latin  enclisis  of  pronouns  as  maintained  by  Meyer-Liibke,  similarly 
arrives  at  negative  results,  after  examining  the  phonetic  evolution  of 
object  pronouns  in  Old  French  and  Provenyal. 


OBJBCr-PRONOUNS  IN  OLD  SPANISH.  85 

« 

The  argument  might  be  extended  to  other  cases^  but 
probably  enough  has  been  said  to  show  that  no  conclusive 
aigiiment  for  general  enclisis  of  pronoun  objects  in  Vulgar 
Latin  can  be  drawn  from  phonetic  considerations.  From 
all  that  has  been  advanced  in  the  preceding  paragraphs,  I 
think  it  will  be  safe  to  revert  to  the  doctrine,  not  questioned 
until  the  appearance  of  Thumeysen^s  article,  that  ever  since, 
m  Romance  speech,  object  pronouns  have  been  placed  before 
the  verb,  they  have  been  prevailingly  proclitic  to  the  latter. 


CHAPTER  Vn. 
ENCLISIS  OF  OBJECT  PRONOUNS  IN  PORTUGUESE. 

In  the  preceding  chapter  I  developed  certain  arguments 
tending  to  show  that  pronoun  objects  preceding  the  verb  in 
Vulgar  Latin  and  Romance  are  generally  proclitic  to  the 
verb,  not  enclitic  to  some  preceding  word.  From  that  dis- 
cussion I  omitted  reference  to  the  Galician-Portuguese  idiom 
because  I  believe  that  in  it  different  conditions  prevailed. 

Several  considerations  make  me  think  that  here  the 
unstressed  object  pronoun  was  prevailingly  enclitic.  The 
proofs  which  I  shall  advance  are  not,  however,  based  on 
a  statistical  examination  of  a  large  number  of  Galician  and 
Old  Portuguese  texts.  All  the  matters  which  I  treat  in  this 
chapter  need  further  investigation. 

The  fiict  that  in  Old  Portuguese  (I  shall  use  the  term  to 
include  Old  Galician  also)  the  object  pronoun  is  always 
enclitic  to  an  initial  verb  cannot  be  adduced  as  an  evidence 
of  pronominal  enclisis,  because,  as  we  have  seen,  the  phe- 
nomenon is  general  in  Romance,  but  the  fact  that  Portuguese 
8till  observes  this  order,  whereas  most  other  Romance  idioms, 
including  Castilian,  either  disregard  it  or  observe  it  only  in 


86  WlNTBtBOP  HOLl?  CHKXEBT. 

oertain   special   categories,  seems  to   show   that  a  greater 
tendency  to  enclisis  inheres  in  the  Portuguese  pronoun. 

It  is  my  impression  also  that  in  Old  Portuguese  there  is  a 
much  greater  tendency  than  in  Castilian  to  make  the  pro- 
noun object  enclitic  to  the  verb  in  principal  clauses  when 
the  verb  is  not  the  initial  word  of  the  clause.  This  order 
is  not  infrequent  in  the  older  Spanish  texts.  After  a  time 
it  is  in  the  latter  limited  to  cases  where  the  verb  is  in  a 
historical  tense,  and  becoming  more  and  more  infrequent^ 
comes  at  last  to  be  a  mere  literary  affectation.  In  Portu- 
guese, on  the  other  hand,  the  phenomenon  is  much  more 
persistent.  This  sort  of  enclisis  is  especially  frequent  in  the 
first  books  of  Amadis  de  Gaula  and  is,  I  think,  still  another 
proof  of  their  Portuguese  origin. 

One  main  objection  to  the  enclitic  theory  lies  in  the  fact 
that  in  Portuguese,  as  in  other  Romance  idioms,  the  un- 
stressed pronoun  object  in  principal  negative  clauses  usually 
stands  between  the  negative  particle  and  the  verb.  On  the 
theory  of  enclisis  and  granting  that  the  negative  adverb  is  a 
word  with  weakened  stress,  we  should  expect  the  pronoun 
either  to  be  enclitic  to  the  verb  or  else  enclitic  to  the  sub- 
ject or  other  preceding  stressed  word,  the  negative  being 
interpolated.  In  point  of  fact  interpolations  of  nao  in 
principal  clauses  are  found  in  all  periods  of  Portuguese 
but  rather  more  commonly  in  modem  than  in  ancient  texts. 
That  this  is  not  the  prevailing  order  may  be  due  to  the 
analogy  of  negative  sentences  with  unexpressed  subject, 
especially  n^ative  imperative  sentences,  e.  g.  Nao  me  disse ; 
nao  me  digas.  Why  in  these  phrases  the  pronoun,  if  naturally 
enclitic,  did  not  attach  itself  to  the  verb  still  needs  to  b& 
explained. 

It  was  pointed  out  in  the  preceding  chapter  that  the  con- 
finement of  interpolation  to  dependent  clauses,  far  from  bein^ 
a  proof  of  original  enclisis,  as  might  be  inferred  from  Meyer- 


OBJBCrr-PRONOUNS   IN   OLD  SPANISH.  87 

Labke's  arguments,  is  rather  an  objection  to  that  theory.  If 
then,  we  are  to  establish  a  theory  of  pronominal  enclisis  for 
Portugaese,  it  will  be  necessary  to  discover  whether  there  is 
iny  evidence  of  a  freer  use  of  interpolation  in  earlier  stages 
of  the  language  and  what  causes  operated  to  limit  it  almost 
exclusively  to  dependent  clauses  in  the  period  covered  by  the 
texts. 

Object  pronouns  are  not  enclitic  to  the  verb  in  dependent 
clauses  not  banning  with  a  verb  either  in  Portuguese  or  in 
Castilian.^  Enclisis  to  the  verb  being  forbidden,  it  follows 
that  if  a  tendency  to  enclisis  is  present,  the  pronoim  object 
must  seek  the  next  strongest  word.  It  happens,  however, 
that  in  perhaps  a  majority  of  dependent  clauses  containing  an 
object  pronoun,  there  is  no  other  word  except  the  exordium. 
Another  frequent  case  is  when  the  only  other  word  is  the 
negative  particle  or  a  subject  pronoun,  both  words  with  com- 
paratively weak  stress,  and  in  this  case,  also,  the  enclitic 
naturally  gravitates  to  the  exordium.  The  extreme  fre- 
quency of  the  junction  of  exordium  and  object  pronoun, 
brought  about  in  the  ways  just  described,  tends  to  establish 
the  same  order  in  the  other  dependent  clauses,  although  in 

'I  luiYe  not  been  able  to  disoover  any  satisfactory  explanation  of  this 
lotric^ion.  There  seems  to  be  a  tendency  in  Old  Portuguese  and  in  0}d 
Spanish,  especially  in  the  fonner,  to  put  the  verb  at  the  end  of  dependent 
daoses,  and  I  do  not  believe  that  this  tendency  is  merely  the  result  of  an 
aifectation  of  Latin  constructions.  The  Hispanic  Latin  texts,  however,  a^  well 
IB  some  other  Vulgar  Latin  documents,  seem  rather  generally  not  to  remove 
the  verb  to  the  end  of  a  dependent  clause.  Hence  the  end  position  of  the 
irerb  seems  rather  an  innovation  than  an  inheritance  of  Latin  order,  and  it 
cumot  be  argued  that  avoidance  in  the  same  Hispanic  texts  of  enclisis  to 
tbeverb  is  a  result  of  end  position.  I  can  understand  the  avoidance  of 
eodisis  to  the  verb  in  dependent  clauses  only  on  the  supposition  of  universal 
proclitic  position  in  primitive  Romance  except  in  the  case  of  initial  verb. 
Pronouns  enclitic  to  non-initial  verb  in  principal  clauses,  conmion  in  Old 
Spanish  and  Old  Portuguese,  are  then  to  be  considered  as  extensions  of  the 
Older  observed  with  initial  verb,  not  relics  of  a  primitive  enclisis. 


88  WINTHROP   HOLT   CHENERY. 

these  the  exordium  does  not  come  next  to  the  verb  in  point 
of  stress.  This  is  particularly  the  case  with  conditional 
clauses  containing  adverbs.  It  is  noticeable,  however,  that 
in  this  category  interpolation  never  became  general,  and  we 
may,  perhaps,  assume  that  in  some  former  period  of  the  lan- 
guage the  object  pronoun  was  usually  attached  to  the  adverb 
rather  than  to  the  weaker  exordium.  Especially  noteworthy 
in  this  regard  are  the  cases  of  interpolation,  rather  numerous 
in  Old  Portuguese  texts,  in  which  the  pronoun  object  follows, 
not  the  exordium,  but  an  adverb  or  other  stressed  word 
standing  in  the  first  part  of  the  dependent  clause.  These,  I 
think,  offer  strong  evidence  of  enclisis. 

Nominal  interpolations,  on  the  other  hand,  are  unfavorable 
to  the  theory  of  enclisis.  The  subject,  noun  or  demonstra- 
tive, must  logically  have  greater  stress  than  the  exordium, 
and  consequently  ought  to  be  preferred  by  enclitics.  If,  in 
this  category  also,  the  pronoun  object  tends  to  attach  itself 
to  the  exordium,  then  it  is  by  analogy  with  the  frequent 
junction  of  exordium  and  pronoun  in  other  forms  of  depend- 
ent clause  discussed  above.  To  discover  whether  nominal 
interpolation  predominates  in  Old  Portuguese  and  whether 
there  has  been  any  change  in  this  regard  in  Modem  Portu- 
guese would  require  a  special  investigation  not  falling  within 
the  limits  of  the  present  one. 

Wliether  the  arguments  contained  in  the  preceding  para- 
graphs have  made  the  theorj'^  of  enclisis  of  the  object  pronoun 
in  Portuguese  seem  probable,  I  do  not  know.  To  my  mind, 
however,  this  theory  explains  all  the  facts  better  than  any 
other.  If  a  tendency  to  enclisis  in  the  Portuguese  pronoun 
be  granted,  the  next  question  to  be  raised  will  be  whether 
this  tendency  is  one  inherited  from  Lusitanian  Latin  or  one 
developed  at  a  later  period.  This  also  is  not  a  question  to 
be  decided  without  special  investigation,  but  I  incline  to  the 
second  hypothesis.     The  proclitic  position  of  the  pronoun  in 


OBJECT-PROXOUN8   IN   OLD  SPANISH.  89 

a  great  many  oonstructionS;  especially  the  order  in  negation 
{ndo  me  disse),  and  the  proclitic  definite  article  point  to  a 
general  agreement  with  other  Romance  dialects  during  the 
earlier  period.  The  change  from  procliticism  to  encliticism 
I  r^rd  as  due  to  the  growth  of  a  peculiar  word  stress, 
differentiating  Gralician  and  Portuguese  from  the  other  dia- 
lects of  the  Iberian  Peninsula.  This  probably  coincided 
with  the  remarkable  phonetic  changes  which  took  place 
before  the  appearance  of  vernacular  writing.  These  changes, 
weakening  and  &11  of  medial  /  and  n^  weakening  and  inter- 
change of  intertonic  vowels,  and  apocopation  of  vowel  of 
unstressed  words,  when  all  taken  together,  predicate  the 
development  of  expiratory  word  stress.  This  sort  of  stress, 
we  know,  is  still  characteristic  of  Portuguese  at  the  present 
time  and  stands  in  marked  contrast  to  the  combination  of 
moderate  stress  and  strong  pitch  accent  which  characterizes 
the  word  and  sentence  emphasis  of  modem  Spanish. 

It  remains  to  show  what  connection  there  is  between 
enclisis  and  proclisis,  on  the  one  hand,  and  expiratory  stress 
and  tonal  accent,  on  the  other.  Tonal  accent  tends  always 
to  Ml  near  the  close  of  a  breath  group,  in  Greek,  Latin,  and 
fiomance  on  one  of  the  three  final  syllables.  If  the  accent 
is,  for  any  reason,  emphasized,  the  final  syllable  following 
the  accent  is  prolonged.  This  phenomenon  is  observable  in 
all  forms  of  chanting,  in  street  cries,  and  in  Spanish  in  any- 
thing called  or  cried  out.  As  explained  in  the  preceding 
chapter,  stress  and  accent  of  this  sort  favor  the  development 
of  proclisis  and  also  the  development  of  sentence  accent  at 
the  expense  of  word  accent.  With  the  development  of 
expiratory  stress  the  breath  is  less  economized.  Each  longer 
word  generally  becomes  the  center  of  a  distinct  stress  group. 
The  strong  expiration  accompanying  each  stressed  syllable  is 
niade  at  the  expense  of  the  syllables  that  precede  and  follow 
in  each  stress  group,  but  especially  of  those  that  follow,  since 


90  WLNTHROP   HOLT  CHENERY. 

before  reaching  them  most  of  the  breath  impulse  has  already 
been  spent  From  what  has  been  said^  it  follows  that  the 
weakest  positions  in  a  sentence  composed  of  stress  groups  are 
those  following  each  stress.  The  unstressed  pronoun  objects 
as  among  the  very  weakest  of  all  words  will  naturally  be 
relegated  to  these  positions ;  in  other  words,  they  will  become 
enclitics,* 


CHAPTER  VIII. 
THEORY  OF  INTERPOLATION  IN  CASTILIAN. 

The  theory  of  enclisis,  developed  in  the  preceding  chapter 
as  explaining  in  part  the  phenomenon  of  interpolation  in 
Galician-Portuguese,  is,  I  think,  quite  inapplicable  to  the 
same  phenomenon  in  Castilian.  On  this  account  I  have 
throughout  the  present  investigation  everywhere  carefully 
abstained  from  employing  the  words  enclisia  or  endiiic  in 
connection  with  interpolated  order  in  Castilian  texts. 

I  believe  that  in  all  Castilian  dialects  the  conditions  of 
word  stress,  word  intonation  and  sentence  accent  were  those 
normal  in  Romance  idioms  and  all  tending,  as  explained  in 
Chapter  VI,  to  the  development  of  proclisis.  I  shall  try  to 
show,  also,  that  these  normal  conditions  persisted  in  Old 

*  Gon9alve8-yianna,  to  whom  we  owe  nearly  all  that  has  yet  been  done  in 
the  field  of  Portuguese  phonetics,  considers  the  unstressed  pronoun  as  always 
enclitic  in  modem  Portuguese  pronunciation.  The  following  note,  which  I 
owe  to  the  kindness  of  Professor  Ford,  is  taken  from  : — 

R.  Gon9alves  Vianna,  Poriugais :  PhonHique  et  Phonolo^  (Skizzen  leben- 
derSprachen,  hrsg.  v.  W.  Vietor,  II.  Bd. ),  Leipzig,  1903. 

Page  91  :  ^'Tous  les  pronoms  regimes  dont  nous  venous  de  parler  sont 
atones ;  apr^  le  verbe  lis  sont  enclitiques  ;  devant  le  verbe  ils  le  sont 
^galement,  par  rapport  au  mot  qui  les  pr^c^e  imm^iatement.  Jamais  ils 
ne  sont  proclitiques,  et  c'est  pour  cela  quMls  ne  sauraient  coomieneer  one 
phrase.'' 


OBJECT-PROKOUirS  IN   OLD  SPANISH.  91 

Spanish  as  they  still  persist  in  the  modem  idiom^  and  that 
pronouns  in  interpolated  constructions  lose  little  or  nothing 
of  their  proclitic  character.  My  contention,  then,  is  that  the 
problem  of  interpolation  in  Old  Spanish  resolves  itself  mainly 
mto  one  of  relative  order  among  words  of  weak  stress. 

The  main  proof  of  the  proclitic  character  in  Old  Spanish 
of  the  object  pronoun  preceding  its  verb,  whether  immediately 
or  not,  will  be  drawn  from  consideratious  based  on  word 
order.  Apart  fix)m  these,  however,  the  morphology  of  the 
Spanish  pronouns  gives,  I  think,  some  indication  of  their 
prevailingly  proclitic  character.  In  the  oldest  texts  we  meet 
a  nnmber  of  apocopated  forms  (/,  s,  and  more  rarely  m,  t,  for 
fe(/bf),  96,  me,  te).  In  enclitic  position  after  a  vowel  the  -e 
of  these  pronouns  &lls  in  the  same  way  that  -e  falls  in  most 
other  words  after  a  single  consonant.  These  shortened  forms, 
primarily  enclitics  to  the  verb,  are  used  also  in  certain  pro- 
cb'tic  positions.  It  is  noteworthy,  however,  that  they  do  not 
persist  but  are,  by  the  end  of  the  xiv  century,  superseded  in 
all  positions  by  the  anapocopated  forms  normal  for  proclisis. 
The  development  of  os  for  vos  at  a  comparatively  late  date 
argues  rather  for  the  prevalence  of  enclisis.  The  later  form 
may  be  due  to  the  fact  that  vo8  was  the  most  general  trata^ 
ndtnio  during  the  whole  of  the  Old  Spanish  period  and  in 
consequence  enclitic  -vos  (ps)  in  imperatives  and  expressions 
like  digo  vos  would  be  especially  frequent. 

The  strongest  proof  of  the  proclitic  character  of  the  Old 
Spanish  object  pronoun  in  interpolation  lies,  I  think,  in  the 
character  of  the  words  with  which  it  commonly  occurs. 
Gastilian  interpolations,  as  we  have  seen,  are  almost  entirely 
confined  to  the  three  categories  of  negative  particle  non, 
adverbs,  and  subject  pronouns.  Now  these  are  all  words 
tending  to  weak  stress  in  the  sentence^  and  consequently 

^The  semi-weak  character  of  non  in  sentence  stress  has  already  been  dis- 
CQSBed  in  Chapter  VI.     It  may  be  objected  that  the  pronoun  subjects  are 


92  WINTHBOP  HOLT   CHENEBY. 

may  stand  between  the  pronoun  object  and  verb  without 
throwing  the  former  into  a  different  stress  group,  i.  €.,  the 
pronoun  ceases  to  be  proclitic  to  the  simple  verb  and  becomes 
proclitic  to  the  stress  group  Interpolation — ^Verb. 

We  have  seen  that  in  Portuguese  interpolation  is  mainly 
limited  to  cases  where  the  pronoun  object  follows  the  ex- 
ordium of  a  dependent  clause  and  that  in  Castilian  it  is 
almost  exclusively  so  limited.  The  exordium  of  a  dependent 
clause,  as  has  been  explained,  is  a  relational  word,  commonly 
with  weak  stress.  In  Spanish  the  conjunction  porque  by  the 
side  of  the  interrogative  ^por  qu^f  is  an  instance  of  this 
weakening.  Leonese  ae  for  si  also  exhibits  the  same  thing. 
Interpolation,  it  will  have  been  observed,  is  much  more 
common  with  the  weakest  exordiums,  gu€,  si,  than  with  the 
longer  ones  which  must  necessarily  carry  more  stress,  e.  g. 
in  the  text  of  the  Cid,  Avith  a  majority  for  interpolation  in 

full  stressed  words,  as  they  are  commonly  omitted  when  they  would  not 
logically  receive  emphasis.  I  think  that  they,  too,  tended  to  weak  stress 
from  the  very  first.  Ego  should  give  in  Castilian  *yego ;  if  yo  comes  frcmi 
a  vulgar  Latin  *eo,  then  we  are  obliged  to  assume  weakening  at  a  very  early 
period.  On  the  supposition  of  full  stress  we  should  expect  Old  Spanish 
cWe,  supported  by  the  analogy  of  the  demonstratives  cae,  caie,  aquegUf  to 
prevail,  but  el  is  much  more  common  even  in  the  oldest  texts,  and  finally 
supplants  the  disyllabic  form  altogether.  Another  evidence  of  the  pro- 
gressive weakening  of  the  subject  pronouns  is  afforded  by  the  necessity  for 
the  reinvigoration  of  no8  and  ros  in  modem  Spanish  through  the  compounds 
no8otro8  (-as)  and  wsotros  {-as),  Vos  was  especially  liable  to  weakening 
when  it  became  general  as  a  traiamiento. 

With  the  adverbs,  also,  there  are  not  wanting  evidences  of  a  tendency  to 
weak  stress.  Y  was  a  word  with  weak  stress,  and  the  proof  of  it  is  seen  in 
that  it  has  been  driven  out  of  use  by  stronger  words.  The  monosyllabic 
adverbs,  6ien,  wo/,  phonetically  correct  for  stressed  benej  malej  would  on 
account  of  their  monosyllabic  form  have  to  give  up  a  part  of  their  stress  to 
a  following  verb,  i.  c,  bien  hdce  would  have  to  be  spoken  bihi  hdce  with  only 
a  secondary  stress  on  the  adverb.  Apart  from  phonetic  considerations, 
many  adverbs  are  logically  unemphatic.  Asi^  for  example,  is  merely 
relational  like  the  exordiums  discussed  in  Chapter  VI.  Still  another  evi- 
dence of  the  tendency  of  adverbs  to  weak  stress  is  furnished  by  the  formation 
of  compounds  like  maitralary  menospreciaTf  etc. 


OBJECrr-PRONOUNS   IN  OLD  SPANISH*  93 

the  yo  cat^ory  with  exordiums  giee,  «,  there  are  fourteen 
cases  of  the  type  quando  yo  lo  and  not  a  single  interpolation. 
If  in  some  later  manuscripts  interpolation  with  exordiums  of 
tjpe  quando  is  nearly  as  dominant  as  that  with  exordiums 
of  types  quCy  «,  this  is  probably  owing  to  the  analogical 
influence  of  the  latter  types. 

If  the  arguments  of  the  forgoing  paragraphs  are  sound, 
it  follows  that,  in  Castilian,  interpolation  is  confined  to  the 
three  categories  non,  bien,  yOj  in  dependent  clauses  with 
the  pronoun  object  following  the  exordium,  precisely  because 
the  pronouns  have  not  lost  their  proclitic  character  and 
because  these  syntactical  categories,  and  no  others,  afford  a 
succession  of  words  having  weak  stress  both  before  and  after 
the  pronoun  object,  thus  permitting  the  latter  to  remain  in 
proclitic  position,  no  longer  directly  proclitic  to  the  verb,  it 
is  true,  but  proclitic  to  the  stress  group  dominated  by  the 
stressed  syllable  of  the  verb.  Nominal  and  multiverbal 
interpolations,  on  the  other  hand,  are  shunned  because  they 
either  interpose  a  strong  stress  between  the  object  pronoun 
and  its  verb  or  else  remove  the  pronoun  too  far  from  the 
verb  for  the  former  to  be  felt  as  a  proclitic.  It  will  have 
been  noticed,  besides,  that  many  of  the  cases  classed  as 
multiverbal  are  combinations  of  the  regular  categories,  that 
is,  two  weak  words  are  interposed  between  pronoun  object 
and  verb,  and  in  these  cases,  also,  the  pronoun  may  still  be 
accounted  a  proclitic. 

Similar  reasoning  applies  to  two  other  sorts  of  interpola- 
tion, not  altogether  common  in  Gralician  and  Portuguese,  but 
so  extremely  rare  in  Castilian  that  I  class  them  as  anoma- 
lous.    The  first  is  when  interpolation  occurs  in  a  dependent 
clause  but  the  object  pronoun  does  not  immediately  follow 
the  exordium ;  the  second  is  when  interpolation  occurs  in  a 
principal  clause.     In  both  cases  interpolation  is  avoided  in 
Castilian  because  the  sentence  member  preceding  the  pronoun 


94  WINTHBOP  HOLT  CHENEBY. 

object  is  likely  to  have  strong  stress,  and  because  with  inter- 
polated order  the  object  would  appear  enclitic  to  it  rather 
than  proclitic  to  the  verb  not  immediately  following.  In 
Galician-Portuguese  we  saw  that  examples  of  both  of  these 
classes  are  relatively  numerous,  and  if  they  are  not  prevalent 
types,  it  is  probably  due  to  the  disturbing  influence  of  analogy. 

There  is,  however,  one  class  of  principal  clause  to  which 
the  reasons  adduced  above  do  not  apply.  I  refer  to  co- 
ordinate sentences  introduced  by  et,  masy  pero.  In  these 
clauses  the  conditions  of  stress  are  the  same  as  in  dependent 
clauses  introduced  by  a  weak  exordium.  If  interpolation  is 
not  practised  in  coordinate  clauses  it  is,  I  think,  because  there 
are  lacking  here  the  stereotyped  word  orders  peculiar  to 
dependent  clauses.  One  may  say  in  Old  Spanish  e  vi6  lo  or 
e  lo  vidf  but  one  can  say  only  que  lo  vi6.  This  subject  was 
touched  upon  in  the  preceding  chapter,  but  will  be  discussed 
more  in  detail  here. 

The  vast  majority  of  dependent  clauses  begin  with  que, 
conjunction  or  relative.  Next  in  frequency  to  que  but  &r 
behind  it  comes  si.  Then  follow  the  other  exordiums.  In 
unelaborated  speech  a  majority  of  dependent  clauses  consist 
of  only  three  members,  subject,  object,  and  verb.  The  sub- 
ject may  be  either  a  noun,  a  relative  pronoun  (usually  qu^), 
or  a  personal  pronoun  (usually  omitted  as  sufficiently  indii- 
cated  by  the  ending  of  the  verb).  In  the  last  two  cases,  and 
they  are  perhaps  in  a  majority,  if  the  object  is  a  personal 
pronoun,  since  enclisis  to  the  verb  is  not  admitted  in  depend- 
ent clauses,  the  pronoim  necessarily  stands  next  to  the 
exordium.  In  this  way  there  develops  a  strong  feeling  for 
the  order  ExordiumnPronoun,  especially  in  the  case  of  the 
two  most  frequent  exordiums  que,  sL^     Most  of  the  diplo- 

^  Examination  of  the  text  of  Juan  Ruiz  :  Bum  Amor  reveals  two  hundred 
and  sixty-two  cases  of  qiLC  followed  immediately  by  object  pronoun  and 
verb,  while  there  are  only  sixty-five  cases  (excluding  the  categories  qu€  mm 


OBJBCT-PBONOUN8  IN   OLD  SPANISH.  95 

matic  editions^  such  as  those  of  Don  Juan  Manuel  and  the 
Archpriest  of  Hita,  write  with  considerable  regularity  the 
exordium  que  or  si  and  the  following  pronoun  object  as  one 
word,  e.  g.  qudOy  queUiy  silo,  etc.  Meyer-Lubke  considers 
this  an  evidence  of  enclisis.  It  is  rather  an  evidence  of  the 
feeling  of  connection  between  exordium  and  pronoun,  and 
may  be  compared  with  the  almost  constant  practice  of  writ- 
ing two  pronoun  objects  as  one  word,  gelo,  gela,  voslo,  etc. 

Whether  or  not  the  analogy  of  this  frequent  word  order 
ooald  originate  cases  of  interpolation  in  Castilian  is  doubtful, 
bat  that  it  could  assist  in  extending  and  maintaining  the 
phenomenon  is  hardly  so.  It  is,  moreover,  the  only  way  in 
which  I  can  explain  the  confinement  of  interpolation  to 
dependent  clauses. 

Still  other  analogies  may  have  helped  the  progress  of 
interpolation  in  Castilian.  The  n^ative  particle  is  never 
separated  from  its  verb  except  by  object  pronouns.  Thus 
the  universality  of  the  order,  fulano  non-^iizey  working 
together  with  the  frequency  of  que-io  dize,  doubtless  assisted 
(he  diange  of  que  nan  lo  dize  to  que^lo  nonniize.  Still 
another  possibility  of  analogic  influence  may  be  found  in  the 
pronouns  no8  and  vos.  The  accented  forms  of  these  pronouns 
were  originally  used  without  the  objective  d,  and  this  use  is 
still  frequent  in  Old  Portuguese.  Beside  the  construction 
JMe  fion-t?o»-m6  stood  the  construction  qiLe  (a)  vos  non  vi6, 
and  the  similarity  of  form  between  the  stressed  and  unstressed 
forms  of  vos  would  facilitate  the  change  of  que  norinvos-vid  to 
the  interpolated  order  que-vos-wyn-vid. 

^  etc ),  in  which  the  pronoun  and  verb  are  separated  from  the  exordium 
by  other  words.  Add  to  the  latter  one  hundred  and  sixteen  cases  (sev- 
tttj-nine  normal  and  thirtjHseven  interpolated),  in  the  categories  qtve  non 
^  (io  non),  que  bien  lo  {lo  bien),  que  yo  lo  (lo  yo)t  and  we  have  in  all 
one  hundred  and  eighty-one  cases  in  which  there  is,  or  without  inter- 
polation would  have  been,  separation  of  exordium  and  object  pronoun, 
HWigi  the  two  hundred  and  sixty-two  cases  of  normal  connection  as  stated 
ahove. 


96  WINTHKOP   HOLT   CHENEBT^ 

In  a  lesser  degree  the  same  sort  of  influenoe  may  have 
been  at  work  in  the  adverb  categories.  Before  the  definite 
formation  of  the  compounds,  bienqiLerer,  maUraJtary  meno9^ 
preciaVy  etc.,  there  must  have  been  a  period  in  which  linguistic 
usage  hesitated  between  separable  adverb  and  inseparable 
prefix.  While  the  compound  verbs  acquired  a  special  shade 
of  meaning,  the  simple  verbs  continued  to  be  used  mth  the 
same  adverbs  and  consequently,  whenever  qu>e  le  malquiere 
was  used  in  a  sense  not  very  diflferent  fix)m  that  of  gtie  nial 
le  quiere,  it  had  the  appearance  of  an  interpolation,  and  the 
frequency  of  que-le  tended  to  generalize  the  order  que  le  mat 
quiere  and  extend  it  to  other  adverbs. 

In  the  case  of  interpolated  pronoun  subjects,  also,  the 
same  sort  of  analogy  may  have  been  at  work.  While  nos 
and  V08  could  still  be  used  as  stressed  pronouns  without  the 
objective  d,  it  was  possible  to  say  either  que  v6s  yd  digo  or 
quo  yd  v6s  digo.  The  former  order,  as  removing  the  more 
emphatic  word  farther  from  the  verb,  would  usually  be  pre- 
ferred, unless  the  subject  pronoun  received  special  emphasis^ 
In  the  latter  case  the  object  pronoun  would  fall  nearly  to 
the  level  of  an  ordinary  proclitic,  as  both  pronouns  cannot 
have  full  stress  at  the  same  time,  i,  e.,  que  yd  vds  digo.  The 
analogy  of  the  order  que  (a)  vds  yd  digo  would  facilitate  the 
extension  of  the  interpolated  order  qii£  vos-yo-digo. 

It  is  my  belief  that  interpolation  is  a  phenomenon  arising 
first  in  western  dialects  and  extending  itself  to  the  dialects 
of  Old  Castile,  in  which  it  undergoes  considerable  modifica- 
tion and  restriction.  It  does  not  seem  probable  that  it  ever 
reached  the  popular  dialects  of  New  Castile  ^  and  Aragon, 
and  to  this  fact  I  attribute  its  final  fall  in  Castilian. 

There  are  not  wanting  analogical  forces  wliich  may  have 
helped  to  restore    the  normal  order  to  absolute  dominion. 

^  Of.  discussion  of  text  of  Juan  Ruiz,  chap,  u,  above. 


OBJiXTT-PBONOUKS  £N   OLD  SPANISH.  97 

Chief  among  these  I  reckon  the  change  of  position  of  the 
Tcrb  in  dependent  clauses.  The  verb,  which  in  early  Cas- 
tilian  tends  to  stand  Kt  the  end  of  a  dependent  clause,  is  in 
the  course  of  the  xiv  and  xv  centuries  pretty  generally 
tnuisferred  to  the  second  place,  i.  e.,  it  follows  the  exordium. 
The  causes  of  this  change  of  word  order  ought  to  be  made 
the  subject  of  a  special  investigation.  I  shall  not  attempt  to 
discuss  them  here,  but  shall  content  myself  with  pointing  out 
how  this  change  of  word  order  greatly  reduces  the  number 
of  occasions  for  interpolation.  In  the  later  word  order  non 
still  continues  to  stand  before  the  verb,  but  adverbs  and 
pronoun  subjects  follow  more  often  than  they  precede.  It 
lesolted  from  the  above  that  non  remained  the  only  frequent 
interpolation  cat^ory  and,  antagonized  by  the  normal  order 
constant  in  principal  clauses,  could  not  stand  alone. 

C0NCX.UDING  Note. 

In  oonduding,  I  wish  to  express  my  sense  of  deep  obli- 
gation to  Professor  E.  S.  Sheldon,  and  to  Professor  C.  H. 
Oiandgent,  editor-in-chief  of  this  publication.  To  both  of 
these  gentlemen  I  am  indebted  for  much  helpftd  criticism 
and  many  valuable  suggestions.  To  Professor  Sheldon 
belongs  the  credit  of  having  first  suggested  the  investigation. 

WiNTHBOP  Holt  Chenery. 


98  WINTHBOP  HOLT  CHENERY. 


APPENDIX. 


Note, — ^The  arrangement  of  the  illustrative  material,  contained  in  this 
Appendix,  is  explained  in  the  notes  prefixed  to  Part  One,  The  num- 
bering of  the  texts  is  the  same  as  that  followed  in  the  lAst  of  TexU.  The 
page  number  of  the  beginning  of  each  article  is  indicated  in  the  Table  cf 
OonterUs. 

1. 

POEMA  DEL  Cm. 

1.  a)  Que,  si,  quando  non  lo.  1)  Que:  Que  si  non  la  quebrantas por 
fuerca,  que  non  gda  abriese  nadi,  v.  34 ;  De  noche  lo  lieuen,  que  non  lo  vean 
christianos,  93 ;  Rachel  et  Vidas,  amos  me  dat  las  manoe,  Que  non  me  descu- 
brades  a  moitos  nin  a  christianoe,  107  ;  Con  grand  iura  meted  7  las  fes  amce. 
Que  non  Uts  catedes  en  todo  aqueste  alio,  121 ;  Por  aduzir  las  archas  ei  meter 
las  en  uuestro  saluo,  Que  non  lo  sepan  moros  nin  christianoe,  145 ;  Por  tal 
lo  faze  myo  ^d  que  no  to  {L  lo)  ventasse  nadi,  433 ;  Todo  gelo  dize,  que 
nol  en  cubre  (1.  encubre)  nada,  922 ;  Sonrrisos  el  caboeo,  que  non  lo  pudo 
en  durar,  946  ;  A  mi  dedes  C.  caualleros,  que  non  uos  pido  mas,  1129  ;  Mas 
le  vienen  a  mjo  ^id,  sabet,  que  nos  le  van,  1207 ;  Que  presa  es  Valen^u^ 
que  non  gela  enparan,  1223  ;  Con  el  Mjnajna  AlbarSanez  qu^  no8  le  parte  de 
80  bra^o,  1244  ;  Las  puertas  del  alca9ar  que  non  ae  abriessen  de  dia  nin  de 
ooch,  2002  ;  M70  ^id  selos  gafiara,  que  non  geloa  dieran  en  don,  2011 ;  Mas 
bien  sabet  verdad  que  non  lo  leuante  yo,  2199  ;  De  que  non  me  fallaren  I08 
yf antes  de  Carrion,  2793 ;  Vna  cofia  sobre  los  peloe  dun  escarin  de  pro, 
Con  oro  es  obrada,  fecha  por  Razon,  Que  non  le  contalassen  los  peloe  al 
buen  ^id  Canpeador,  3096  ;  En  prestan  les  delo  agejio,  que  non  Us  cumple 
lo  suyo,  3248  ;  El  Bey  alos  de  myo  ^d  de  noche  los  en  bio,  Que  notes  dies- 
sen  salto  nin  ouiessen  pauor,  3699.  2)  SI :  Que  si  non  la  quebrantas  per 
fuerca,  que  non  gela  abriese  nadi,  34 ;  Des  fechos  nos  ha  el  ^id,  sabet,  si  no 
nos  yal,  1433  ;  Si  nolo  dexas  por  myo  ^id  el  de  Biuar,  Tal  cosa  uos  faria 
que  por  el  mundo  sonas,  2677.  3)  Quando,  etc.  Asconden  se  de  myo  ^id, 
ea  nol  osan  dezir  nada,  30 ;  Poeo  en  la  glera  quando  nol  coge  nadi  en  casa, 
59  ;  Vna  des  leatan9a  ea  non  la  fizo  alguandre,  1081 ;  Vos  casades  mis  fijas, 
oa  non  gelas  do  yo,  2110  ;  Ellos  lo  temen,  ca  non  lo  piesso  yo,  2501 ;  El  caso 
mis  fijas,  ca  non  gelas  di  yo,  2908 ;  Oa  non  me  priso  aella  fijo  de  mugier 
nada,  3285. 

b)  Que,  si,  quando  io  non.  1)  Que:  Non  viene  ala  pueent,  ca  por  el 
agua  apassado,  Que  gelo  non  ventanssen  de  Burgos  ome  nado,  151 ;  Esto 
mando  myo  9^d,  Minaya  lo  ouo  consseiado :  Que  ning^  onle  delos  sos 
ques  le  non  spidies,  onol  besas  la  man[o],  1252.    2)  SI:  No  example.     3) 


OBJECT-PBONOUNS  IS  OLD   SPANISH.  99 

Ovtado:  Quando  Uu  non  queriedes,   ya  canes  trajdores,   ^Por  que  las 
■Bcaoades  de  Valencia  sua  honores?  3263. 

2.  a)  Que,  si,  quando  bitn  lo.  1)  Que:  Por  miedo  del  Bey  Alfonaso, 
qtu  am  lo  auien  pando,  33 ;  Pues  que  aqui  uos  veo,  prendet  de  mi  oepedado, 
247  ;  £1  ^d  que  bien  nos  quiera  nada  non  perdeia,  1389  ;  Mager  que  mcd  le 
queramoe,  non  gelo  podremos  fer,  1524  ;  Por  que  <un  Uu  en  bio  dond  ellas 
son  pegadas,  1812 ;  Yos  con  ellos  sed,  que  assi  uos  lo  mando  yo,  2179  ;  Dios, 
qtte  bien  los  siruio  atodo  so  sabor,  2650 ;  Enemigo  de  myo  ^id,  que  siemprd 
boaco  mal,  2998 ;  Mas  en  nuestro  iuuizio  assi  lo  mandamos  nos,  Que  aqui 
lo  enteigedes  dentro  en  la  cort,  3227 ;  ...  si  non  tenedes  dineros,  ecbad 
[A]la  Tnos  pefios,  que  bien  mm  lo  daiaian  sobrelos,  3735.  2)  Si:  Que  ti 
anies  Iom  catassen  que  fnessen  periuradoe,  164  ;  Si  bien  Uu  seruides,  yo  aos 
Sendie  boen  galardon,  2582.  3)  Quando,  etc.  Cb  assU  dieran  Is,  feet  gelo 
auien  iuiado,  163 ;  Legolas  al  ooiapon,  ca  mucho  Uu  queria,  276 ;  Salios  le 
de  sol  espada,  ea  muehol  andido  el  cauallo,  1726 ;  Gradid  melo,  mis  fijas, 
ca  bien  uos  he  casadas,  2189. 

b)  Qm,  sly  quando  lo  bien.  1)  Que:  Por  esso  uos  la  do  ^rue  2a  bien 
cuxiedee  nos,  3196.    2)3)  Si,  Quando,  etc.    No  examples. 

3.  a)  Que,  si,  quando  yo  lo.    1 )  Que :  Fata  queyome  page  sobre  mio  buen 

canalloy  498 ;  Non  de  rancbe  ninguno  fata  que  yo  lo  mande,  703  ;  Mas  vale 

91M  nos  los  TexcamoSy  que  ellos  coian  el  [p]an,  1691 ;  Bien  melo  creades, 

que  d  uos  casa,  ca  non  70,  2204.     2)  SI :  Sabet  bien  que  si  ellos  le  viessen, 

Bcm  esa^Mua  de  muert,  2774.    3)  Quando,  etc.     Non  lo  conpra,  ca  el  selo 

aoie  coosigo,  67 ;  Do  yo  uos  ea  biss  (L  enbiss)  bien  abria  tal  esperan^a, 

490 ;  Mas  quaando  d  mdo  busca,  yr  gelo  be  70  demandar,  966 ;  Tomauas  a 

Mnmiedro,  oadsela  k  ganada,  1196 ;  Saldrien  del  monesterio  do  die  Uu 

dexo,  1353 ;  Quamdo  uos  los  fueredes  ferir,  entrare  yo  del  otra  part,  1696  ; 

Mas  pues  bos  h  queredes,  en  tremos  en  la  Bazon,  1893 ;  Dad  manero  a  qui 

IsB  de,  quando  uos  las  tomades,  2133  ;  Assi  como  yo  las  prendo  daquent,  co&o 

B  fosse  delant,  2137 ;  Quando  uos  nos  casaredes  bien  seremos  Bicas,  2195 : 

QHoado  d  lo  oyo  pesol  de  oora^on,  2815;  Al  puno  bien  estan,  ca  d  selo 

mando,  3089 ;  Cb  uos  ^  casastes,  Bey,  sabredes  que  fer  oy,  3150 ;  Quando 

^  los  an  apechar,  non  gelos  quiero  yo,  3235. 

b)  Que,  si,  quando  lo  yo.  1)  Quez^^^^d,  beso  uuestra  mano,  endon  que  la 
f>  tjn,  179  ;  En  esta  heredad  que  uos  yo  he  ganada,  1607  ;  Fijas  del  9^d, 
por  gue  2ai  vos  dexastes,  3368.  2)  SI:  Si  Us  yo  visquier,  seran  duenas 
Bien,  825.    3)  Quando,  etc.    No  example. 

AmmmUous  example.  Qui  lo  fer  non  quisiesse,  o  no  yr  a  mi  cort,  Quite 
i&To  Beino,  cadel  non  be  sabor,  2993. 

2. 
YiDA  DE  Saitta  Mabia  Egepciaca. 

!«  a)  Que  (el,  cuando)  non  lo: 

Que  noQ  es  pecado  tan  grande 
Ni  tan  orrible 


100  WINTHROP   HOLT   CHENERT. 

Que  rum  U  faga  Dios, 

Non  le  faga  perdon,  v.  32. 
Qu«  rum  sse  deuien  marauillar 

De  algun  omne  sail  vejen  pecar  54. 
Que  non  ae  pueden  de  ella  toller,  175. 
Non  pudo  estar  que  non  se  hiria,  317. 
Que  non  lo  sierua  en  los  mice  dias,  508. 
Mas  tanto  lo  tenie  ^1  por  pre^iado 

Que  non  lo  darie  por  yn  cauallo,  911. 
Con  ^1  comen96  de  ffablar, 

Que  non  aae  le  quiso  mas  (elar,  981. 
Ca  ella  non  sabie  ssu  nombre 

Si  non  gelo  dixiesse  algun  homne,  993. 
£n  tal  guisa  8er&  contada 

Que  non  aae  pelari  hi  nada,  1139. 
b)  Que  lo  non: 

Sus  parientes  quando  la  veyan 

Por  poco  que  ae  non  murien,  y.  103. 

2.  Out  (fl,  cuando)  io  blen: 

E  dezax^  aquesta  vida 

Que  mueho  la  e  mantenida,  510. 
Bien  puedes  ffiar  por  el  tu  Senyor 

Que  aiempre  lo  seruiste  a  onor,  1045. 
Quando  lo  aur^  soterrado 

Ruega  por  ell  que  aaitees  aoomendado,  1367. 
b)  Que  blen  lo.    No  example. 

3.  a)  Que  (tl,  cuando)  yo  lo: 

Ffaz  non  perdon  que  tu  lo  tienes,  1075. 
Quando  dUi  lo  vi6  asi  andar 
Luego  comien9a  de  llamar,  1112. 
b)  Que  lo  yo.    No  example. 

3. 

LiBRO  DE  ApOLONIO. 

Stzs.  1-328. 

1.  a)  Que  non  lo;  tl  non  lo;  quando  non  lo.  1)  Que:  Stz.  15,  y.  4; 
aO,  3 ;  35,  1 ;  236,  3 ;  290,  4 ;  314,  4.  2)  81:  289,  4.  3)  Quando,  etc.: 
13,  4 ;  95,  4  ;  158,  4. 

b)  Que,  tl,  quando  lo  non.  No  examples. 

2.  a)  Que,  tl,  quando  bitn  lo.  1)  Quo:  18,  3 ;  246,  2  ;  302,  4.  2)  81: 
319,  3.  3)  Quando,  ttc. :  83,  1  ;  298,  3. 

b)  Qut,  tl  quando  lo  blen.  No  examples. 

3.  a)  Qut,  tl,  quando  yo  lo.  1)  Qut:  53,  4.  2)  SI:  1,  2  ;  82,  1 ;  247, 
1 ;  303,  4.  3)  Quando,  ttc. :  206,  2 ;  230,  3 ;  232,  3 ;  237,  1 ;  238,  4. 


OBJECT-PRONOUNS   IN  OLD  SPANISH.  101 

b)  Quo,  si,  quando  lo  yo.    No  examples. 

^  (vo  !• :  Fija,  u  ros  queiedes  buscanne  gnuit  placer,  Qae  vo§  yo 

Acopre  aja  mucho  que  grade9er,  166,  2. 
6.  Mnitive.     Por  blen  lo :  Diome  enel  mar  salto  per  mas  me  desmentirt 

b)  Por  lo  bltn,  etc.    No  example. 


GOKZAI/)  DE  BeBCEO. 

1.  a)  Type  quo  no  lo. 

81LO6.  Bien  sabia  al  diablo  tenerle  la  fronteia,  Que  non  lo  engannaflio 
por  ningnna  manera,  sts.  48,  t.  4.  Cuiiti6  gran  negligen^ia  a  los  que  lo 
Bopieron  El  logar  do  estido,  que  non  lo  escribieron,  71,  2.  O  creo  por 
Teotora,  que  non  lo  entendieron,  71,  3.  Por  Dioe  que  non  me  quieraa  tan 
mocho  aegudar,  176,  1.  Lo  que  de9ir  yos  quieio,  que  non  lo  retrajadeBy 
228,  4.  data  que  non  las  pierdas,  238,  3.  Sabet  que  nol  oyieron  dos  Te9ea  ^ 
damar,  726,  2. 

Milt. AN.  Tienie  bien  sue  memoria,  Que  non  lo  engannasse  la  yida  trami- 
tenia,  Btz.  123,  v.  4.  Gomi09erme  deviedes  tu  e  tu  ermandat.  Que  non  me 
le?antaasedes  crimen  de  felsedat,  267,  4.  Que  ante  los  yengaron  que  non 
los  re9ibieron,  446,  4. 

M188A.  Por  ent  a  los  dis^ipulos  di6  signo  spe9ial  Que  non  9e  aoostaasen  a 
ei  hospital,  50,  4. 

Laubencio.   Que  non  me  desempares,  por  Dios  e  caridat,  64,  2. 

LooRES.  Menester  nos  a,  sennores,  su  mer^  recadar.  Que  non  noe  de»- 
coDoecan  a  la  bora  de  entrar,  167,  4. 

M1LAOB0&  Esto  bien  lo  creades  :  Que  avie  de  noblezas  tantas  diversi- 
dades,  Que  non  Uu  contarien  priores  nin  abbades,  10,  4.  Madre  eres  de  fijo 
ikalde  derechero.  Que  nol  pla^  la  fuerza  nin  es  end  playentero,  90,  4. 
Dilis  que  non  lo  dexen  7  otro  trentanario,  107,  3.  Fueron  mal  rependidos 
que  non  lo  degollaron,  153,  3.  Dios  el  nuestro  sennor  alcalde  derechero, 
Al  que  non  se  encubre  bod^;a  nin  9ellero,  244,  2.  Embiaron  al  bispo  por 
n  carta  de9ir.  Que  non  Uu  visitaba,  511,  4.  Por  poco  la  gent  loca  que  non 
^  adoiaba,  724,  4.  Veredes  el  diablo  que  trae  mala  manna,  Los  que  non 
Kkguardan,  839,  4. 

OsiA.     Sennor,  dixo,  e  padre,  peroque  non  ie  veo,  103,  1. 
b)  Type  que  lo  no. 

H18BA.     Los  qu^  lo  non  entienden  bien  deben  preguntar,  48,  1. 

liAUBENCio.     Los  que  lo  non  fi^ieren  quierelos  martiriar,  29,  4. 

LooBES.  Sennor  mer9d  te  pido  de  que  tanto  fepbte,  Que  me  non  abor- 
iCKu,  98,  4. 

Doblaron  su  peccado  los  que  la  non  creyeron,  128,  4. 

Mand6  de  la  ^udat  que  m  non  derramassen,  131,  3. 

M11AOBO&     Ubert,  Ubert,  por  qu^  me  non  recudes?  293,  2. 

pQsok)  en  porfiaao  porque  lo  non  pagabo,  685,  2. 


102  WlNTHBpP   HOLT   CHENERY. 

2.  a)  Type  tl  no  lo. 

Silos.  Si  non  los  amparare  el  padron  del  logar,  155,  3.  Si  nan  vo8  lo 
tollieron  nuestros  grayes  pecadoe,  283,  1.  Oa  si  non  U  yaliease,  a  poca  de 
sazon  Serie  ^iego,  706,  3.  Dixo :  si  non  me  saca  Dioe  el  nueBtro  sennor 
Desti  qui  me  tiene  non  me  fi9ier  amor,  712,  2. 

MiLiiAN.     Si  non  se  meiorasse  que  eerie  destruida,  281,  3. 

MiSBA.     Oa  peearie  a  (^esar  si  non  lo  acabassen,  243,  4. 

Laubencio.     Si  non  me  lieyas,  padre,  en  tu  809iedat,  64,  3. 

Melagros.  Del  mal  si  non  te  guardas,  caerds  en  peor,  261,  4.  Madie, 
si  non  nos  yales,  de  ti  non  nos  partremos,  393,  1.  Todo  es  recabdado  si  non 
ie  repindieres,  728,  4. 

Oria.     Si  non  te  lo  quitare  conseio  del  pecado,  El  que  hizo  a  Eya  comer 
el  mal  bocado,  96,  3. 
b)  Type  si  lo  no. 

SiLOB.  So  en  fiero  afruento  con  tal  enfermedat,  Si  me  non  acorriere  la  ta 
grant  piadat,  411,  4, 

MHiiiAN.  Dissolis  por  conseio  una  f uert  profe9ia :  Que  sis  non  qoisieaBen 
quitar  da  la  foUia,  Serien  todoe  destructos,  283,  2. 

Sennor,  si  nos  non  sanas,  daqui  nunqua  iztremos,  327,  1. 

Si  los  non  escuchasen  non  fi9ieran  locura,  408,  4. 

LooREB.     Si  7108  non  yales,  madre,  podemosnos  perder,  223,  2. 

3.  a)  Type  quando  no  lo. 

Silos.     Quando  non  lo  lejesse,  de9ir  non  lo  querria,  73,  3. 
MissA.     Quando  non  lo  quisieron  los  diestros  repebir,  51,  1. 
LooRES.     Quando  non  me  atreyo  a  essas,  digome  destas  menores  85,  2. 
b)  Type  quando  lo  no. 
MiLLAN.     Por  poco  se  non  riso,  tant  oyo  grant  sabor,  222,  4. 

4.  a)  Type  que  blen  lo. 

Silos.  Bey,  dixo,  mal  fa^es,  que  tanto  me  denuestas,  148,  1.  Deaende 
adelante,  porque  bien  la  partieron,  Di61e8  Dios  buen  conseio,  461,  1.  Ter* 
neme  por  pagado,  que  bien  me  soldades,  760,  3.  En  caridat  yos  ruego,  que 
luego  los  digades,  760,  4. 

MiLLAN.     Deste  seet  seguros  que  bien  vos  fallaredes,  480,  3. 

LooRES.  Porque  la  yirtut  podemos  entender.  Que  bien  se  podia  dellos 
sin  anna  defender,  59,  3. 

MiLAOROS.  Benedicta  sea  ella  que  bien  gdo  cumpli6, 130,  2.  Lo  que  alii 
methieremoB  que  bien  lo  empleamos,  498,  4.  Tanto  era  grant  ooaa  que  abet 
lo  creya,  837,  4. 

Oria.     Fizonoe  esta  gratia  porque  bien  lo  quisiemos,  68,  4. 
b)  Type  que  lo  blen.    No  examples. 

5.  a)  Type  tl  blen  lo. 

MiLLAN.  Si  bien  lo  entendiessedes,  sodes  bien  escapadoe,  276,  1.  Deste 
fleet  seguros  que  bien  yos  fallaredes,  Si  bien  lis  enyiaredes  esto  que  lis 
deyedes,  480,  4. 


OBJECT-PBONOUNS  IN   OLD  SPANISH.  103 

K1LAOBO8.    Los  que  taerto  li  tienen  o  que  la  desirvieron,  Delia  merged 
ginaitn,  si  bien  gda  pidienm,  376,  2. 

Obia.  Madie,  u  bien  me  qoieies,  e  pio  me  qnieies  boscar,  Manda  llanuur 
loBcIerigos,  193,  1. 

b)  Type  si  lo  blen.    No  examples. 
t  a)  Type  quando  blen  lo. 

U1LA.QB0&.     Quando  bien  la  catares,  tola  es  mas  qne  mia,  669,  3. 
Qbia.     Seris  fuerte  embargada  de  enfermedat  mortal,  Qual  nunoa  la 
OTiste,  temsla  bien  por  tal,  135,  4. 

b)  Type  quando  lo  blen.    No  examples. 

7.  a)  Tjrpe  que  yo  lo. 

81LOB.  Porqae  viene  aquesto,  que  vos  melo  digades,  239,  2.  Esto  qae 
p  tos  digo  todo  lo  probaredes,  448,  4.  Empez6  muj  afirmes  al  Criador 
rogar,  Qae  elU  la  demiasse  conseio  embiar,  450,  3.  En  gra^  vos  lo  pido, 
que  por  Dios  lo  fagades,  De  sendos  pater  noetres,  que  vw  me  acorrades, 
760,2. 

MiBBA.  En  el  sn  amor  sancto  que  &.  la  en9ienda,  102,  3.  Ru^a  a  Dios 
por  fl  e  por  bos  enoomendadoe,  Que  U  los  absuelira  de  todoe  los  pecados, 
269,2. 

LooBES.     Tu  ante  est&s  presta  que  nas  te  demandemos,  217,  3. 

MiLAOBoe.     Veidat  es,  non  mentira,  esto  que  to  vaa  digo,  276,  2.     Que- 
nen  a  Dios  rogar,  Que  eUi  lis  mostrase  qual  debiessen  alzar,  307,  4.    Bu8c6 
al  omne  bono  que  ella  li  mandara,  491,  2.     Duenna,  disso  el  bispo,  porque 
w  lo  neguedes,  Non  seredes  creida,  550,  3.     O  que  onme  es  esti  que  vos  me . 
presentades?  736,  3. 

Obia.     EBpert6  ella  luego  que  eOas  la  dexaron,  108,  4. 
b)  Type  que  lo  yo. 

MiaBA.  Mer^et  pido  a  todos  por  la  ley  que  tenedes  De  sendos  pater 
DQEtres  que  me  vos  ajudedes,  297,  3. 

MiLAGBoe.     Lo  que  lii  il  di^ia  &9ieielo  probar,  725,  3. 

8.  a)  Type  si  yo  lo. 

SiLoe.    Todo  es  tu  provecho,  ntulo  entendiesses,  431,  1. 

MnxAK.     Bien  me  ten  por  babieca  ayo  telo  oonsiento,  116,  4. 

MiasA.  8i  tot  me  esperaasedes  por  vuestro  bien  seer,  Oyriedes  razones 
qoe  TOS  faran  plaper,  107,  3. 

iiiLAOBOB.  Qi  ff08  me  escuchasedes  por  vuestro  consiment,  Querriayos 
ooQtar  un  buen  aveniment,  1,  2.  Mas  si  ^  me  quissiesses  del  tuio  acreer, 
Ken  te  lo  cuidaba  a  un  plazo  render,  640,  3.  Si  ^  fe  enfiare,  io  por  el  su 
uaor  Acreert^  lo  mio  sin  otro  fiador,  644,  1.  Mas  si  ^  me  fallieres,  a  ellos 
veptai^  652,  3.     Mas  si  tu  me  falle9es  non  me  tengo  a  nada,  818,  2. 

b)  Type  si  lo  yo.    No  examples. 
9*  a)  T^  quando  yo  lo. 

Silos.    Conmio  &  lo  asmaba,  todo  assi  avino,  162,  1. 
b)  l^pe  quando  lo  yo.    No  example. 


106  WINTHBOP   HOLT  CHENEBT. 

lie  complido,  1112,  4 ;  Gonseidlos  el  rej  qrte  any  to  feziessen,  1477,  1 ;  Mas 
q%i€  mucho  lo  digamoe,  en  fado  lo  ooieste,  1487,  4 ;  Los  que  fnays  te  cuydas 
en  tu  mano  tener,  Solo  que  te  non  uean  te  an  de  falle^er,  1764,  4 ;  Mas  tan 
bien  se  sabia  la  atalaya  oomponer  Que  nunoa  lo  podioron  asmar  nen  oonno- 
89er,  1872,  4 ;  Mas  mer9ed  te  pedimos  los  qu^  bien  U  queremos,  Que  saigas 
contra  fuera,  nos  te  repibremos,  2062,  2 ;  Quien  no  la  ha  prouada  deue  a 
Dies  rogar  Que  nunoa  gt  la,  dexe  en  este  mundo  prouar,  2097,  4 ;  Prometio- 
les  grant  promessa  ante  que  ende  ae  partiesse,  2198,  1 ;  Mas  deuemos  a  Dioa 
la  su  merged  pedir  Que  nunea  uoa  dexe  ensajarlo  nen  sentir,  2259,  4  ;  Loa 
que  bien  lo  amauan  aulen  gran  sabor,  2372,  3 ;  Dies  lo  eche  en  lugar  que 
nunca  lo  desate,  2453,  4 ;  Gre9ia  do  a  Perdicas,  ca  sey  que  bien  la  embrego, 
2470,  2. 

2)  SI:  Muchas  uezes  uos  dixi,  se  bien  uos  acordades,  De  can  que  mucho 
ladra  nunca  uos  del  temades,  742,  3 ;  Si  assy  nos  estor9ieren  estoe  esta 
uegada,  Quantos  esto  oyeren  non  dar&n  por  nos  nada,  1060,  1 ;  Se  mcu  te 
contendieres  serto  por  fol  tenido,  2330,  2. 

3)  Quando,  etc.  I>ex6  al  rej  por  muerto,  ca  tcmto  se  valla,  156,  1 ;  No 
lo  crey6  el  rey,  ca  bien  lo  cono9ie,  857,  3  ;  Por  f ^  a  mi  non  pesa,  ca  bien  lo 
mere9ioron,  1067,  4  ;  Exi6  luego  a  €1,  ca  mucho  lo  temie,  1298,  3  ;  Quando 
es  contra  mi  ca  bien  se  mantouioron,  2477,  3  ;  La  gloria  deste  mundo  quien 
bien  la  quiaier  amar,  2506,  1. 

b)  Que,  si,  quando  lo  bien.  1)  Que:  Su  amo  Aristotil  que  lo  auie 
criado,  Era  muy  alegre  porgue  lo  aesi  ueja  onrrado,  177,  4. 

2)  Si:  Sertdn mas leales m 2o oAsy fezieres,  48,  3  ;  Oa 8i 2o &ten entendieeses, 
mucho  te  escame^en,  360,  4. 

3 )  Quando,  etc.     Sennor,  9iego6  se  uean  quantos  uos  mal  9egaron,  2488,  2. 
3.   a)  Que,  si,  quando  yo  io.     1)  Que:  Dixieron  ellos:  plaznos  porque 

uos  lo  mandades,  293,  4 ;  Far^  de  uoluntat  lo  que  uos  me  mandades,  330,  4 ; 
A  esto,  dixo  P&ris,  iudgo  que  tu  la  lieues,  362,  4 ;  Dezie  quel  touiessen  lo 
que  fue  narrado,  Se  non  queUes  (u  e.  que  ^  les)  caye  muy  mal  e  diguisado, 
470,  4  ;  Dir^,  se  nos  tomamos,  que  ellos  nos  uenyioron,  687,  4 ;  Sol  que  tu 
nos  uiuas  por  ricos  nos  tenemos,  748,  3  ;  Que  yo  uos  quiera  mucho  todoa  los 
uipios  dezir,  2247,  1 ;  Sennor,  por  estas  nouas  que  nos  les  leuaremos  Ne  nos 
darfin  aluistra,  nen  grado  non  auremos,  2489,  1. 

2)  SI :  Aqui  te  mer9ed  pedir  si  tu  lo  destruyeres,  219,  1 ;  Situlo  otor- 
gares  que  esto  es  derecho,  Fallar-tas  ende  bien,  auras  end  grant  prouecho, 
345,  1;  Si  el  me  cometies,  41  leuar&  el  prez  649,  3  ;  Mas  se  uos  nos  guiazdes 
a  essas  santidades,  Daruos  emos  offerendas  que  mannas  uos  querades^ 
2321,  3. 

3)  Quando,  etc.     Siempre  lo  quiso  bien,  caUUo  meregie,  857,  4. 

b)  Que,  si,  quando  lo  yo.  1)  Que:  Se  quisierdes  fazer  esto  que  uos  yo 
ruego,  329,  4 ;  Que  quier  que  nos  el  da,  nos  essol  grade9imos,  1771,  4 ; 
"Porque  me  uos  querades  encara  falle^er,  Lo  que  yo  non  cuydo  oyr  nen  ueer, 
2130,  1. 


0BJBCT-PB0N0UN8  IN  OLD  SPANISH.  107 

2)  SI:  Mas  ae  lo  iu  mandaases,  empie^o  tj  a^ia  Que  non  prunes  mal 

qaieo  lo  non  mere9ia,  751,  3 ;  Todos  desien :  sennor,  ualer  non  te  podemos  ; 
Mas  meiyed  te  pedimos  los  que  bien  te  quereoios,  Que  saigas  contra  fuera, 
noe  te  repbremoe :  Sennor  aetetu  pierdes  nos  todos  nos  perdemos,  2062,  4  ; 
Por  on  mal  castello  que  non  ual  un  figo,  Mal  eaaeUiu  pierdes  e  quantos 
8QD  contigo,  2063,  2. 

3)  Qiindo,  etc.  Quando  sopo  el  rey  las  nouas  del  cauallo  tan  fiere, 
Bixo :  nol  prenda  ombre  se  lo  70  non  presiere :  Greet  que  ser&  manso 
^[ucaido  lo  yo  ouiere  :  Perder&  toda  braueza  quando  70  en  ^1  souiere,  102,  3  ; 
£n  giant  caeta  uisquieron,  nunqua  den  se  quitaron,  Qval  la  ellos  ouieron  a 
Qos  tal  la  dexaron,  186,  4. 

i  Que,  si,  quando  lo .     1)  Que:  No  example.     2)  S\:  Si  lo  yo 

aaber  puedo  non  me  lo  podr&  lograr,  34,  3  ;  Quando  sopo  el  re7  las  nouas 
del  cauallo  tan  fiere,  Bixo  :  nol  prenda  ombre  aeloyo  non  presiere,  102,  2  ; 
Mas  segunt  nuestro  seso,  si  lo  por  bien  touiesses,  Vna  coea  de  nueuo  querri- 
ODos  que  feziesses,  291,  1 ;  Dart^  70  casamiento  muger  qual  tu  quisieres, 
Por  casar  o  casada  qual  tu  por  bien  touieres,  Nunca  te  fallir^  st  me  iu  non 
blle^eres,  362,  3.  3)  Quando,  etc.  Al  sennor  enna  bataia  mu7  bien  lo 
aindaua,  Non  tomarie  rienda  quien  aeaH  U^aua,  113,  4 ;  Quando  se  omnes 
nieii  catan  uassallos  e  sennores,  Gaualleros  e  clerigos,  a  buelta  lauradores, 
Abbades  e  obispos  e  los  otros  pastores,  En  todos  ba  acbaques  de  diuersas 
oolores,  1666,  1 ;  Pero  GraJter  el  bono  en  su  uersificar  Seya  ende  cansado, 
do qaerie destaiar,  Dixo  de  la  materia mucbo  en  este  logar  Quando  la  drey 
dixo  quierolo  70  cuntar,  1935,  4 ;  Las  bonas  calagrannas  que  se  quieren 
sl^ar,  Las  otras  moleias  que  fazen  las  uieias  trotar.  La  torronts  amorosa 
bona  pond  lagar,  Quanto  uos  omne  non  podrie  dezir  nen  cuntar,  1967,  4. 

b.  Que,  si  ....  io  no.  1)  Que:  Feri6  entre  los  re78  que  a  D&rio 
goaidauan,  Pooos  auie  b7  dellos  qtu  dU  se  non  duldauan,  959,  4 ;  Yo  te 
labi^  do9  aruoles  en  este  monte  mostrar.  Que  non  puedes  tal  cosa  entre  to 
coer  asmar  :  QaeUos  te  non  digan  en  que  puede  finar,  2318,  3. 

2)  81 :  Mas  conseiarte  quiero  a  toda  mi  cordura,  Se  de  nos  te  non  partes 
aoris  mala  aentura,  120,  4. 

&  Anomalous  examples.  Ouol  por  uentura  el  infante  a  ueer,  Desque  lo 
ttuto  DUO  nos  le  pudo  asconder,  160,  2 ;  Aqui  te  merged  pedir  si  tu  lo 
dertra7ere8,  Nunca  acabar6s  todo  lo  que  quisieres,  219, 1 ;  Fijos  e  mugieres 
por  mi  los  oluidestes,  E  lo  que  70  quis  nunca  lo  uos  oontradixiestes,  2120,  4. 

7.  Infinitive,  a)  Por  bien  lo:  Dieronie  dos  bondades  por  frien  ^  acabar, 
^1  2 ;  Pero  dubdaua  Ector  en  bien  se  meter,  600,  3 ;  Apeds  el  bon  ombre 
por  meior  se  encobrir,  1028,  3 ;  Por  uerdai  uos  dezir  de  tal  golpe  me  pago, 
1211,  4 ;  Fizo  cara  fremosa  por  meior  se  encobrir,  1489,  2  ;  Darlo  a  Ale- 
xandre por  meior  lo  auer,  1538,  3. 

b)  Por  lo  bien  :  Mas  preste  fue  Filotas  por  lo  luego  uengar,  971,  3. 


108  WINTHROP  HOLT  CHENERY. 

6. 

POEMA  DE  FERNAK  QOIH^AJJSZ. 

1.  a)  Que,  sl|  quando  non  io.  1)  Que:  Que  rum  le  {M,  nol)  pudieron 
(ellas)  danno  ninguno  fazer  (M.  fer),  stz.  Ill,  v.  2;  Que  non  ae  podrrytai 
deso  los  frran^eses  alabar,  129,  3 ;  Dexii  le  que  non  le  mejorare  valia  de  vna 
meaja,  291,  4 ;  Ovjeron  a  iomar  (su)  acuerdo  que  non  gdo  oonsejasen  (M. 
departjessen),  337, 1 ;  Estoa  e  otrros  muchoe  que  {non)  voa  he  nonbrado(8), 
353,  1 ;  Por  que  non  los  podia  Tender  andaira  muy  cuytado,  364,  2  ;  Pedimoa 
te  por  melted  que  non  nos  fagas  trajdores,  420,  2 ;  Dixo  que  non le(M,  nol) 
daria  yalia  de  vn  (M.  dun)  dinero,  744,  3.  2)  SI:  j$y  non  te  do  yo  a 
£Bpan(n)a  non  coma  yo  mas  pan,  44,  3.  3)  Quando:  Cb  non  ae  toYO  del 
por  bjen  aoonsejado,  207,  2 ;  Ca  non  lo  fueron  nunca  nuestros  ante^esores, 
420,  3 ;  Ayye  sabor  de  ver  le  el  que  (M.  qoien)  non  le  avya  vysto  (M. 
vydo) ,  606,  4. 

b)  Que,  si,  quando  lo  non.  1)  Que:  No  example.  2)  SI :  Sy  los  non 
aoonyan  que  eran  desbaratadoe,  530,  4.     3)  Quando  :  No  example. 

2.  a)  Que,  sl,  quando  blen  lo .  1 )  Que  :  stz.  129,  t.  4 ;  144,  1 ;  231, 
2;  553,  4;  750,  3.    2)  SI:  No  example.     3)  Quando:  (3,  1)  ;  748,  2. 

3.  a)  Que,  sl,  quando  yo  lo.  1)  Que  :  Por  esto  ha  meneBter  que  not 
los  ooometamos,  305,  1 ;  Que  l  por  que  avja  miedo  pues  que  el  me  ayvdaya? 
427,  4 ;  Que  el  Us  deria  que  querje  la  serpyente  demost(r)ar,  472,  3 ;  (Oa) 
de  lo  que  ellos  se  pagan  tyenen  lo  por  mejor,  629,  4.  2)  S\:  'E  ay  vos  {lo) 
quisyesedes  el  podrrya  escapar,  624,  4  ;  3)  Quando :  Caelles  daria  a3ruda  por 
que  la  anparasen,  115,  4. 

b)  Que,  sl,  quando  lo  yo.  1)  Que  :  Quanto  que  ie  yo  digo  ten  lo  por 
a8eguran9a,  238,  3.     2)  3)  SI,  Quando,  etc.    No  examples. 

4.  Que,  sl,  quando  lo .    No  examples. 

5.  Anomalous  examples.  Por  conqueryr  a  Espanna  segunt  que  elloa 
cuydavan.  Que  ge  la  conquerryan  mas  non  lo  byen  asmavan,  132, 4 ;  Sennor, 
dicho  te  he  lo  que  te  dezir  queria,  344,  1. 

6.  Infinitive.    Por  non  lo.    Por  non  wa  detener  en  otrras  ledanias,  267,  1. 

7. 
El  Cantab  de  los  Cantares. 

1.  a)  SI  non  lo.  Si  non  te  connoces  tu  fermosa  entre  las  mugieres,  Cap. 
I,  V.  7. 

2.  b)   Que  lo  blen.    ^Qual  es  el  to  omado  del  amor  por  que  noa 
ooniurest?    Gap.  V,  v.  9. 

8a. 

PoEME  D*  Amour. —iJomanio,  xvi,  368  ff. 

1.   a)  Que  no  lo. 

Que  nom  fiziese  mal  la  siesta,  t.  34. 
Que  nom  fizies  mal  la  calentura,  36. 


OBJBCT-PBOlfOUNS  IN  OI*D  SPANISH.  109 

Pero  86  que  no  me  oono^ia,  100. 
b)  Qm  lo  no.    No  example. 
^  a)  (Hit  (si,  etc.)  yo  lo. 

Mas  »  {i)o  te  vies  una  yegada, 

A  plan  me  qaeryeB  por  amada,  96. 
Yo  000091  luego  las  alfayas 

Que  yo  ielat  avia  embiadas,  123. 
Ela  oonno9io  una  mi  9i(n)ta  man  a  mano 
Qv^da  la  fiziera  oon  la  su  mano,  125. 
b)  Quo  lo  yo.    No  example. 

8b. 
D^BAT  DU  Vm  BT  DB  L'Eau.— iZomonio,  xvi,  376  ff. 

1.  Que  no  lo. 

Qae  no  a  bomne  que  no  lo  sepa 
Qne  fillo  sodes  de  la  pepa,  y.  34. 

2.  Qm  bitn  lo. 

£  contar  t'e  otras  mis  manas, 

Mas  temoy  que  hugo  te  asanas,  81. 
&    Qm  yo  lo. 

Bon  yino,  si  yos  de  Dios  saint, 

Que  voB  me  &gades  agora  ana  yirtod,  66. 

8c 
Db  Loe  DiBZ  MAifDAMiENTO& —jRomama,  xvi,  379  ff. 

1.  Quo  no  lo. 

£  demande  del  perdimento  del  bien,  qne  muitas  yeses  poria  el 
oome  fa^er  bien  que  non  lo  fii^e,  p.  381,  L  37. 

2.  81  no  lo. 

£n  este  peca  qni  fiere  padre  o  madre  o  qui  los  fa^e  irados  por 
pantolas  o  por  feitos  o  H  no  los  socorre  de  lo  que  an  mester, 
380,  11. 

Pero  qoal  pecado  a  feito  tal  pena  deye  sofrir  e  leyar,  que,  «i  non 
te  escarmentasen  los  omnes  del  mal  que  fa^en,  381,  26. 

9. 

DoCnMENTOB  DE  AlFGNSO  X. 

1.  a)  Que  non  lo :  et  si  non  el  que  non  los  a3rudase,  p.  9,  1.  16  (Priyi- 
legio  de  Alfonso  X  del  alio  1263).  ^  el  aldea  que  non  Us  ayudase,  9,  17 
(Ibid.).  Et  aquellos  priyillegios  que  ban  los  de  C6rdoya  que  non  le 
embaixoi,  22,  3  (Carta  de  Alfonso  X  del  alio  1264).  6  por  que  diga  que  es 
m  pariente,  que  nonle  yala  ni  se  excuse  por  ende,  42,  13  (Ordenanza  de 
Alfonso  X  del  afio  1264). 


110  WINTHBOP   HOLT  OHENEBY. 

b)  Qui  lo  non  :  de  guisa  que  quando  el  otro  &  qui  demandaba  avie 
meester  bocero  que  lo  non  podie  ayer,  42,  7  (Ordenanza  de  Alfonso  X  del 
afio  1254). 

2.  a)  Qui  bien  lo  :  que  aasi  lo  usaron  de  grand  tienpo  (aca),  44,  19 
(Fuero  de  Alfonso  X  del  afio  1254).    mando  que  casi  lo  tomen,  45, 1  (Ibid.  )• 

8.   a)  Que  yo  io.    No  examples. 

b)  Que  io  yo.  en  razon  de  los  molinos  del  aze3rte  qu^  les  yo  dy,  16, 
3  (Privilegio  de  Alfonso  X  del  afio  1253).  ^  en  los  castiellos  que  (es  yo  di, 
32,  25  (Ckrta  de  Alfonso  X  del  afio  1254).  Vos  sabedes  bien  que  vo8  yo 
embi^  una  mi  carta,  38,  3  (Carta  de  Alfonso  X  del  afio  1254).  por  este 
heredamiento  que  vos  yo  do,  11,  22  (Privilegio  de  Alfonso  X  del  afio  1253). 

10. 

Leyenda  de  LOS  Infantes  de  Laba. 

(De  la  06nica  General  que  mand6  componer  el  Bey  Don  Alfonso  X.) 

cdps.  i-vn. 

1.  a)  Que,  si  quando  non  lo.  1)  Que  :  et  por  que  non  me  puedo  dellos 
uengar  (que  yo  YTZ) ,  218,  24 ;  bien  uos  digo  uerdad,  que  non  me  plaze  por 
que  esta  carrera  queredes  yr,  222,  26 ;  mas  tantoe  eran  muchos  loa  moros 
que  no  Us  podien  dar  cabo,  230,  1.  2)  Si.  No  example.  3)  Quando  :  ea 
non  uos  es  mester,  222,  15. 

b)  Que,  si,  quando  lo  non.  2)  Que  :  mas  pero  tanto  uos  ruego  que  me 
non  firades  otra  uez,  211,  10 ;  desuio  la  cabe9a  del  colpe,  assi  quel  non 
alcanpo  sinon  poco  por  ell  onbro,  211,  14 ;  bien  cuedo  que  lo  non  faze  por  al 
sinon  por  que  nos  enamoremos  dell  (q.  n.  lo  IBYT),  213,  21 ;  yo  non 
querria  uiuir  un  dia  mas  fasta  quel  non  uengasse,  214,  23  ;  et  demientre  que 
el  fuere  en  mio  poder,  conseiouos  quel  non  fagades  ningun  mal  ( que  nol  T, 
q.  n.  le  G),  215,  19  ;  assi  quel  non  pudo  ella  defender  (que  nol  T,  q.  n.  le 
B,  q.  n.  lo  I),  215,  22 ;  pesoles  tanto  que  non  pudiera  mas,  assi  que  se  non 
sopieron  y  dar  oonseio,  216,  22  ;  por  tal  que  se  non  guardassen  dell  ( non  se 
Z) ,  217,  23  ;  por  que  lo  non  descrubiesse,  219,  15  ;  pues  que  me  non  queredes 
creer  de  oonseio  (pues  non  me  I),  223,  12 ;  et  que  lo  non  deuie  fazer  por 
ninguna  manera,  223,  21 ;  ^rtas  uos  digo  que  lo  7um  tengo  por  bien  (non  lo 
aU  MSS,  exe,  EA),  226,  11 ;  non  uoe  incal  tomar  ganan9ias  que  uos  non 
seran  prouechosas,  227,  18.  2 )  Si.  No  example.  3)  Quando  :  ca  vo» 
lo  non  podria  soflrir  (non  uos  lo  I),  211,  11. 

2.  a)  Que,  si,  quando  bien  lo.  1)  Que  :  que  bien  me  semeia  que  non 
fiiblan  de  otro  cauallero  tanto  como  de  uos,  210,  16  ;  de  guisa  que  luegcl  fizo 
ciebar  la  sangre  por  las  narizes,  211,  21.  2)  Si:  si  bien  me  queredes,  219, 
2.  3)  Quando  :  a  esse  logar  mismo,  cayw>s  atendre  yo,  219,  7 ;  ca  mucAo 
1108  tienen  los  moros  en  grand  quexa,  231,  8. 

b)  Que,  si,  quando  lo  bien.    No  examples. 


OBJECT-PRONOUNS  IN  OLD  SPANISH.  Ill 

3.  a)  Qye,  si,  qutndo  yo  lo.    1)  Qut:  que  cuedarien  losomnes  que  el 

let  tiiste9iem  la  maerte,  224,  4.     2)  S\:  et  n  uoe  lo  touieredes  por  bien  de 

JT  oomigo,  pUueer  me  a  ende  macho  (lo  oos  I),  221,  11.    3)  Quando  :  et 

non  aji8  miedo,  cayote  amparaie,  214,  7  ;  et  8o£Erit  ooe,  cayo  voe  prometo 

que  tal  derecho  nos  de  ende,  217,  10 ;  ea  el  loa  atendrie  en  la  nega  de 

Jehroe,  222,  5 ;  fijos,  non  ayades  miedo,  ea  yo  uoe  dire  lo  que  es,  228,  2. 

b)  Qot,  si,  quando  lo  yo.  1)  Quo:  etdassi  fuere,  non  noe  escape  a 
oida,  zunqud  eUa  quiera  amparar  (aunque  ella  lo  q.  IB,  mager  que  lo  e. 
(qoellal  T)  q.  YT,  maguer  q.  e.  L  q.  GZ),  215,  11 ;  et  enuia  uos  rogar 
quel  enuiedes  recabdo  de  lo  que  uoe  dl  enuia  dezir,  220,  10 ;  de  coea  que  uo9 
yo  diga  (yo  only  in  EA),  223,  13 ;  mas  todo  esto  que  les  el  mandaua  fazer, 
227,  15 ;  ca  los  agueroe,  que  uos  yo  dixe  que  nos  eran  contrallos,  229,  4 ;  el 
espada  con  que  loa  el  descabe9ava,  235,  9.  2)  SI :  et  <t  ^  uoe  touieredes  por 
bien,  grades^er  voe  lo  ya  mucho  (uos  lo  YGZ),  218,  8.  3)  Quando  :  may 
rioo  Tema  de  Cordoua  don  (]k>n9aluo,  si  Dios  quisiere,  dol  yo  enuio,  219, 19. 

4    Que,  si,  quando  lo 1)   Que:   este  que  uos  esta  mi  carta 

aduae,  218,  23 ;  pues  que  lo  a  £azer  auedes  (q.  de  (a  I)  fazerlo  au.  YTGI), 
219,  22 ;  poia  yr  fazer  aquello  que  les  el  tio  mandara  (el  t.  les  IB,  les 
mandaoa  sa  do  YTZ),  227,  17 ;  Pues  que  Us  esto  ouo  dicho  (esto  les  oR 
eaxept  £A),  228, 10.  2)  81 :  et  <t  um  alguna  cosa  fizo  (si  alg.  EIBG),  215, 
18.   3 )  Quando :  Boy  Blasquez  quando  les  aquello  oyo  ( les  lacking  in  YTZQ  A ), 

224,  18 ;  Quando  le  aquello  oyo  dezir  (q.  le  aq.  E,  q.  aq.  le  I,  q.  aq.  aU  the 
otken)^  228,  18 ;  et  Munno  Salido  aasi  euemo  le  esto  ouo  dicho  (como  le  o. 
d.  e.  I,  onno  esto  dixo  YTZ),  228,  22. 

5.  Anomalous,  par  Dios,  tio,  nunqua  uos  yo  meres;!  porque  uos  tan 
grand  colpe  me  diessedes  (yo  nunca  uos  I,  n.  u.  lo  yo  B),  211,  7 ;  mas  si 
fuxiere  contra  donna  Uanbla,  yl  ella  acogiere  (e  o  ela  coller  A,  e  ella  lo  ac 
all  exe,  E),  215,  10 ;  en  mal  ora  uos  yo  crie  (yo  uos  cr.  I),  223,  12 ;  que 
rnudio  mas  la  non  deuie  el  temer  (non  la  G),  223,  25 ;  don  Munno  Salido, 
siempre  me  uos  fustes  contrallo  en  quanto  padiestes  (uos  lacking  in  YTZAB), 

225,  5 ;  en  mal  dia  uos  yo  do  soldadas  (do  yo  TB),  225,  18  ;  pues  que  uoa 
Teedes  a  Munno  Salido  assi  me  desondrar,  et  me  non  dades  derecho  dell 
(dod  meaUexe.  EA),  225,  19. 

11. 

Gban  Ck)KQUi8TA  De  Ultraj^ab. 
Cdpe.  I-XX. 

1.  a)  1)  Quo  non  lo:  e  pues  que  nol  fall6,  tom6se,  pfig.  505,  col.  1,  1. 
37 ;  porgii«  non  se  aseguraba  en  el  Soldan,  506,  2,  35 ;  que  non  era  home 
que  las  yiese  que  non  se  maravillase  ende  mucho,  507,  1,  15 ;  el  rio  es  de 
guiaa  .  • .  que  non  lo  pueden  sacar  contra  &  aquella  parte,  510, 1,  37  ;  habian 
de  ir  en  pos  los  enemigos,  que  non  les  tomaba  sabor  de  folgar,  510,  2, 18  ;  aai 
que  non  hs  osaron  oometer,  511,  2,  5 ;  6  dijol  que  nol  semejaba  que  era  su 
honra,  514,  1,  8.     2)  81  non  lo  :  m  non  Us  diese  sos  quitaciones,  506,  2,  4. 


112  WINTHROP   HOLT   CHENERY. 

b)  Quo  lo  non  :  4  por  destorbar  aqael  fecho  en  cuanto  A  pudiese  que 
96  mm  campliese,  505,  1 »  10 ;  4  agaa  tanta,  que  Its  non  fallesciese  &  homes 
nin  i,  bestias,  505,  1,  29 ;  por^u^  Im  non  levaae  el  viento,  506,  1,  38 ;  ^ 
aqaelloe  que  ae  non  pagaren  ende,  508,  1,  8 ;  yorque  lo  non  entendiese  Sim- 
oon, 509,  2, 11 ;  4  que  si  todoe  hi  fincasen  que  Its  non  abondaria,  512, 12  ;  £ 
pora  facer  atal  fecho,  que  se  non  debiera  trabajar  tan  baen  home  como  ^1, 
513,  2,  50  ;  en  tal  manera  que  me  segure  que  me  non  fagan  mal  sub  yentee, 
513,  2,  55. 

3.  a)  Quo  yo  lo  :  non  por^ue  ^  m  connoeciese  nin  se  toviese  por  heredeio 
de  Mafomat,  508,  2,  33. 

b)  Quo  lo  yo  :  do  quier  que  lea  H  mandase,  505,  1,  4 ;  ^  faced  aquello 
quevoa  a  dir&,  508,  1,  31. 

4.  Quando  lo estonoes  dijieron  los  mandaderos  del  "Bej  que  lo 

firmase  ^1,  asf  como  h  el  Bej  fidera,  507,  2,  18. 

12a. 

Don  Juan  Maiotiil  :  £l  Libbo  de  la  Caza. 

1.  a)  Quo  non  lo.  assi  que  non  ae  falla  que  del  Bey  tolomeo  aca 
ningun  Bej  nin  otro  omne  tanto  fiziesse  por  ello  oommo  el,  p.  1,  L  4 ;  Et 
como  quiera  que  non  ha  tienen  por  tan  nobles,  10,  10 ;  Pero  que  non  ae 
atraviessen  las  pefiolas,  10,  24  ;  que  non  ae  despante  nin  dexe  de  comer  por 
elloB,  22,  8 ;  en  guisa  que  non  le  pueda  morder,  30,  19 ;  Et  quando  loa 
falcones  fueren  bien  tenprados  por  aventura  que  non  la  fallaren,  34,  4 ;  que 
guarde  que  non  le  de  acomer,  35,  11 ;  Pero  non  lo  quiere  el  aqui  nonbrar 
por  que  non  lo  tengan  por  muy  chufador,  43,  20 ;  £t  que  sea  guardado  que 
non  lea  de  el  sereno  enla  cabepa,  51,  15  ;  dize  Don  iohan  que  non  ae  atreuio 
el  a  fablar  enella  ninguna  cosa,  54,  29 ;  £t  la  mejor  maestria  paia  eeto  ea 
que  non  ha  dezen  estar  tanto,  64,  16  ;  Et  dize  don  iohan  que  non  ae  acuerda 
deloe  nonbres,  89,  5  ;  mas  dize  que  non  aele  a^erto  de  cayar  en  ellaa,  89,  20. 
b)  Quo  lo  non.  Otrosi  quando  los  canes  llegan  ala  grua  que  esta  der- 
ribada  quanto  bien  la  toman  en  g^ardar  los  falcones  qudea  non  fazen  ningun 
mal,  p.  8,  1.  1 ;  que  los  azores  queh  non  pueden  fazer,  8,  7 ;  Delos  bomis 
non  quiso  Don  iohan  fablar  mucho  "porque  ae  non  paga  mucho  dela  su  ca^, 
14,  8  ;  en  guisa  qudea  non  fagan  mal,  17,  23  ;  en  guisa  que  la  non  pierda  7, 
25,  10  ;  avn  que  algunas  cosas  menguen  que  ac  non  pueden  fazer,  27,  15  ;  e 
que  guarde  qud  non  de  acomer  nunca  de  vna  came  sobre  otra,  35,  8 ;  e  deuen 
los  guardar  que  loa  non  pongan  en  ningun  lugar,  35,  24 ;  guardandol  toda 
bia  quel  non  fagan  enojo,  36,  8  ;  Otro  si  si  quisiere  cafar  garya  ese  atreuiere 
enel  falcon  que  traen,  quel  non  pierda  por  alto  deuen  poner  gentes  enloa 
lugares  do  entendiere  que  se  Bendra  38,  24 ;  Pero  el  quela  non  puede  matar, 
39,  20 ;  Et  por  que  muchas  otras  cosas  puede  acae89er  en  esta  ca^  que  ae 
non  podrian  escriuir,  41,  5  ;  Et  si  oviere  vn  tomiello  yerca  delas  piuelas  por 
que  ae  non  pueda  Beuoluer  el  falcon  sera  mejor,  49,  11 ;  Et  quando  alguna 


OBJECT-PRONOUNS   IN   OLD   SPANISH.  113 

con  se  emase  que  ae  non  padiese  conplir.  49,  14  ;  ca  inuchas  ooeas  conte89e 
ikiB  fiJoones  enlas  madas  que  ae  non  puede  poner  en  escripto,  49,  17  ;  Pero 
fid  mm  deuen  dar  grant  papo,  58,  29  ;  Otroei  le  deuen  gnardar  qud  non 
teogso  en  caaa  may  fria,  60,  24  ;  e  quando  los  ca^adores  las  dizen  los  quelo 
«M 800  tan  ca^adores  que  son  chufadores  (1.  quelo  non  son  tanto  dizen  que), 
80,  20 ;  mas  loe  qu^  non  qnieren  creer  lo  tienen  por  mentira,  80,  25. 

2.  I)  Si  non  lo.  mas  ei  non  ae  vafia  non  deue  consentir  que  se  eche 
<ie  ooche,  17,  11 ;  £t  m  non  gdo  pudieren  fazer  tragar  deuen  le  meter  yn 
peda^o  del  por  la  garganta,  63,  5  ;  £t  m  non  lo  fazen  ca9arian  con  otro  omne 
mas  DOD  commo  pertenespe  ca^ar  al  grant  sefior,  67,  15. 

b)  Si  io  non.  ca  m  to  non  fuessen  mas  seria  la  su  ca^a  enojosa  que 
aibroaa,  19,  17 ;  e  m  (a  non  quisiere  tomar  volando  deuen  le  tirar  por  el 
ooidel,  24,  29  ;  £t  aila  non  matare  dar  le  muj  grant  fanbre,  26,  5. 

3.  I)  Quando  non  lo.  Pero  si  el  falconero  fuere  bueno  el  poma  Becabdo 
ttodo  ca  non  ae  podria  poner  en  escripto  todaa  las  maneras,  30,  7  ;  Et  alo  en 
otro  lagar  do  non  lo  solia  auer,  83,  6. 

b)  Quando  lo  non.    No  example. 

4.  a)  Quo  blon  lo.  £t  dize  Don  iohan  qnelos  que  estos  dos  omes  fazen 
CO  ca^  de  adores  qm  maa  lo  tienne  el  por  marauiUa  que  por  sabiduria  de 
capa,  8,  19  ;  £t  dize  Don  iohan  que  yai  contes^io  ael  esto,  16,  13  ;  por  que 
CB  ma  delas  coeaa  que  maa  le  enbiaue9e,  17,  7 ;  £t  dize  que  ya  lo  fizo  el 
muchas  yezes,  43,  10 ;  £t  dize  don  iohan  que  avn  el  fasta  que  don  Bemon 
dorche  yino  que  ad  laa  yia  ca^ar,  44,  13  ;  qu£  aai  lo  fare  escriuir,  46,  28  ;  £t 
oommo  foeren  cres^iendo  las  tiserae,  que  an  Ua  deuen  menguar  la  quantia, 
50,  20 ;  Et  dize  don  iohan  que  ya  la  mato  y  con  Scones,  79,  24. 

b)  Quo  lo  bion.  e  deaque  la  aaai  matare  deuen  gela  montar,  26,  12 ; 
ca  por  que  esten  magros  e  fanbrientos  comerian  tanto  queh  nunea  podrian 
toller,  47,  23  ;  aalno  ende  quanto  tafie  alo  que  se  allega  la  teorica  alo  que 
m  agora  ysa  enlas  enfermedades  delos  falcones,  55,  1. 

5.  Si  bion  lo  and  Si  lo  bion.    No  examples. 

6.  Quando  blon  lo.    quando  Inen  ae  ayudan  los  ynos  aloe  otros,  7,  24. 

7.  a)  Quo  (tl,  otc.)  yo  io.  £t  la  mejor  maestria  para  esto  es  que  non 
los  dexen  estar  tanto  los  picos  por  fazer  fasta  quel  adea  comien9e  aquebrar  e 
adesgajar,  64,  17. 

b)  Quo  (si,  otc.)  lo  yo.  £t  quien  pudiesse  ysar  dela  ca^a  eommo 
la  el  ordeno  non  erraria  en  ninguna  cosa,  3,  7  ;  e  nUentre  lo  el  comiere,  29, 
27 ;  £t  el  £alconero  deue  caualgar  ndentre  lo  d  come,  37,  26. 

8.  Quo  lo .     los  giri^tes  de  que  ae  agora  maa  pagan,  9,  4 ;  Los 

escoros  de  que  ae  agora  maa  pagan,  11,  9 ;  Los  neblis  de  que  ae  agora  maa 
pagan,  12,  21 ;  Los  baharis  de  que  ae  agora  maa  pagan,  13,  22 ;  que  es  la 
oosa  del  mundo  de  que  ae  elloe  maa  espantan,  16,  17 ;  e  yn  a9or  tor^uelo 
perdigoero  de  que  ae  omne  non  duela  mucho,  67,  4. 


8 


114  WINTHROP  HOLT  CHENERY. 

12b. 

Don  Juan  Manuel:  El  Libro  del  Cavallebo  et  del  Escudebo. 

1.  a)  Quo,  si,  quando  no  lo.  1 )  Quo :  Et  el  ^apatero,  que  non  se  guardaua 
de  aquello,  443,  20 ;  por  razon  qiie  non  «e  podra  escusar,  444,  26 ;  et  tan 
aproueclioea  cosa  es  para  los  buenos  et  para  los  entendudoe  el  saber,  que  non 
lo  pucden  olbidar  por  los  bienes  corporales,  464,  22 ;  que  quando  uiniere, 
que  falle  que  non  le  enpeyio  la  su  partida  dende,  465,  6  ;  et  que  ban  nobres 
(L  nombres)  sefialados  que  non  se  entiendan  en  otra  arte,  468,  16 ;  por  que 
non  U  oyo  nin  fablo  enello  tantas  vegadas,  por  que  complida  mente  lo 
pudiesse  entender,  471,  7  ;  Et  para  que  esten  las  otras  que  non  se  mueben  et 
que  lieuen  loe  otros  9iello6,  478,  8 ;  Ca  sin  dubda  non  ha  omne  que  bien 
pare  mientes  en  los  fechos  que  nuestro  sefior  dios  faze  en  el  9ielo  et  en  la 
tierra,  que  non  le  deua  mucho  amar  et  loar,  479,  11  ;  que  non  le  deua  mucho 
temer,  479,  15 ;  fara  quanto  pudiere  por  que  non  lo  acabe,  495,  1 ;  Todaa 
estas  aves  biuen  enlos  vermos  et  enla  tierra  seca,  que  non  se  aprouechan  del 
agua,  503,  21 ;  o  que  vsan  non  por  la  arte  dela  estrclleria  mas  por  los  juyzios 
que  non  ae  pueden  saber  verdadera  mente,  511,  24 ;  deuemos  crer  que  lo 
lieua  por  que  non  le  quiere  dexar  en  cste  mundo,  514,  27  ;  Ca  (ierto  es  que 
los  que  son  malos  et  fazen  malas  obras  et  non  se  arepienten  nin  se  quieren 
partir  dellas,  que  si  alguna  buena  andan9a  an,  que  non  lea  puede  durar 
mucho,  515,  26. 

2)  Si :  Et  8t  non  lo  guardare,  todo  su  fecho  traera  errado,  486,  29  ;  a  non 
V08  lo  (1.  si  non  vos)  diere  la  repuesta  tan  complida,  non  uos  marabilledea, 
505,  15 ;  Ca  gi  non  lo  fiziessen,  venir  les  ya  ende  dos  dafios  muj  grandes, 
513,  26  ;  Et  por  esta  Hazon  gi  non  uoa  pudiere  responder  complida  mente, 
516,  1. 

3)  Quando,  etc.  Et  do  non  laa  fallare  fechas,  fazer  las  el  buenas  et 
derechas,  451,  14  ;  Ca  vnos  toman  muj  grant  pesar  quando  non  aelea  faze  lo 
que  ellos  quieren,  459,  21. 

b)  Que,  si,  quando  lo  non.  1)  Que:  Et  faziendose  estas  cosas  commo 
deuen,  conplido  es  el  sacramento,  avn  qtte  se  non  fagan  y  otros  conplimientOB 
et  noblezas,  453,  18 ;  Et  alas  otras  que  vos  non  respondi,  461,  27 ;  por  que 
cuydo  que  vos  non  fazen  tan  grant  mengua  delas  saber,  461,  28  ;  Quiero  vos 
agora  dezir  vnas  cosas  que  vos  non  dixe  entonye,  475,  16  ;  et  da  a  entender 
alos  suyos  que  lo  non  ha,  476,  26 ;  Ca  non  a  cosa  por  bien  dicha  que  sea, 
que,  sy  muchas  vegadas  se  dize  vna  en  por  (1.  pos)  otra,  que  se  non  enoje 
della  el  que  la  oye,  482,  22 ;  Mas  las  otras  estrellas  (que)  lieua  el  9ielOy 
segund  que  de  suso  es  dicho,  son  las  que  se  non  mueuen  et  son  puestas  aseme- 
janza,  485,  25 ;  Et  en  las  cosas  quel  non  cumplen  mucho  non  fazen  grant 
fuerya  enle  ayudar  enellas,  494,  26 ;  Et  avn  yo  tengo  que  vos  non  podria 
responder  complida  mente,  512,  24  ;  la  otro  (sic)  es  que  las  cosas  que  el  a 
de  librar  que  las  non  acomiende  a  otri,  519,  29 ;  Ay  muchas  otras  tierras 
emque  las  non  conospen  nin  se  podrian  criar,  520,  13  ;  y  que  non  son  may 


OBJECT-PRONOUNS   IN   OLD   SPANISH.  116 

aproaecbosas  nin  de  may  buen  recabdo,  que  me  non  pongades  culpa  nin  vob 
marabilledes  ende,  520,  32 ;  £t  alo  que  me  rogastes  que  vos  non  fiziesse  mas 
pregootasy  521,  23 ;  Capitolo  L^  primo,  commo  el  cauallero  anyiano  Kogo 
al  caaallero  nouel  que  ae  non  paitiesse  del  ante  de  su  finamiento,  522,  8 ; 
£t  BogQ  al  caoaUero  man9ebo  que  ae  non  paitiesBe  del  fasta  que  el  nuestro 
Kfior  camplieaae  la  sa  yoluntad  enel,  522,  20. 

2)  81:  o  por  que  el  (L  quel)  seria  dafio  o  yerguen9a,  m  lo  non  diesse, 
457,  8;  non  yob  deuedes  marabillar,  gi  uoa  non  respondiere  por  aquellas 
poJabras  mismaa  que  son  de  aquella  arte,  468,  18  ;  non  uos  deuedes  mara- 
hillar,  n  uob  non  respondiere  aesta  pregunta  tan  complida  mente  commo 
avia  mester,  471, 11 ;  £t  por  ende  non  vos  marabilledes,  n  uob  non  Respon- 
diere aesto  oomplida  mente,  485,  17. 

3)  Quando,  ttc.  £t  como  deue  fazer  enel  tiempo  dela  guerra  o  dela  paz, 
si  foe  (L  foesse)  muj  Rico  o  abon(d)ado,  Et  commo  quando  lo  non  fuesse 
tanto,  458,  4. 

2.  a)  Quo  bton  lo :  £t  por  que  todas  las  cosas  se  fazen  por  lo  que  omne  oje 
opor  lo  que  dize,  segunt  que  yavoahe  dicho  de  suso,  481,  24  ;  commo  quier 
que  nunea  le  pnede  fablar,  487,  17  ;  Ca  non  ha  oosa  que  mas  ae  allegue  con 
]as  maneras  del  cauallero  que  ser  montero,  498,  25 ;  qwe  aaaz  le  faze  dios 
merged  complida,  si  enesto  a9ierta  conmio  deue,  507,  3 ;  £t  deuen  ser  9iert06 
que  mucho  bien  que  fagan  qtie  nunea  lea  sera  olbidado,  519,  12. 

b)  Quo  lo  blon:  £t  lo  que  ae  agora  alongo,  tengo  que  non  fue  si  non 
por  mi  peccado,  447,  10  ;  Et  otrosi  tiene(n)  que  vna  delas  cosas  que  la  maa 
acrespenta,  es  meter  en  scripto  las  cosas  que  fallan,  449,  4 ;  Et  asi  es  la 
caualleria  conplida,  ca  todas  las  otras  cosas  que  ae  y  fazen  son  por  bendi- 
^iones,  454,  1 ;  £t  aesta  pregunta  que  me  agora  fazedes,  que  cosa  son  los 
angeles,  470,  9  :  vos  deuedes  saber  que  vna  delas  cosas  que  ae  maa  vsa  enla 
caualleria,  475,  17  ;  et  por  que  los  omnes  se  aprouechen  et  se  siruan  dellas 
en  aquellas  cosas  queU{a)  maa  cumplieren,  507,  22. 

3.  a)  Quo,  tl,  quando  yo  lo.  1)  Que:  Et  quando  falardes  algunas  (1. 
alguna)  que  non  ay  muj  buen  recado,  tened  por  (ierto  que  yo  la^  poner 
en  este  libro,  447,  21 ;  Pero  ala  pregunta  que  uoa  me  feziestes,  commo  quier 
que  en  pocas  palabras  non  uos  podria  conplida  mente  responder,  451,  8  ;  Et 
cied  que  yo  me  tengo  por  muy  tenudo  de  vos  seruir,  4G2,  18  ;  Que  muchas 
delas  preguntas  que  voa  m«  feziestes  son  de  artes  et  de  s^iencias  9iertas,  467, 
28  ;  el  fara  en  guisa  que  en  qual  quier  manera  que  ayades  cuydo  (1.  caydo) 
en  qual  quier  destos  pecados,  que  el  voa  dara  consejo,  491,  27  ;  Por  que  dios 
qniso  dar  galardon  al  alma  del  cauallero  an9iano  por  los  seruipos  que  el  le 
aria  fechos,  522,  15.  2)  81:  Pero  deue  omne  auer  buena  8peran9a  que,  ai 
el  m  aripiente,  quel  abra  dios  mer^et,  493,  11 ;  Et  pues  veo  que  vos  tantas 
bfie(n)a8  cosas  me  auedes  mostrado,  que  aiyo  laa  pudiesse  aprender,  que  me 
ca(in)plian  asaz,  521,  27. 

b)  Quo,  tl,  quando  lo  yo.  1)  Que:  Mas  de  que  lo  voa  vierdes,  si  me 
eoTiades  dezir  que  vos  pagardes  ende,  448,  12 ;  Pero  si  atodas  estas  pre- 


116  WINTHROP   HOLT  CHENERY. 

guntas  qiLe  me  voa  fazcdes  non  vos  pudiere  yo  responder  por  aquellas  palabras 
mismas,  467,  26  ;  £t  por  ende,  por  que  \as  preguntas  que  me  vos  fazedes  son 
de  scienyias  seftaladas,  468,  15  ;  Et  pues  qui  (1.  que)  en  eslas  cosas  que  me 
vos  preguntades  yo  he  pensado  quanto  el  mi  flaco  cntendimiento  alcancar 
(sic)  puede,  472,  27  ;  a8i  commo  otras  uegadajB  vos  dixe,  todas  vuestras  pre- 
guntas que  ine  vos  fazcdes  son  dobhidas,  486,  11  ;  Et  bien  cred,  fijo,  que  el 
que  esto  dixere  et  lo  entendiere  cs  ( 1.  en)  esta  guisa  que  el  (1.  quel)  seria  muy 
graue  del  dar  Respuesta  a  todas  preguntas  que  me  vos  feziestes,  488,  16 ; 
Mas  la  manera  en  que  omne  semeja  al  mundo  et  es  todas  las  cosas,  es  en 
esta  manera  que  ttw  yo  dire,  488,  17  ;  Fijo,  fasta  aqui  todas  las  preguntas 
que  me  vos  feziestes  fueron  senziellas  et  dobladas,  494,  1 ;  Fijo,  commo  quier 
que  yo  tengo  que  atantas  preguntas  et  tan  estraftas  que  me  vos  feziestes,  que 
yo  non  vos  podria  responder,  520,  25 ;  Otrosi  vos  ruego  que,  pues  a  estas 
preguntas  que  me  vos  feziestes  uos  he  respondido  enla  manera  que  yo  pude, 

520,  33  ;  para  enmendar  alguna  cosa  anuestro  sefior  dios  de  muchoe  yerros 
et  pecados  quel  yo  iiz,  521,  5 ;  non  se  commo  pudiesse  grades9er  adios  et  a 
vos  quanto  bien  tengo  que  me  ha  venido  en  estas  cosas  que  me  vos  moetrastes, 

521,  19  ;  Et  pierto  seed  que  yo  tengo  que  todas  estas  cosas  que  me  vos  avedes 
mostrado  son  todas  muy  buenas,  521,  22.  2)  81.  No  example.  3)  Quando, 
etc.  Et  pues  vos  yo  repreliendo  por  que  mudastes  la  manera  et  las  preguntas, 
495,  10  ;  Et  niego  vos  que,  pues  iw  yo  respondi  atodas  las  preguntas,  521,  8. 

4.  Que,  si  lo  — :  Mas  todas  estas  crian9as  et  labores,  quanto  a  aproue- 
chamiento  del  alma  puedcn  ser  apouechamiento  (1.  aprouechosas)  et  pue- 
de(n)  ser  daftosas,  et  todo  es  segund  la  enten9ion  aque  el  omne  lo  faze,  Oa 
tan  bien  del  criar  delos  fijos  delos  omnes  buenos  commo  delas  labores  dichas, 
si  las  omne  faze  a  enten9ion  que  dios  sea  ende  seruido,  511,  11. 

5.  Anomilous  examples:  Et  alo  que  cosa  son  los  angeles,  fijo,  yavosyo 
dixe  quelas  preguntas  que  me  fazedes  son  de  muchas  s^ienpias,  470,  6 ;  Oa 
la  razon  le  da  entender  que  por  quantas  meryedes  le  dios  fizo  et  por  el  poder 
que  ha  de  acalofiar,  510,  20. 

6.  Infinitive,    a)  Por  non  lo.    No  example. 

b)  Por  lo  non:  Bien  veo,  dixo  el  cauallero  anjiano,  que  non  puedo 
escusar  de  uos  non  responder,  467,  18 ;  Por  ende,  por  vos  non  detener,  Re- 
sponder vos  he  en  pocas  palabras,  468,  21  ;  et  por  vos  non  alongar  mucho  el 
libro,  et  por  que  non  fazen  grant  mengua,  non  vos  los  quiero  y  poner  todos 
nombrada  mente,  506,  18  ;  que  lo  dexare  por  vos  non  fazer  enojo,  521,  26. 

12c 

Juan  Manuel  :  Libro  de  Patronio. 

Exemplos  I-XXV. 

1.  a)  Que,  si,  quando  non  lo.  1)  Que:  p.  4,  1.  2 ;  6,  11 ;  11,  21 ;  14, 
18 ;  17,  23 ;  19,  19 ;  22,  1 ;  29,  27 ;  35,  4 ;  35,  11  ;  41,  2 ;  42,  20 ;  47,  3 ; 
47,  14 ;  48,  9 ;  50,  8 ;  54,  17 ;  69,  11 ;  62,  1 ;  62, 12 ;  64, 17 ;  66, 16 ;  76, 


OBJECT-PRONOUNS   IN   OLD   SPANISH.  117 

9;  76,  6;  79,  13;  80,  23;  83,  16,     2)  SI:   12,  20;  17,  20;   65,  8.     3) 
Quando:  54,  21 ;  65,  3 ;  94,  13. 

b)  Que,  si,  quando  fo  non.  1)  Quo:  7,4  ;  8,  6;  9,  10;  17,  9;  18, 
1 ;  18,  4 ;  18,  6  ;  19,  13 ;  20,  22  ;  27,  10  ;  28,  6  ;  31,  2  ;  34,  16  ;  41,  17  ; 
43, 18;  55,  27 ;  56,  2 ;  57,  6 ;  59,  21 ;  70,  8 ;  72,  16 ;  72,  24 ;  73,  1 ;  76, 
2;  76,  7 ;  77,  21 ;  78,  5 ;  79,  7 ;  80,  14 ;  86,  11 ;  93,  1 ;  94,  7.  2,  3)  81, 
qoando.    No  examples. 

2.  I)  Quo,  si,  quando  bion  lo.    1)  Quo:  19,  5 ;  22, 16 ;  40,  11 ;  42,  7 ; 
66,24;  79,  13.    2)  Si:  50,  16.    3)  Quando:  6S,  26. 

b)  Quo,  si,  quando  lo  bien.    1)  Que:  3,  24;  3,  25;  34,  9;  72,  10. 
2)  SI:  72,  13.    3)  Quando.    No  example. 

3.  I)  Quo,  si,  quando  yo  lo.    1)  Que:  27,  3 ;  47,  15 ;  28,  21 ;  74,  23 ; 
95, 19.    2)  Si:  76,  1.     3)  Quando:  47,  3;  80,  5. 

b)  Quo,  si,  quando  lo  yo.    1)  Que:  5,  2 ;  25,  2 ;  43,  7 ;  94,  12 ;  94, 
15.    2)  Si:  No  example.    3)  Quando:  35,  20;  73,  3. 

4.  Que,  si,  quando  io .     1)  Quo:  et  aun  los  que  lo  tanbien  non 

entendieren,  4,  23.     2,  3)  SI,  quando.   No  examples. 

5.  Anomalous,  et  non  paredes  mientes  a  quanto  floxa  mente  vodo  el 
miega,  69,  9.  (Nota  :  d  eingeschoben,  indem  das  vorhergehende  d  ausfallt 
MEAGg.) 

6.  a)  Por  non  lo:  52,  27. 

13. 

Juan  Ruiz  de  Hita. 

1.   a)  Type  quo  non  lo. 
SI  algunos,  lo  que  non  los  conssejo,  quisieren  vsar  del  loco  amor,  p.  6,  1.  18. 
irespondieron  los  griegos  que  non  las  meresyien,  stz.  47,  v.  3. 
achaque  le  leuanta  por  que  non  le  de  del  pan,  93,  2. 
yete,  dil  qae  me  non  quiera,  qu^  nol  quiero  nil  amo,  101,  4. 
mas,  por  que  non  me  tengades  por  dezidor  medroso,  161,  3. 
que  nol  debatas  luego,  por  mucho  que  se  enforce,  187,  4. 
pero  que  non  la  asueluo  del  furto  tan  ayna,  366,  2. 
ella.  diz  que  nonlo  tenie,  366,  4. 
mucho  mas  te  diria  Saluo  que  non  me  atrevo,  421,  4. 
Non  puede  ser  quien  mal  casa  que  non  se  arrepienta,  436,  4. 
I  cujtado  yo  que  fare  que  non  la  puedo  yo  catar !  590,  2. 
noo  puede  ser  que  non  ae  mueva  canpana  que  se  tafie,  623,  4. 
rrepelo  he  que  non  me  oydes  esto  que  uos  he  fablado,  663,  1. 
^lad  tanto  £  tal  cosa  que  n^m  vos  a  Replntades  (i.  e.,  arrepintades),  721,  2. 
que  fablar  lo  que  nonle  cunple,  722,  3. 

grand  amor  e  grand  ssafia  non  puede  sser  que  non  se  mueva,  731,  4. 
fasta.  que  non  vos  dexen  en  las  puertas  llumasos,  744,  4. 
i  por  que  amas  la  duefia  que  non  te  pre9ia  nada  ?  786,  3. 


118  WINTHROP  HOLT  CHENERY. 

en  duefia  qtie  non  vos  quiere  nin  catar,  nin  ver?  788,  2. 

esta  Ueno  de  doblas,  faacas  que  non  lo  entyendo,  826,  4. 

pues  el  amor  lo  quiere  i  por  que  non  vos  juntades  ?  843,  4. 

E  lechiga  buena  que  nol  coste  nada,  1033,  5. 

leuantose  bjen  alegre  de  lo  que  non  me  peea,  1078,  2. 

e  lo8  de  santa  eulalya,  por  que  non  se  ensanen,  1239,  2. 

ally  Kesponden  todoB  que  non  gdo  conssejauan,  1256,  1. 

que  non  lea  ponen  onrra  la  qiial  deujan  aver,  1390,  4. 

nin  desir  nin  oometer  lo  que  non  le  es  dado,  1407,  2  (MS.  T .  .  .  .  lo  que  le 

non  es  .  .  .  .). 
....  non  me  mates,  que  non  te  podre  fartar,  1426,  3. 
vino  ael  yn  diablo  por  que  nordo  perrdiese,  1456,  2. 
....  ^por  que  nan  me  acorres?  1465,  2. 
e  dil  qw  non  me  diga  de  aquestas  tus  fasanas,  1493,  4. 
....  quanto  ha  que  non  vos  vy  !  1509,  2. 
que  non  gelo  desdefiedes,  pues  que  mas  traher  non  pud,  1511,  2  (Q.  non  gelo 

desdefiedes  pues  mas  traer  non  pud  ;  T.  que  non  gela  ....). 
de  tu  memoria  amarga  non  es  que  non  se  espante,  1520,  4. 
Contra  los  tres  prinpipales  que  non  se  aynnten  de  consuno,  1603,  1, 
e,  Sefior,  vos  veredes,  maguer  que  non  me  alabo,  1624,  3. 

b)  Type  que  lo  non. 
Ante  viene  de  la  fraqueza  dela  natura  humana  que  es  enel  oAe,  que  ae  non 

puede  escapar  de  pecado,  p.  4,  1.  26. 
E  viene  otrosi  dela  mengua  del  buen  entendimiento,  que  lo  non  ha  eston^e, 

por  que  ome  piensa  vanidades  de  pecado,  p.  4,  1.  30. 
vete,  dil  que  me  non  quiera,  que  nol  quiero  nil  amo,  stz.  101,  v.  4. 
pero  mayor  poder  rretuvo  en  sy  que  lea  non  dio,  148,  4. 
loB  que  te  non  prouaron  en  buen  dya  naspieron,  198,  1. 
E  maguer  te  presiese,  crey  que  te  non  matarya,  214,  2. 
Besponde,  i  que  te  fiz  ?  ^  por  que  me  non  diste  dicha    en  quantas  que  ame  ? 

215,  2. 
Por  cobdipia  feciste  atroya  destroyr,  por  la  manpana  escripta,  quese  non 

deuiera  escreuir,  223,  2. 
rruegal  que  te  non  mienta,  muestral  buen  amor,  443,  2. 
I  qual  carrera  tomare  que  me  non  vaya  matar  ?  590,  1. 
atodos  dy  por  rrespuesta  quela  non  queria  non,  de  aquella  feria  mi  cuerpo 

que  tiene  mi  corapon,  658,  3. 
ella  diz  :  "pues  fue  casada  creed  que  se  non  arrepienta,  711,  3  (G.  .  .  .  cret 

ya  que  ella  cons  ienta  (sic) ). 
por  que  me  non  es  agradcspido  nin  me  es  gualardonado,  717,  4  (G.  por  que 

non  me  es  .  .  .  .). 
....  por  que  quieres  departyr    con  duefia  que  te  non  quiere  nin  escuchar 

nin  oyr  ?  789,  3. 
lago  que  me  non  acuerdo  ella  va  come^allo,  808,  3  (G.  fago  que  non  me  .  .  .  )• 


OBJECT-PRONOUNS   IN   OLD   SPANISH.  119 

1DB8 qitelo non  tenia  e  por  end  veniera,  903,  4  (G.  mas  que  non  lo  ,  ,  .  ,). 

pBfflitn)  bjen  dos  dias  que  me  non  pud  leuantar,  944,  3. 

deh^te  non  pagares,  veyla  e  Bye  e  calla,  1021,  4. 

£  JO,  deeque  saly  de  todo  aqueste  Rojdo    tome  Bogar  adioe  qua  me  non 

diese  aoluido,  1043,  4  (G.  que  non  me  .  .  .  .)• 
creo  ^  M  me  non  detenga  en  las  came9erias,  1072,  3  (G.  tengo  que  non 

KRoeienga, ....). 
ttj,  carnal  goloeo,  que  ie  non  cojdas  fartar,  1075,  3  (G.  qua  non  te  cujdas 

....). 
n«epoDdiole  el  flajre  qud  non  serian  perdonados,  ^erca  desto  le  dixo  muchos 

bnenos  ditados,  1129,  3. 
£ji  esto  jerran  mucho,  que  lo  non  pueden  faser,  1145,  1. 
diz:  "voB  que  me  guardades  creo  que  me  non  tomedes,  1208,  3  (G 

que  non  me  tenedes). 
al  que  gda  non  besa,  tenian  lo  por  villano,  1246,  3. 
poooB  ally  £aUe  que  me  non  llamasen  padrasto,  1311,  4. 

2.  a)  Type  si  non  lo. 

tynvn  lo  en9endian  dentro  en  la  natura    de  la  muger  mesquina,  otro  non  les 

atura,  stz.  263,  v.  3. 
ty  nan  k  faze  lo  tuyo  tomas  yra  £  safia,  304,  3. 
dar  te  ha  lo  que  non  coydas  sy  non  te  das  vagar,  629,  4. 
ssy  nol  dan  delas  espuelas  al  cauallo  faron,  641,  1. 
los  plaseres  de  la  vyda  perdedes  si  non  ae  amata,  857,  4. 

b)  Type  si  lo  non. 
d  la  non  sigo,  non  vbo,  el  amor  se  perdera,  689,  1. 
ella,  81  me  non  engafia,  pare89e  que  ama  ami,  706,  2. 
sy  me  non  mesturardes,  dire  vos  Tna  pastija,  916,  4. 

3.  Type  quando  non  lo. 

dexQse  de  amenazar  do  non  gelo  pre9ian  nada,  63,  4. 
dixe :  ''querer  do  non  me  quicren  ffaria  vna  nada,''  106,  2. 
rresponder  do  non  me  llaman  es  vanidad  prouada,  106,  3. 
paes  Sea  te  soldada,  pues  non  te  quise  matar,  254,  4. 
el  diablo  lo  lieua  quando  non  ae  rrecabda,  275,  4,  etc. 

b)  Type  quando  lo  non. 
algnn  triste  ditado  que  podiese  ella  saber,     que  cantase  con  tristeza,  pues  la 

non  podia  aver,  91,  4. 
erre  todo  el  camino  como  quien  lo  non  sabia,  974,  4  (G.  . . .  quien  non  sabia). 

4.  a)  Type  quo  blon  lo. 

que  sienpre  lo  loemos  en  prosa  £  en  canto,  stz.  11,  v.  3. 
que  ante  les  convenia  con  sus  sabios  disputar,  48,  2. 
que  nunca  lo  diste  avno,  pidiendo  telo  9iento,  248,  4. 
....  aqual  quier  que  ally  se  atiene,  385,  3. 
que  mas  la  enpendia  .  .  .  .,  522,  3. 
lo  que  mas  le  defienden  .  .  .  .,  523,  2. 


120  WINTHROP   HOLT  CHENERY. 

qu£  nuneah  beuieni,  prouolo  por  gu  dafio,  529,  2  (G.  que  lo  non  veujeim 

). 

Al  que  demos  lo  beae  .  .  .  .,  548,  3. 
ca  el  que  mucho  se  alaba  .  .  .  .,  557,  4. 
...  I  quiera  dios  que  bien  me  Kesponda  !  650,  2. 
.  .  .  que  agas  vos  he  fablado,  717,  1. 

que  mal  se  laua  la  cara 741,  4. 

.  .  .  que  mol  le  pla9e,  778,  4. 
.  .  .  maguer  que  sienpre  vos  encargo,  832,  2. 
lo  que  nunca  ae  pade  Keparar  .  .  .  .,  887,  3. 

,  .  .  Ruego  te  que  bien  las  mires,  908,  4. 
des^ue  bien  la  guarde  .  .  .  .,  933,  3. 
,  .  .  que  byen  te  dare  qae  yantes,  967,  3. 
,  .  .  que  ansy  te  conbidas,  976,  1. 
,  .  .  delo  que  mas  me  asafio,  1070,  4. 
Por  que  tanto  me  tardo  .  .  .  .,  1382,  1. 
.  .  de  lo  que  oyer  me  fableste,  1140,  2. 
. .  .  Segund  que  ya  te  digo,  1481,  1. 
lo  que  eras  le  fablardes  .  .  .  .,  1496,  2. 
.  .  que  antes  me  era  abierta,  1519,  4. 
. .  que  luego  la  vayan  asoterrar,  1539,  1. 
.  .  que  aimj  nos  de  vallen,  1601,  1. 
b)  Type  que  lo  bien. 
mas  arde  e  mas  se  quema  qual  quier  que  te  mas  ama,  197,  2. 
quando  su  muger  dalyda  Ics  cabellos  le  corto  enque  avia  la  fuer^a,  E  desque 

la  byen  cobro,  asy  mesmo  con  yra  e  aotros  muchos  mato,  308,  3. 
El  que  la  mucho  sygue,  519,  1. 

£1  quela  mucho  vsa,     enel  common  lo  tyene,  maguer  se  le  escusa,  519,  1. 
enlo  quel  mucho  piden  anda  muy  en^endida,  525,  4  (G.  .  .  .  que  mucho 

piden). 
la  que  te  oy  defama,  eras  te  querra  Amigo,  573,  3. 
desque  vy  que  me  mal  yua,  fuy  me  dende  safiudo,  1310,  4  (G,  T,  .  .  .  .  que 

mal  me  yua  ....)• 
con  ellas  estas  cantigas  que  vos  aqui  Robre,  1319,  2. 

lo6  mas  nobles  presenta  la  duefia  ques  mas  pre9ia,  1338,  3  (G,  T,  .  .  .  que 
mas  se  pre9ia). 

5.  a)  Type  si  bien  lo. 

cantas :  **  letatus  sum '' — sy  ally  se  detiene,  385,  2. 
sy  mueho  la  amades  mas  vos  tyene  amado,  798,  4. 
b)  Type  tl  lo  bien.     No  example. 

6.  a)  Type  quando  bien  io. 

del  miedo  que  he  avido  ;  quando  bien  me  lo  cato,  1382,  2. 

b )  Type  quando  lo  bien. 
amor,  quien  te  mas  sygue,  quemas  le  cuerpo  e  alma,  197,  3. 
eras  te  dara  la  puerta  quien  te  oy  9ierra  el  postigo,  573,  2. 


OBJECT-PRONOUNS   IN   OLD   SPANISH.  121 

7.  a)  Type  quo  yo  lo. 

^jro^quebrantaria .  .  .  .,  62,  1. 

^TKjquetu  no8  diste,  por  nuestras  boxes  vanas,  203,  3. 

laego  que  tula  vieres  .  .  .  .,  647,  2. 

aquesto  que  yo  ros  he  fablado,  732,  4. 

ella  rerdat  me  dixo,  quiere  lo  que  vos  queredes ;  perdet  esa  tristesa,  que  voa 

^prouaredes,  802,  4. 
kquyovos  promety  .  .  .  .,  822,  2. 
io;u<toin«dema(n)daB  .  .  .  .,Mi,  1. 
". .  queyo  la  guardare  bjen,  851,  1. 
ami  non  retebdes,  fija,  que  vos  lo  meres^edes,  878,  3. 
desBeda  son  las  cuerdas  con  que  dla  se  tyraua,  1268,  4. 
de  loqueyo  te  dlxe,  luego  me  arrepentj,  1368,  3. 
^0  que  tu  me  dises,  en(e)llo  penssare,  1395,  2  (G.  en  lo  que  me  tu  dises 

....). 
<pi£\fote  ajudare  como  lo  suelo  far,  1467,  4. 

por  que  tu  me  sopesas,  1470,  4. 

Cada  dia  le  dises  que  tu  le  fartnras,  1530,  1. 

b)  Type  que  lo  yo. 

Mgand  quelo  yo  deseo  vos  e  yo  nos  abra^emos,  684,  3. 

abiao  la  ctdebra,  ante  quda  el  asa,  1350,  3. 

que  lieues  esta  carta  ante  que  gelo  yo  diga,  1497,  2. 

8.  a)  Type  si  yo  lo. 

i^  e2 1>08  de  la  su  gloria  I  1659,  3. 
^dtume  tyrares    coyta  e  pesares,  1688,  1. 

b)  Type  tl  lo  yo. 
•Sf  tw  yo  dexiese  comen^arien  a  rreyr,  447,  4. 
9  n»  yo  engafiare,  el  ami  lo  demande,  817,  4  (G.  sy  yo  a  uoe  engaflare 

9.  a)  Type  quando  yo  lo. 

^  panto  yo  te  digo,  tu  sabes  que  non  miento,  185,  4. 
^  todo  el  mundo  quando  tu  lo  rretientas,  212,  2. 

b)  Type  quando  lo  yo. 
Otts  quanto  esta  maftana  del  camino  non  he  cura,  pues  vo8  yo  tengo,  hermana, 
aqui  enesta  verdura,  989,  4. 

10.  Type  que  lo  dios. 

%wm2  le  dios  le  demostrase  fazer  seflas  con  la  mano,  51,  3  (G.  quales  dios 

les  mostrase  fazer  siguos). 
^  lo  quel  pertenes9e  non  sea  des  defioeo ;    con  lo  qud  dios  diere,  paselo 

bien  ferraoso,  780,  4. 
°^or&,  non  querades  tan  horafia  ser,     quered  salyr  al  mundo  aque  vos  dios 

fizo  nas9er,  917,  4. 

11.  Anomalous  examples. 

1^  88  ffuerte  nin  rre^io  que  se  eontigo  tope,  187,  3. 


122  WINTHROP   HOLT   CHENERY. 

ssj  V08  lo  bien  sopiesedes  qual  es  e  qaan  pre9iado,     voe  queriades  aquesto 
que  JO  V08  he  fablado,  732,  3  (G.  si  vos  bien  /o  .  .  .  . ). 

de  eso  que  vos  rres9elade8  ya  vos  yo  assegoro,  1482,  2  (G.  ...  70  uos 
asBeguro). 
12.  Infinitive. 

a)  Type  por  non  lo. 

en  suma  vos  lo  cuento  por  non  vos  detener,  1269,  1  (G.  .  .  .  por  90s  non 

detener). 
yj  muchas  en  la  tienda  ;  mas  por  mm  vos  detener,  e  por  que  enojo  soso  non 

vos  querria  ser,  1301,  2  (G.  .  .  .  por  uos  non  detener  ....  enojoso  non 

vos  quiero  seer ;  T.  .  .  .  por  vos  non  demeter  ....  enojo  non  vos 

queria  faser). 

b)  Type  por  lo  non. 

E  por  las  non  dezir  se  fazen  des  amigos,  165,  2. 

14. 
PoEMA  DE  Alfonso  Onceno. 

1.  a)  Que,  si,  quando  non  lo.  1)  Que:  Dise  me  mi  voluntad  Que  non 
me  deze  rregnar,  stz.  179,  v.  4.     2,  3)  SI,  quando,  etc.    No  examples. 

b)  Que,  si  quando  lo  non.  1)  Que:  A  los  moros  pases  di6,  Qua  la 
non  fesiesen  guerra,  2,  2 ;  Sy  uos  queredes  valer  £  qus  xws  non  meng^e 
oossa,  117,  2 ;  Muchas  vegadas  afrontar  Que  gelos  non  detouiesse,  309,  4 ; 
Que  Us  non  fincase  cossa  Por  oro  ni  por  auer,  551,  1 ;  Por  tal  dc  la  guardar, 
Que  se  non  boluiesen,  1000,  3 ;  E  por  tienpos  de  la  vuestra  vida,  Que  vo9 
non  ffagan  mas  guerra,  1128,  4 ;  Ssus  vassallos  sse  fardn,  Por  que  uos  non 
quieren  bien,  1139,  4 ;  Sodes  rey  de  grand  bondad,  Quel  non  asaben  otro  tal, 
1160,  2 ;  Vos  tenedes  vna  armada,  Que  los  non  puedan  fuir,  1245,  2 ;  Mas 
que  nos  non  aueredes.  Que  yo  tengo  grant  poder,  1246,  3  ;  Nunca  paaar^  el 
puerto,  Fasta  que  los  non  vengar,  1402,  4 ;  Por  mi  e  por  mi  conpanna.  Que 
uos  non  dexes  perder,  1507,  2  ;  E  otros  fueron  finados,  De  que  me  non  biene 
emiente,  2183,  2;  Que  le  non  dedes  mas  guerra,  2392,  1.  2)  SI:  O  que 
lucgo  lo  matassen  Ssi  h  non  podiessen  prender,  262,  2  ;  "E  sse  ge  lo  non 
tomassen,  Que  la  villa  rrenderian,  354,  3  ;  E  serd  grand  marauilla,  Ssi  noe 
non  desyercar  lucgo,  1091,  4 ;  E  vos  si  vos  non  quexardes.  1107,  1.  3) 
Quando :  No  example. 

2.  a)  Que,  si,  quando  bien  lo.  1)  Que:  £  que  bien  sse  ayudasen  Por 
sienpre  de  la  ssu  vida,  164,  3 ;  Que  ayna  sse  guissase,  E  a  Toro  fuese  ssu  via, 
201 ,  1 ;  O  que  luego  lo  matassen,  Ssi  lo  non  podiessen  prender,  262,  1 ; 
Enbiaron  menssageria.  .  .  .  Que  luego  lo  enbiasse,  303,  4  ;  Con  fijos  dalgo 
omenaje,  Que  nunca  vos  faga  danno,  591,  4 ;  Vos  sodes  el  rrey  mejor.  Que 
nunca  se  bi6  en  Seuilla,  1212,  4  ;  Que  alii  los  fallaredes,  1414,  4  ;  £  sepades 
sin  dubdan9a  Que  luego  las  quitardn,  2206,  2.  2,  3 )  SI,  Quando,  etc.  No 
examples. 


OBJECT-PRONOUNS  IN   OLD   SPANISH.  123 

b)  Qvf,  si,  quando  lo  blon.  1)  Quo:  Por  que  lo  mxtcho  am6,  382,  1 ;  La 
Iwonafae  del  rrey  de  Benamarin,  Qwt  ae  y  perdi6  aquel  dia,  1840,  4 ;  Poderio 
e  altan  Que  U  denpre  ennoble9i6,  1881,  2 ;  Que  te  sienpre  ayud6,  1882,  3. 
2)  Si:  £1  cauallo  voe  matardn  Sy  vm  mucho  qaexaredes,  36,  2  ;  Don  lohan, 
^  me  bien  quier,  180,  1 ;  Que  muj  mester  lo  auemos,  Ssi  noa  la  luego  enbiar, 
1012,  3;  Bejna,  si  bos  inen  ama,  Yo  see  que  vem4  luego,  1171,  3  ;  El  rrey 
(ie  Gastiella  quier  Prouar  si  me  bien  queredes,  1181,  4 ;  Vo6,  si  me  bien 
qQcredes,  1246,  1  ;  Si  lo  asi  fesieraa,  sennor,  1379,  1 ;  Si  vo8  bien  quisier 
seniir,  1452,  2.  3)  Quando:  Quien  lo  mucho  desea,  854,  4  ;  £  pues  me  bien 
oomeoeasteB,  1185,  3. 

3.  I)  Quo,  si,  quando  yo  io.  1)  Que:  Que  61  los  queria  heredar,  947,  3 ; 
(juwmmt  dedes  sin  falla,  £sta  honrra,  si  uos  ploguier,  1285,  1 ;  £1  que  se 
a  ti  tomase,  Qk€  tu  lo  ne9ibiria8,  1505,  4.  2,  3)  Si,  Quando,  otc.  No 
examples. 

b)  Quo,  si,  quando  lo  yo.     1)  Quo:  Ssy  quisier  queloyo  uea,  205,  4. 
2, 3)  SI,  Quando,  etc.    No  examples. 

i  Que,  si,  quando  io .     1 )  Que :  Que  le  de  Dios  parte  venga,  7,  1 ; 

£1  rrey  cobr6  ssu  tierra,  Que  le  for^ada  tenia,  322,  4 ;  E  perdemos  buen 

sennor.  Que  nos  mucho  bien  fasia,  880,  4  ;  Pues  que  te  quebr6  la  lanya, 

Que  k  muy  bien  defendia,  900,  4  ;  Brunnnelos  con  manteca,  Que  le  el  grand 

flBennor  enbia,  926,  4 ;  £  nos  non  ssomos  joglares.  Que  vos  algo  demandemos, 

1113,  4 ;  Que  bos  muy  grand  los  dard,  £  por  sienpre  bien  querria,  1469,  1 ; 

£3  91K  K  a  ti  tomase,  1505,  3  ;  Que  loe  muy  bien  rre89ebia,  1955,  4  ;  Al  rrey 

de  FnLn9ia  lleg6.  Que  lo  muy  bien  rres9ebi6,  2199,  4 ;  £  la  costa  desta 

gneira,  Que  boa  la  muy  bien  pagasen,  2339,  2.     2)  S\:  Si  U  en  tuerto 

yogaieides,  136,  3;  Syvoa  otro  rey  fifaser  Mai  tuerto  sin  derecho,  137,  1 ; 

Si  la  por  muger  tomaredes,  186,  2 ;  ^*  ^,  ssennor,  non  matades,  240,  3 ; 

Sti  le  Dios  non  acorrier,  561,  4;  E  sy  le  desto  ploguier,  568,  1  ;  Sile  uos 

non  acorredes,  632,  4;  Se  me  la  e\  rrey  pedia,  1027,  1 ;  Si  lo  del  mundo 

non  echo,  1104,  3 ;  Amos  tomaredes  muerte,  Ssi  uos  en  canpo  fallades, 

1109,  4;  Si  le  bos  non  acorredes,  1198,  4  ;  Si  nos  41  non  falle9ier,  1298,  4  ; 

E  si  lo  esto  proguier,  1299,  1;  Si  le  bos  non  {alles9edes,  1350,  4 ;  Sih  en 

caopo  fiallar,  1628,  1;  E  si  la  el  buen  rrey  ganar,  2052,  1 ;  Sile  Dios  non 

aoorrier,  2293,  4;  Si  le  Dios  non  acorrier,  2328,  4 ;  E  n  ^  esto  progier, 

2374,  1;  Si  me  Dios  dexar  beuir,  2402,  2.     3)  Quando:  Todo  el  mundo 

£ablar&  De  eommo  lo  Dios  conplio,  320,  2 ;  De  la  lid  fue  fablar,  En  commo 

la  Dios  yen9i6,  836,  2  ;  Quando  me  Tarifa  nenbra,  2382,  1. 

5.  Anomalous  examples,  i  Ya  nunca  vos  yo  mas  ver^  I  893,  4 ;  Que  todos 
se  bien  guissasen,  945,  1 ;  Por  esto  vos  mucho  a  mo,  1253,  1 ;  Todos  ae  muy 
bien  guisaron,  1261,  1  ;  Ayna  se  bien  guisasen,  1268,  2 ;  Luego  ae  bien 
goiaaron,  1292,  1 ;  Sienpre  boa  lo  b.  bien  temdn,  1393,  4 ;  Que  todos  ae 
bien  per^ban,  1454,  1 ;  El  fijo  de  Santa  Maria,  Le  non  moBtr6  atal  plaser, 
1588,  4 ;  Todos  ae  luego  ayuntaron,  1653,  1 ;  Todos  ae  luego  fericron  A 
may  grandes  espadadas,  2276,  3. 


124  WINTHROP   HOLT   CHENERY. 

6.    Infinitlvo.     1)   Por  lo  blen.    Para  sse  bien  ajudar,   179,  2 ;  Par  tse 

mejor  conosper,  788,  4 ;  Por  se  mejor  esfor^ar,  2436,  3.     2)  Por  lo 

Para  ae  con  ^1  benir,  1225,  4 ;  Por  nos  todoe  defender,  1921,  4. 

Note :  Add  to  §  3b  1 )  Quo  lo  yo  the  following :  Si  lo  en  canpo  fallar 
A  tanto  qua  lo  yo  bea,  Non  podrd  escapar,  1628,  2. 

15. 

RlMADO  DE  PaULCIO. 

(Stzs.  1-500.) 

1.  a)  Que,  tl,  quando  non  lo.  1)  Que:  Que  son  siete  por  cuenta,  aquf 
pom^  yo  quales,  Que  non  ku  conplir  omne  son  pecadoe  mortales,  174,  4 ; 
....  cuydan  que  non  lo  vemos,  209,  3 ;  Por^ue  non  ae  les  pueda  el  pobre 
defender,  262,  3  ;  .  .  .  que  non  me  sienta  el  viento,  431,  4 ;  E  far&n  vuestra 
cuenta  que  non  vos  finque  nada,  458,  2  ;  Pero  vn  ruego  vos  fago,  que  non  vob 
cueste  nada,  458,  3.  2)  8i:  Si  non  le  cost6  quareuta  ayer  de  vn  omne 
cstranno,  299,  4 ;  Si  non  geUn  atienpra  aquel  Sennor  justo  e  santo,  407,  2. 
3)  Quando,  etc. :  Ca  non  nos  emendamos  nin  avemos  mejoria,  189,  3. 

b)  Que,  tl,  quando  lo  non.  1)  Que:  Con  aqueste  pecado  Adam  fue 
mal  fadado,  Que  lo  que  lo  non  cunplia  quiso  aucr  prouado,  165,  4.  2)  SI : 
E  p^nalo  gravemente,  si  se  non  arrepienta,  87,  4  ;  Sy  me  non  aoorriere  la  tu 
noble  bondat,  127,  3.     2)  Quando :  No  example. 

2.  a)  Que,  si,  quando  blen  lo.  1)  Que:  ,  ,  ,  que  nunca  foseruy,  17,  1 ; 
El  que  agi  lofase,  31,  2  ;  ...  que  giempre  se  enyiende,  58,  4 ;  .  .  .  que  mal  lea 
grades9(,  84,  4  ;  .  .  .  que  asds  me  ha  dannado,  92,  4  ;  Que  nunca  lo  dexara, 
159,  4 ;  Por^ti^  asy  lo  guarde  de  yr  a  mal  logar,  176,  4 ;  .  .  .  que  aey  h 
puedas  fer,  278,  4 ;  i  Que  plaser  es  al  tal  quando  bien  me  lo  comido  ?  483,  4. 

2)  SI:  Los  ffsicos  lo  disen,  si  bien  me  viene  miente,  191,  1  ;  Sy  asi  se 
engannaren,  ellos  son  los  culpados,  288,  4.  2)  Quando,  etc.:  ^  quienmai 
lo  fisiere  auer  sa  de  perdcr,  4,  4  ;  Ca  quien  asy  lo  fase  quierese  egualar,  36, 
2  ;  Quanios  mal  ae  fallaron  por  mal  gusto  seguir,  167,  2. 

b)  Que,  si,  quando  lo  bien.  1 )  Que:  Ser&  dc  grant  yentura  el  qu€  lo 
bien  entiende,  58,  2 ;  Por  lo  que  te  mal  fiso,  deues  a  Dios  tener,  181,  2 ;  8i 
loB  que  las  ^len  saben,  las  touiesen  en  cura,  291,  2.     2)  SI:  No  example. 

3)  Quando,  etc.:  A  Josep,  su  hermano,  quando  le  asi  vendieron,  96,  2; 
Quien  lo  asi  fisiere,  que  Dios  non  lo  defienda,  141,  4  ;  £  quien  lo  bien  fisier, 
175,  4. 

3.  a)  Que,  tl,  quando  yo  lo.  1)  Que:  Non  s^,  Sennor,  otra  arma  que 
tom^  en  tal  sason.  Con  que  yo  me  defienda  de  aquesta  tribula9ion,  400,  2. 
2)  SI.  No  example.  3)  Quando,  etc.:  De  como  H  lo  fiso  enxienplo 
tomarTis,  179,  2 ;  E  como  noa  las  regimos  Dios  nos  quiera  defender,  353,  3. 

b)  Que,  tl,  quando  lo  yo.  1)  Que:  Ot6rgame,  Sennor,  que  la  yo 
pueda  aver,  13,  3  ;  Amaban  a  las  gentes  que  lea  il  defendi6,  46,  4 ;  E  que  lo 
a  perdiese,  yo  poco  curaria,  56,  3 ;  Segunt  que  lo  yo  entiendo  mucbo  es 


OBJECT-PBONOUN8   IN   OLD   SPANISH.  125 

menester,  239,  3 ;  Bien  sabe  que  Us  &  pone  e  t6male8  la  verdat,  369,  2.  2) 
Si.  Xo  example.  3)  Quando :  Ca  Dios  me  ayudara  por  qiden  lo  yo  partiera, 
140, 4 ;  Ga  como  lo  tu  fisieres  nsy  aeHs  judgado,  183,  4  ;  A  quien  les  tu  tigotBS, 
porlos  ta  bien  faser,  393,  2. 

4.  Qua,  si,  quando  lo .     1)  Quo:  Que  les  yo  aquf  dir^,  ca  los  he 

bien  osados,  63,  4  ;  Saluo  obedien9ia  que  les  leal  deuemoe,  236,  4.  2)  Si : 
^^saloar  cobdipas,  dello  te  guardaris,  50,  4.  3)  Quando:  No  example. 
^  Anomalous.  Asi  les  Dioe  aluengue  los  dias  de  las  vidas,  E  despues 
deste  mando  las  almas  an  perdidas,  229,  3  ;  Por  ende  non  se  quexe  quien 
a  Dio6  va  rogar  Alguna  petifion  e  la  non  va  recabdar,  412,  2 ;  Yo  nunca 
vi  tal  ome  e  tan  desoomunal,  O  vos  yo  tirar^  dende  asy  Dios  me  val,  432,  4. 
6.  Infinitive,    a)  Por  non  lo:  Por  non  le  ver  de  enojo,  135,  3. 

b)  Por  lo  bien:  Al  pr6ximo  7no9ente  por  ale  {\.  pora)  mas  dannar, 
^4;  Mas  tibio  e  may  frio  para  se  mal  perder,  120,  2 ;  Fabian  vnos  con 

otros  por  las  siempre  abaxar,  363,  3.     Por  lo :  A  quien  les  tu  a90tas, 

por  lot  Ui  bien  faser,  393,  2.    Anomalous:  Devemos  perdonarle  e  le  non 
tener  rencaiv,  408,  2. 

16. 

POEMA  DE  J06^ 

1.  Quo,  sl,  quando  non  lo.  1)  Que:  Stz.  28,  v.  4;  51,  2;  56,  2;  119, 
3;  151,  3 ;  152,  1 ;  155,  4 ;  162,  2 ;  217,  1 ;  260,  2.  2)  81:  1,  4 ;  2,  4  ; 
198,  4 ;  269,  3 ;  271,  4.    3)  Quando,  etc. :  196,  3  ;  244,  3. 

2.  Qua,  si,  quando  yo  lo.  1)  Que:  3,  3 ;  31,  2 ;  50,  1 ;  64,  3 ;  64,  4 ; 
65,  4;  84,  3 ;  93,  4  ;  99,  2 ;  122,  4  ;  143,  1 ;  190,  3  ;  208,  3  ;  209,  2.  2) 
8i:  172,4;  189,  3;  261,  a    3)  Quando:  280,  3. 

17. 
Vision  de  Fujbebto. 

1.  I)  Que  no  lo:  ^por  que  non  me  rrespondes?  p.  52,  1.  3  ;  bien  creo  que 
fum  te  huele  agora  tan  bien,  52,  16  ;  non  te  conuiene  dizer  ya  rruegos  nin 
onifiones  que  nan  te  valdera  aqui  nlnguna  cosa,  58,  28. 

b)  Que  io  no.    No  example. 

2.  Quando  no  lo.    pues  no  me  quisiste  rregir,  54,  26. 

3.  a)  Que,  si,  quando  bien  lo :  que  bien  te  lo  puedo  dezir,  55,  22  ;  et  sy  nunca 
te  Uegaras  alas  costonbres,  56,  21 ;  que  tanta  es  la  su  clueldat  que  todavia  se 
qifwrnna  mas,  57,  24 ;  non  ayas  della  rre9elo  que  aqui  tela  mudaremoe,  58, 
33 ;  ansy  oomo  sy  mmca  lo  uiesen  cono9ido,  59,  35. 

b)  Que  lo  bien.    dime  quien  es  el  que  te  asy  ha  quebrantado,  51,  12  ; 
nin  tyenes  otrosy  cames  morte83mas  de  que  te  mueho  pagauas,  52,  13. 

4.  a)  Que,  el,  quando  yo  lo:  quando  yo  te  pedia  gallynas  dauas  me  tu 
gaUjnas  e  capones,  54,  39  ;  quando  yo  veya  que  tu  me  demandauas  las  cosas, 
65^  27 ;  que  yo  U  queria  dar  came,  55,  37. 


126  WINTHROP   HOLT   CHENERY. 

b)  Quo  lo  yo :  el  dote  que  le  tu  mandaste,  52,  32 ;  nin  vna  delas  mejores 
que  Us  tu  dexaste,  52,  41. 

5.  a)  Que  dios  lo:  que  tu  agora  dixiste  que  dios  te  aaia  criado,  53,  35 ; 
et  tu  non  quisiste  vsar  deste  sennorio  qua  dios  te  dio  sobre  mi,  54,  8. 

b)  Quo  lo  dios:  pues  sy  te  dios  crio  para  que  touieses  sennoiio  sobre 
mi,  53,  42. 

18. 

Pedro  de  Luna  :  De  i.ab  Consolacioneb  de  ul  Vida  Humana. 

LiBROS  I-X. 

1.  Quo  no  lo:  p.  565,  col.  1,  1.  58 ;  565,  1,  60 ;  566,  1,  16 ;  566,  2,  25 ; 
571,  1,  3  ;  573,  2,  29 ;  575,  2,  55 ;  578,  1,  9 ;  578,  1,  54 ;  588,  2,  6 ; 
588,  2,  9. 

2.  a)  Que,  tl,  quando  blon  lo.  1)  Que:  por^ue  despues  los  pueda  desam- 
parar,  570,  1,  44.    3)  Quando:  ea  mucho  te  aprovecha,  581,  2,  1. 

b)  Que,  tl,  quando  lo  blen.  1)  Quo:  commo  dice  san  Gregorio  en 
una  homelia  :  *'  Los  males  que  nos  aqut  comprimen,  i  Dios  ir  noB  costrifien/' 
504,  2,  32 ;  Onde  en  otro  lugar  (San  Gregorio)  dice :  **Lo6  males  que  nos 
091/*  apremien,"  572,  2,  5. 

3.  a)  Que,  tl  yo  lo.    No  example. 

b)  Que,  tl  lo  yo:  ca  Dios  dijo  4  Abraham  :  **Sal  de  la  tu  tierra  ^  de 
la  tu  generacion,  4  ven  d  la  tierra  que  te  yo  moetrar^,"  573,  2,  15 ;  £t  eso 
mesmo  dijo  &  Isaaque  :  ^'Fuelga  en  la  tierra  que  te  yo  dir^"  573,  2,  17. 

19a. 

El  Libro  de  Exenplos  for  A.  B.  C.  de  Climente  Sanchez, 

Archidiacre  de  Valderas,  MS.  DE  Paris. 

Bomaniay  vn.  481  ff. 

1.  a)  Que  non  lo.  No.  2.  por  que  non  los  vea,  p.  485,  1.  35.  No.  11. 
porque  non  se  le  cayese  el  queaso,  490,  10.  No.  19.  e  dixo  que  non  le 
aplazia  ninguna  dellas,  494,  34  ;  que  si  por  ventura  por  non  le  conoscer  que 
non  le  resceberia  en  su  cassa,  495,  6  ;  pues  assy  es,  poryiw;  non  me  (de)  mas 
dunis  penos,  495,  29.  No.  23.  e  el  cncantador  le  dixo  que  non  lo  podria 
fazer,  497,  33  ;  E  el  veyendo  que  non  sse  podria  encobrir,  499,  2.  No.  28. 
ca  la  justicia  de  Dios  lo  fazia  durar  que  non  se  desatasse,  502,  15.  No.  49. 
mas  algunos  son  que  non  se  pueden  domar,  512,  24.  No.  61.  e  descobriole 
vn  secretto  que  non  le  avia  rreuelado,  518,  36;  El  dixo  que  non  le  pre- 
guntaua  quien  fuesse,  519,  1.     No.  65.  dixo  que  non  la  podia  dezir,  523,  2. 

b)  Que  lo  non.  No.  33.  e  des^ue  lo  non  fezieron,  p.  504,  1.  34.  No. 
48.  en  manera  que  le  non  podian  enpe89er,  511,  42. 

2.  a)  SI  non  lo.  No.  62.  Sy  me  non  consientes,  yo  degollare  vn  sleruo 
tuyo,  520,  3. 

b)  SI  lo  non.    No.  23.  e  si  ^  non  fazeys,  de  aqui  a  poco  me  vereys 


OBJECT-PRONOUNS   IN   OLD   SPANISH.  127 

moeita,  498,  23.    No.  30.  deuemoe  ser  rreprehendidoe  de  ser  desagraoiadoB 
{«e)  A  lo9  non  amamos  e  loe  non  honrramoB,  503,  19. 

3.  a)  Out  (si )  yo  lo.  No.  8.  mando  a  vno  que  tenia  su  forno  que  a 
qnalquier  qued  U  enbiase,  488,  36.  No.  19.  e  con  todas  las  otras  coeas  que 
d  k  aria  de  dar,  494,  39.  No.  20.  loqaetume  cuentas,  496,  14 ;  \o  qiuiu 
«K  cuentas,  496,  16 ;  ewy  tume  fueses  agradefl9ido,  496,  38. 

b)  Out  lo  yo.  No.  23.  e  ssi  fezieres  lo  qtu  it  d  dixiere,  tu  averas  lo 
qoedeseas,  497,  35. 

^  Et  to  non.    No.  30.  si  loe  non  amamoe  e  los  non  honiramos,  503,  19. 

19b. 
El  Libbo  de  lob  Enxemflos,  ms.  de  Madrid. 

i-a 

1-  a)  Out,  tl,  quando  non  lo.  1)  Quo:  p£g.  448,  col.  1,  1.  12;  449,  1, 
13;  453,  2,  29 ;  454,  1,  3 ;  457,  1, 19 ;  457, 1,  30  ;  457,  2, 12 ;  458, 1,  14 ; 
462, 1,  23 ;  465,  1,  45 ;  466,  2,  48  ;  468,  2,  50  ;  469,  1.  9  ;  470, 1,  46 ;  470, 
2,  37;  471,  1,  4.     2)  SI:  460,  1,  51.     3)  Quando:  461,  2,  11. 

b)  Out,  si,  quando  lo  non.  1)  Quo:  El  monje  re8podi6:  ''Si  estonce 
tosf  te  lo  mand6,  agora  manda  que  lo  rum  fagas,''  456,  2,  37  ;  Estonce  ellos 
oon  vergiienza  laego  fueron  4  trajeron  el  cuerpo  de  Dios,  4  cognoBci61o,  4 
veyeodo  que  lo  non  podie  tomar,  467,  1,  35.     2,  3)  No  example. 

2.  a)  Out,  si,  quando  bitn  lo.  1)  Quo:  452,  1,  21 ;  458,  2,  29 ;  462,  1, 
28;  462,  2,  24 ;  462,  2,  36 ;  469,  1,  47 ;  469,  2,  19.  2)  SI:  469,  1,  36 ; 
461,1,23.    3)  Quando:  No  example. 

3.  a)  Out,  si,  quando  yo  lo.  1)  Qut :  4  \o  quelle dijo,  448,  2,  15 ;  E 
de  91K  eUa  M  ^16  luego  ansl  menoepreciada,  468,  1,  40 ;  segun  que  ella  les 
nandam,  468,  1,  53 ;  jur6  que  61  lo  ojera,  471,  1,  6.  2)  SI:  gi  tu  lo  viste, 
^•^l,  1,  39.    3)  Quando:  No  example. 

b)  Out,  sl,  quando  lo  yo.  1)  Qut:  El  viejo  parti6  los  panes  segan 
^k  H  pedi6,  4  nunca  ee86  de  dar  limosna,  465,  2,  43.  2,  3)  SI,  quando, 
•tc.  No  example. 

20a. 

La  EsrroRiA  de  lob  Quatbo  Dotores  de  la  Santa  Eolebla. 

Capitulos  I-C. 

1*  i)  Out,  sl,  quando  non  lo.  1 )  Qut :  tan  alto  en  el  ayre  que  non  las 
podia  Ter  omne,  p.  9,  1.  13  ;  por  que  nan  se  ordenase,  11,  23  ;  deues  temer 
^wmte  venga,  12,  3 ;  e  que  non  se  queria  conuerter  a  la  fe,  13,  3  ;  veamos 
^wnla  demos,  22,  12  ;  por  que  non  vesitas  a  Jesu  Christo,  e  per  que  non 
K  fiblas,  24, 14  ;  e  por  que  non  le  ojes  ?  24,  15  ;  el  que  non  lo  dio  a  si  mismo, 
^>  15 ;  las  coeas  que  non  ae  conpran,  30,  11 ;  por  que  non  ae  tome,  30,  18  ; 
€  commo  sepan  que  rum  lo  daua  (1.  deuan )  prometer,  33,  1 ;  por  que  non  lo 
tenara,  35,  8 ;  que  non  lo  af rontase,  35,  23 ;  e  fazes  que  non  ae  faga  mala 


128  WINTHROP   HOLT   CHENEBY. 

oosa,  44,  15 ;  lo  que  rum  se  podia  oonplir)  46,  32 ;  por  que  non  ae  quiao 
enmendar,  48,  27  ;  e  que  rum  me  9ier(r)e8  la  puerta,  52,  4 ;  Veo  machos  que 
rum  M  pueden  partir,  66,  29  ;  que  rum  te  ensefies  tu  mismo,  68,  34 ;  que  rum  ae 
desgastase  el  frayre,  71, 16  ;  que  rum  lo  dezases,  72, 14  ;  mas  faze  engafio  que 
rum  lo  sufre,  73,  20 ;  por  que  rum  me  demandes  demandas  de  mo906,77,  10 ;  por 
que  rum  nos  fartemoe  del  pan,  82,  26  ;  E  gran  cosa  en  que  rum  Ip  semejas,  91, 
7  ;  Tien  mientes,  hermano,  que  rum  te  conuiene  auer,  96,  9  ;  por  que  rum  lo 
pudo  fallar,  112,  12  ;  non  te  amonesto  que  rum  te  glories,  114,  10  ;  e  que  rum 
te  alabes  de  la  nobleza  del  linage,  114,  11 ;  e  que  rum  ae  rroyan  los  cabelloe, 
115,  17  ;  mas  enfafiiendo  (1.  enfifiiendo)  que  non  lo  saben,  120,  28  ;  por  que 
rum  le  conuiene,  120,  30  ;  Nunca  ojas  palabra  desonesta,  que  rum  te  ensafies, 
127,  12  ;  que  rum  te  diga  el  saluador,  156,  21 ;  lo  que  rum  ae  cubre,  160,  15 ; 
temer  que  rum  lo  pierda,  163,  23  ;  Por  que  ru)n  te  oya,  172,  30  ;  por  que  rum 
me  preenda,  173,  1 ;  ca  puede  ser  que  rum  me  muerda,  173,  15 ;  e  foyr  que 
rum  los  vea  ninguno,  173,  20 ;  por  que  non  ae  ensefioree  a  mi,  174,  6 ;  por 
que  rum  te  sientes  muerto,  175,  26 ;  que  rum  la  espriman,  176,  26 ;  mas  por 
que  rum  la  he,  178,  12  ;  enfifie  que  rum  lo  sabe,  182,  25  ;  lo  que  rum  te  paeda 
tirar,  184,  17  ;  e  defindiole  que  rum  ae  fuese,  193,  3 ;  por  que  rum  te  pueden 
re89ibir?  196,  2 ;  o  por  que  rum  me  enpee89ie8e,  198,  11 ;  de  los  que  rum  me 
fazian  bien,  200,  27  ;  veed  que  rum  voa  engafie  ninguno,  210,  1 ;  del  manjar 
que  rum  ae  oorronpe,  213,  13  ;  que  rum  lo  sopiese  yo,  222,  1 ;  por  que  non  me 
pares9ia,  222, 16.     2)  SI :  oom(m)o  ai  rum  lo  ayas  dicho  a  ninguno,  75,  13 ; 
«t  rum  lo  as,  librado  eres  de  gran  carga,  76,  1 ;  «t  rum  ae  grauase  por  non 
fialdat,  140,  15 ;  ay  rum  te  guardares,  148,  28 ;  ai  rum  lo  fizieres  (1.  fueres) 
por  obra,  152,  28  ;  mas  aun  ay  rum  la  dizieres,  170,  26  ;  e  ay  rum  lo  faga,  te 
ensafies  a  mi,  196,  29 ;  E  malo  so  yo,  ay  rum  te  ame,  196,  30 ;  ai  rum  laa 
sostouieses,  198,  22;  ai  rum  la  aborrespiese,  218,  3.    3)  Quando,  etc.  e 
commo  rum  lo  fallase,  16,  24 ;  las  qucdea  rum  me  acuerdo,  64,  11 ;  a  la  ^uo^ 
rum  ru>a  seria  mandado  poner  ningund  talante,   154,   14 ;  commo  rum  te 
mengue  ninguna  cosa,  196,  13 ;  Cb  rum  ae  mueue  el  oydor  a  correr,  208,  9  ; 
el  qwd  rum  ae  pierde,  215,  2. 

b)  Que  lo  non:  Por  tanto  la  biuda  man9ebiella,  que  ae  rum  puede 
detener  o  non  quiere,  ante  tome  marido  que  al  diablo,  149,  26. 

2.  a)  Que,  si,  quando  blen  lo.  1)  Que:  No  example.  2)  SI:  e  non  se  a* 
aai  ae  diga  segund  nos,  82,  19.  3)  Quando,  etc.  por  los  qualea  luego  ae 
quebrantan  los  cuerpos  delicados,  126,  22 ;  quando  aun  ae  escalentaua  la 
sangre  de  nuestro  sefior,  128,  5 ;  quaruio  maa  ae  delecta  por  las  cosas  falladas, 
230,2. 

b)  Que  lo  blen :  e  commo  lo  quisiese  tirar  a  la  parte  de  las  mogeree, 
por  que  lo  mat  trayesen  ellas  e  lo  echasen  de  la  eglesia,  11,  27. 

3.  a)  Que,  si,  quando  yo  lo.  1)  Que:  enpero  non  que  dloa  ae  fagan 
peores,  por  que  tu  lea  puedes  dar,  25,  16 ;  al  que  yo  me  quiero  dar,  28,  14 ; 
dizen  que  el  lo  tiro,  137,  22 ;  si  non  lo  que  tu  noa  fazes,  198,  17 ;  que  tu  le 
desplugieses,  226,  13.    2)  SI.    No  example.    8)  Quando,  etc.    Eoonnmod 


OBJBCnV-PBONOUNS   IN   OLD   SPANISH.  129 

le  dmeae  esto,  39,  8 ;  la  qual  tu  U  dueles,  155,  10 ;  eommo  yo  U  demandase, 
210,  2S  ;  quamdo  iu  la  pegas  con  engludo,  213,  18. 

b)  Que,  tl,  quando  lo  yo.    1 )  Que :  por  letras  de  los  de  Cartaina,  que 
dexaaen  en  pastor  de  la  eglesia  de  Bona  a  sant  Agastin,  mag:uer  que  lo  d 
DOQ  quisiese,  47,  5.     2)  SI.    No  example.     3)  Quando,  etc.    El  tu  talante 
pone  nonbre  a  la  tu  obra,  e  eommo  lo  tu  fazes,  aai  es  estimado,  25,  3. 
i.   Quo  lo :  See  above,  que  lo  eL  wm,  47,  5. 

20b. 
La  Estokia  del  Ret  Anemur  e  de  Iobaphat  e  de  Bablaam. 

1.  a)  Quo,  tl,  quando  non  lo.  1)  Que:  sabe  que  non  te  consintire,  p. 
336, 1.  18 ;  e  fuj  de  los  mis  ojos  que  non  te  vea  de  aqui  adelante,  336,  29  ; 
mandandoles  que  rum  le  feziesen  manifiesta,  337,  19  ,  mandando  nos  que  non 
te  feaiesemos  manifiesta,  340,  2 ;  queriendo  encobrir  que  non  loa  viese,  340, 
31 ;  Non  te  dize  que  non  te  dulieses,  345,  40 ;  la  oosa  perdida  que  non  se 
poede  oobrar,  345,  41 ;  tomar  las  cosas  qtie  non  se  pueden  tomar,  345,  42 ; 
mas  aon  guardando  los  que  non  loe  furten,  346,  3 ;  maguer  que  non  te 
iq[>roueche,  350,  24 ;  semejame  que  non  las  podrias  fazer,  356,  3  ;  E  por 
que  non  le  quiso  obedes^er,  359,  15 ;  que  guardan  deligentemente  que  non  los 
furten  los  ladrones,  368,  36  ;  E  por  que  conoscas,  rey,  que  non  lo  digo  de  mi 
miamOy  371,  26  ;  quiero  que  non  me  pre9ies  cosa,  376,  12  ;  Mas  por  que  non 
me  dezas,  384,  4 ;  e  Uorando  jurauan  que  non  lo  dexarian  jr,  388,  18 ;  fasta 
qtie  mm  lo  podiesen  ver,  390,  8  ;  Ga  yo  mucho  he  rogado  a  dios  que  non  nos 
partieBemoe  de  en  vno,  393,  28.     2)  SI :  nin  podre  auer  en  otra  manera 

oosas,  ay  non  me  faga  christiano,  338,  15  ;  yo  esta  tomare  sy  non  me  la 

354,  24  ;  asj  oommo  sy  non  le  ouiese  acaespido  ninguna  cosa  triste, 

3d2,  18.     3)  Quando  :  el  qucd  non  te  engaftara  eommo  cuydo,  344,  3  ;  i  com- 

no  noil  la  siguen  oj  muchos?  352,  33  ;  ca  non  me  podedes  auer  por  rrej  de 

aqui  adelante,  389,  3. 

b)  Quo,  si,  quando  lo  non.  1)  Que  :  Buegote  que  te  non  enperezes  en 
deair  me  tales  sefiales,  349,  45.  2)  SI  :  enpero  sy  me  non  rrefusare  eommo 
a  noo  digno  por  las  mis  maldades,  346,  22 ;  E  sylo  non  quieres  fazer,  358, 14. 
3)  Quando.    No  example. 

2.  a)  Que,  tl,  quando  blen  lo.  1)  Que  :  por  que  yameeata,  a  las  puertas, 
393,  8.  2)  81.  No  example.  3)  Quando :  ca  nanca  me  podras  rreuocar 
de  la  boena  confesion,  364,  36. 

b)  Que,  tl,  quando  lo  blen.  1)  Que  :  sy  non  yo  mismo  que  te  asy 
Qtdene  e  tales  oosas  te  fize,  365,  6  ;  E  despues  sacaron  lo  dende  los  que  lo  y 
poneroo,  379,  39.    2,  3)  SI,  quando.    No  examples. 

3.  t)  Que,  tl,  quando  yo  lo.    1,2)  Que,  si.    No  examples.    3)  Quando: 
^OMRo  tu  me  echaste  en  trlsteza,  363,  41. 

b)  Que,  si,  quando  lo  yo.  1)  Que  :  fizo  segund  que  led  dixo,  339,  6  ; 
^  ooias  ijue  te  yo  dixe,  345,  39 ;  i  por  qual  rrazon  la  carga  que  te  tu  apre- 
^^^  tirsr,  la  quieres  a  mi  poner  ?  388,  30.   2,  3)  SI,  quando.  No  examples. 

9 


130  WINTHROP   HOLT   CHENERY. 

21a. 

Amadis  de  Gaula. 

Libro  I,  Capftulos  I-XX. 

1.  a)  Out,  si,  quando  no  lo.  1)  Que:  4  ru^govos  gue  noaeos  olvide  este 
lugar,  p.  4,  col.  1,  1.  51 ;  yorque  no  la  viese  llorar,  5,  1,  41 ;  Y  manddndo- 
los  apartar,  que  no  8e  hablasen,  6,  1,  27 ;  por^u^  no  lo  viesen,  8,  1,  26 ;  Bien 
h&  quince  annoe,  dijo  el  Rey,  qtie  no  la  hobo,  11,  1,  39,  miraba  mucho  al 
lej  Perion,  no  por  padre,  qtie  no  lo  sabia,  11,  2,  22  ;  y  el  que  no  la  amparare 
pi^rdala,  16,  2,  24 ;  comenz6  de  fuir  por  la  plaza  ac&  4  alU  entre  la  espada 
del  Doncel  del  Mar,  que  no  lo  dejaba  holgar,  16,  2,  58 ;  ^  jurar  que  no  me 
llamase  sino  el  su  vencido,  17,  1,  61 ;  E  oont6  cuanto  con  ^1  le  aviniera  en 
la  floresta,  sino  el  duelo,  que  no  lo  066  decir,  19,  2,  41 ;  6i4l  digo  que  no 
V08  quite  el  don,  26,  2,  27  ;  no  s^  por  qu^  me  acometistes,  que  no  vos  lo 
merecl,  29,  2,  41 ;  Mucho  06  ruego,  dijo  ^1,  que  no  me  detengais,  30,  1,  8 ; 
DfgoToe  que  no  os  precio  nada,  32,  2,  40 ;  No  ha  eso  menester ;  que  no  os 
dejar^  si  no  jurais  que  .  .  .  .,  32,  2,  54 ;  aun^u^  no  me  paresoe  que  caballero 
debe  .  .  .  .,  34,  2,  38  ;  herfalo  de  muj  grandes  golpes  4  muj  &  menudo,  que 
no  le  dejaba  holgar,  34,  2,  46 ;  entendi6  ^1  en  el  talante  del  otro  que  no  le 
hobiera  roerced,  35,  2,  13 ;  ^  si  por  aventura  este  caballero  su  hermano, 
que  veis  &  caballo,  fuese  vencido,  que  no  ae  pudiese  sobre  esta  razon  maa 
combatir,  46,  2,  22 ;  faz  callar  aquella  cativa  gente,  que  no  noe  dejan  holgar 
en  nuestro  suefio,  48,  1,  53 ;  6  har^  que  no  oa  trabajeis,  49,  2,  34 ;  ^ 
▼ayamos  de  aqu(  antes  que  el  diablo  acd  lo  tome  ;  que  no  me  puedo  sufrir 
sobre  esta  piema,  51,  2,  48  ;  Podria  ser,  dijo  Amadis,  que  no  oa  yemia  bien 
dello,  52,  1,  43 ;  que  no  le  hizo  Dios  tan  sin  ventura,  53,  2,  36 ;  pero  fu^ 
aoorrido  de  dos  doncellas,  que  no  lo  debieran  amar  poco,  54,  1,  34. 

2 )  SI :  que  ninguno  lo  podria  creer  ai  no  la  viese,  49,  2,  53  ;  demandfin- 
dole  perdon  ai  no  lo  habia  tanto  honrado,  54,  2,  23. 

3)  Quando,  etc.  4  no  de  venir  con  gran  soberbia  &  haoer  tanto  mal  i 
quUn  notelo  merece,  22,  2,  5  ;  ^  maravfllase  c^w  no  lo  halla,  36,  2,  19 ; 
que  vos  tengo  por  loco  en  dar  consejo  &  quien  no  oalo  demanda,  52,  1,  42. 

b)  Que,  tl,  quando  lo  no.  1)  Que  :  si  me  vos  prometeis  como  rej  en 
todo  g^uardar  la  verdad,  &  que  mas  que  ningun  otro  que  lo  no  sea  obligado 
sois,  2,  2,  42 ;  quiso  sin  vuestra  sabidurfa  entrar  por  la  puerta  de  que  te  no 
catabas,  6,  2,  13  ;  Eso,  Sefior,  dijo  ^1,  no  lo  quieras  saber  ;  que  te  no  tiene 
pro  alguno,  6,  2,  18 ;  E  fu^,  que  la  no  pudo  detener,  6,  2,  50 ;  Gktnd&les, 
que  lo  no  entendia,  dijo,  7, 1 ,  7  ;  Creo,  Seftor,  dijo  Gand&les,  que  loe  habr^ 
de  llevar  ambos,  que  ae  no  quieren  partir,  8,  2,  16  ;  La  Beina  era  tan  agra- 
dada  de  como  ^1  servia,  que  lo  no  dejaba  quitar  delante  su  presencia,  8,  2, 
57 ;  El  hombre  bueno,  temiendo  que  aeleno  fuese,  envi6  &  decir,  15,  1,  55 ; 
es  tanto  el  mal,  que  voslono  puedo  decir,  15,  2,  58  ;  Yo  vos  digo  ....  que 
me  no  dejeis  en  ningun  lugar  de  los  mas  guardados,  16,  2,  17 ;  y  ^1  todo 
arraado,  que  le  no  fallesda  nada,  16,  2,  20  ;  yo  voe  quiero  decir  un  secrete, 


OBJECT-PRONOUNS  IN   OLD   SPANISH.  131 

T^Uno  diiia  dno  i  mi  oorazon,  18,  2,  15 ;  la  Beina  08  mega  que  os  no 
^auiaaa  nno  en  vnestra  posada,  21,  2,  35 ;  mas  de  te  jo  preciar  no  te 
^  prO)  qneteno  haga  mal,  22, 1,  61 ;  ^  la  espada  entr6  tan  dentro  por  H, 
^nelano  pado  aacar,  22,  2,  40 ;  pero  bien  sabia  que  lo  no  hobieia  el  otro  d41 
a  mas  p1ldie^^  22,  2,  53 ;  ni  el  trabajo  paaado  ni  las  llagas  presentes  no  le 
goittron  que  ae  no  levantase,  23,  2,  15 ;  hablando  siempre  oon  la  doncella, 
9ue  por  fl  era  detenida,  que  ae  no  partiese  hasta  que  pudiese  tomar  armas, 
23^  2,  17  ;  4  ami  no  h4  siete  dias  que  ash  no  supiera  decir,  30,  1,  31 ;  que 
tanque  la  no  vieee,  32,  1,  10 ;  ^  las  doncellas  le  rogaron  ....  que  ae  no 
partiese  de  su  oompafia,  32,  1,  53  ;  jo  creo  que  no  hay  tan  buena  ni  tan 
hermosa  que  i  Yoestra  bondad  igaal  sea  j  que  la  no  hayais,  33,  1,  58  ;  pero 
DO  de  manera  que  ae  no  defendiese  tan  bien,  que  no  estaba  all(  tan  ardid  que 
ooa  dl  se  oease  combatir,  34,  2,  20  ;  Locura  demand6  Dardan  cuando  quiso 
desoender  6  pi^  oon  el  caballero,  que  ae  no  podia  &  ^1  llegar  en  su  caballo, 
34,  2,  50  ;  £  tomando  la  espada  por  la  punta,  la  meti6  por  s(,  que  lo  no 
podieroa  aoorrer,  35,  1,  42 ;  su  soberbia  6  mala  condicion  facian  que  lo  no 
emplease  sino  en  injuria  de  muchos,  35,  1,  48  ;  as(  que,  nada  qued6  que  le 
10  dijese,  37,  1,  1 ;  mas  que  sea  con  aquella  medida  que  oa  no  dejeis  as(  pa- 
lesoer  ante  los  hombres,  37,  2,  31 ;  4  bien  sabeis  vos  que  lo  no  puedd  haoer, 
38,  1,  21 ;  4  no  habia  hombre  que  lo  viese  que  ae  no  maravillase,  40,  1,  36  ; 
mas  los  do8  se  tovieron  tan  bien,  que  loa  no  pudieron  mover  de  las  sillas,  43, 
2, 37 ;  Sefiora,  s^  aMixque  lo  no  conozoo,  44,  2,  19 ;  Porque  no  pasari  por 
aqa(  ning^ino  que  sajo  sea,  que  lo  no  mate,  45,  1,  24 ;  4  dfgoos,  sefior  cabal- 
lero. Que  lo  no  tomo  por  mengua,  47,  2,  17 ;  ^  Gandalin  llevaba  el  Enano 
porgue  le  no  fujese,  48,  1,  16  ;  ^  los  otros  que  los  miraban  dieron  voces  que 
2o  no  matase,  48,  2,  29  ;  ^  as(  este  como  el  otro  que  lo  querian  herir  deman- 
dironle  meroed  que  loa  no  matase,  48,  2,  40  ;  Lo  que  8er&  de  todos  los  males 
9«e  «e  no  emiendan,  48,  2,  61 ;  ^  agora  punad  de  dar  cima  &  la  batalla ;  que 
«M  no  dejar^  mas  folgar,  50,  1,  4 ;  justo  es  lo  que  demandais,  4  que  lo  no 
foese,  oonociendo  vuestra  mesura,  lo  haria  de  grado,  51,  2,  32 ;   aun^ue 
^notenga  con  ^,  la  tem^  con  vos,  que  lo  mereceis,  51,  2,  57  ;  ^  fu^  tan 
Ottl  trecho,  que  ae  no  pudo  levantar,  52,  1,  56  ;  c6mo  Oriana  no  se  osaba 
iptitar  de  Mabilia  porque  ae  no  matase,  54,  1,  13. 

2)  8i :  mas  jo  no  le  quitar^  aimeno  decis  por  qu^  dejistes  que  guardaba 
moerte  de  muchos  altos  hombres,  7,  1,  51 ;  mas  la  batalla  no  le  quito  ai  ae 
"0  otorga  por  vencido,  7,  ly  AS ;  4  ai  lo  no  hacian,  descabezdbalas,  15,  2, 
^;  Muerto  eres,  rej  Abies,  ai  te  no  otorgas  por  vencido,  22,  2,  45 ,  ^  cayera 
A  K  no  abrazara  al  cuello  del  caballo,  26,  1,  7  ;  Cortadle  la  cabeza  aivoano 
diere  mi  amigo,  que  alU  tiene  preso  en  el  Castillo,  26,  1,  29 ;  ^  si  tne  fio 
Bietiere  en  mano  la  doncella  que  le  fizo  tener,  26,  1,  30 ;  \Ay  seflor 
<^leio,  ai  me  no  amparais  de  aquella  doncella,  muerto  soy!  26,  1,  25; 
'^  llegad  &  ^1,  dijo  el  gigante,  4  ailono  hiciere,  ser&  por  su  dafio,  26,  2, 
1 ;  muerto  soy  at  me  no  vengo  deste  traidor  de  enano,  30,  2,  8  ;  que  jamas 
^  liaria  amor  ai  la  no  llevase  &  casa  del  rey  Lisuarte,  32,  1,  24 ;  ^  si  os  no 


132  WINTHROP   HOLT   CHENERY. 

diere  derecho,  otra  vez  no  fagais  compafia  i  caballero  extrafio,  38,  1,  15 ;  ^ 
silo  no  ficiere,  decilde  que  me  venga  i  ver  ante  que  se  parta,  39, 1, 11 ;  6  ti 
lo  no  hiciese,  con  razon  podriamos  decir  ser  mas  corto  de  crianza  que  largo 
de  esfuerzo,  39,  1,  18  ;  ^  Mabilia  le  vino  6.  abrazar  como  si  lo  no  hobiera 
visto,  39,  1,  39  ;  ^  servird  agora  cuando  caballero,  si  Uno  falta  mesura,  39, 
1,  42 ;  Que  la  quemaria  mafiana,  dijo  el  Duquc,  si  me  no  dijese  &  qu^  metiese 
al  caballero  en  mi  palacio,  43,  1,  1 ;  Cierto,  si  me  no  vengase  de  tob,  dijo 
el  caballero,  nunca  traeria  armas,  52,  2,  11. 

3)  Quando,  etc.    No  example. 

2.  a)  Que,  si,  quando  bien  lo.  1)  Que:  como  quiera  ^ue  mucAo  Ze  dolia, 
4,  2,  5 ;  pues  que  ast  ie  place,  6,  2,  20 ;  aquella  que  tanto  te  ama,  6,  2,  22 ; 
contra  la  voluntad  de  aquella  que  agora  yos  fard  el  primero  perder,  6,  2, 
29 ;  que  asl  le  pusieron  nombre,  6,  2,  54 ;  s^  qtie  mas  me  desama,  7,  2,  17 ; 
temiendo  que  asi  lo  faria,  10,  2,  51 ;  que  mxLcho  me  son  menester  parientes  6 
amigos,  11,  2,  8;  y  que  mucho  vos  ama,  13,  2,  29;  Cabalgad,  Sefior,  que 
poeo  me  contento  deste  lugar,  14,  2,  28 ;  del  Bey,  que  tardo  lo  desea,  14,  % 
45 ;  de  los  buenos  que  agora  se  saben,  16,  1,  1 ;  el  caballero  que  alii  los 
hiciera  venir,  17,  2,  30;  qu£  mucho  me  har^is  alegre,  18,  1,  19;  No,  dijo 
ella,  qu£  nunca  lo  vi,  19,  1,  46  ;  \  que  mucho  os  deseaba  ver  1  19,  2,  32 ;  donde 
hallaron  &  Agr&jes,  que  mucho  se  aquejaba,  20,  2,  4 ;  asf  como  aquelloa 
que  mucho  los  desamaban,  20,  2,  20 ;  que  nunca  se  pudo  conooer  en  elloB 
flaqueza  ni  cobardfa,  22,  1,  52 ;  Pues  es  el  anillo  del  mundo  que  mas  le 
parece,  23,  2,  43 ;  ^vque  asi  le  habia  sacado  de  tantos  peligros,  24,  1,  45 ; 
Matarla,  dijo  Urganda,  que  mucho  la  sufrf,  26,  1,  44 ;  as(  como  lo  hari 
vuestra  gran  valentfa  que  aqui  vos  vi  hacer,  26,  2,  15  ;  Que  no  te  ver&  mas 
el  que  acd  te  envi6,  28,  1,  54 ;  ^  &  la  alevosa  que  aqui  os  trajo,  30,  2,  2  ;  del 
que  agora  os  partistes,  32,  1,  18 ;  pues  que  tanto  se  lo  habian  loado,  32,  1, 
47 ;  Jerque  a^  le  loaban,  33,  1,  5 ;  qua  asi  me  ayude  Dies,  jo  creo  que  no 
hay,  33,  1,  56 ;  s^  que  antes  me  consejarias  muerte,  33,  1,  53 ;  ^  Dardan, 
que  mejor  se  cuidaba  combatir  de  pi^,  34,  2,  29  ;  aquel  cabaUero  que  aqui  se 
oombati6,  35,  2,  16  ;  mas  no  puedo  estar  de  no  facer  lo  que  quisierdes,  que 
mucho  vos  amo  4  precio,  38,  1,  29 ;  4  Galaor,  que  asi  lo  yi6  caer,  40,  1,  43 ; 
4  mand6  que  aM  lo  ficiese,  41,  1,  54  ;  Y  esto  decia  Amadls  por  le  traer,  que 
mucho  lo  deseaba,  44,  2,  43  ;  £1  le  respondi6  que  por  qiU  tajUo  le  desamaba, 
45,  1,  27 ;  como  quiera  que  aM  me  veais,  49,  1,  6 ;  la  mayor  4  mas  cruel 
venganza  que  nunca  se  hizo,  49,  1,  45 ;  La  doncella,  que  ojd  la  vi6,  53,  1, 
42  ;  ]  Ay  Seftora  I  qu^  poco  seso  este,  que  aH  os  dejais  morir,  53,  2,  31 ;  6 
fall6  alll  al  rey  Arban  de  Norgales,  que  mucho  la  amaba,  54,  2,  9. 

2)  SI:  4  parescia  muy  hermosa,  4  tan  fresca  como  si  entonces  se  puaiera, 
26,  2,  47  ;  pues  bien  creo  yo  que  entendi6  ^1  en  el  talante  del  otro  que  no 
le  hobiera  merced  si  asi  lo  tuviera,  35,  2,  13. 

3)  Quando,  etc.  4  la  doncella  de  Denamarca,  que  de  parte  de  Oriana  & 
41  venia,  como  ya  sevos  dijo,  23,  1,  7. 

b)  Que,  si,  quando  lo  bien.    1)  Que :  4  por  aquel  que  te  mas  ama,  6, 1, 


OBJBCl^PRONOUNS   IN   OLD  SPANISH,  133 

^1 ;  que  dijo  que  ja  era  fecho  por  aquel  que  te  nuu  ama,  6,  2,  5  ;  j  preci6  al 

ci^Ilero  que  lo  tan  bim  goardara,  8,  2,  41 ;  ^  si  fu^  bien  reoebido  no  es  de 

<^tar,  4  por  al  semejante  el  la  del ;  que  se  mucKo  amabaii;  9,  1 ,  21 ;  Agr&jes, 

9w  te  mueho  maravillaba  quidn  seria  el  caballero,  19,  2,  25 ;  de  aquella  que 

^  nueko  ama,  23,  1,  25  ;  bien  hi  dies  annoe  que  all(  eeii,  que  la  nunoa  Yi6 

lUDgwio,  26,  2,  44 ;  qne  le  dijese  qui^  era  su  sefiora,  que  la  alii  habia 

^viido,  29, 1,  25  ;  £  la  doncella  que  lo  aiU  gui6  dijo,  30, 1,  46  ;  con  grande 

^ogofltia  de  Aldeya,  que  la  mueho  amaba,  30,  2,  60 ;  Asf  me  ajude  Dioe, 

<iijo  ella,  no  8^  que  le  nunea  vi  que  me  miembre,  34,  1,  7  ;  dici^ndome  las 

CQS88  que  t08  mae  agradaren,  37,  2,  37 ;  La  duefia,  que  lo  mueko  desamaba, 

46,  2,  13 ;  ^  luego  se  fueron  amboe  6  tomaron  sendas  lanzas,  las  que  Us  fiuu 

coDtentaion,  47,  1,  37  ;  Cierto,  amigo,  no  te  preciaba  tan  to  como  jo,  el  que 

te  aqfU  poao,  49, 1,  55 ;  Lo  que  jo  mando,  dijo  Amadis,  es  que  hagas  lo  que 

temoB  plagaiere,  52,  1,  19. 

2)  SI:  ambo6  sois  fijos  de  rejes  4  mnj  fermosos ;  n  voe  mueko  amais,  no 
^vxw  lo  temd  ninguno  i  mal,  30,  1,  52. 

3)  Qiiaiido,  etc.  Haced,  Sefior,  en  ello  eomo  voe  mae  pluguiere,  3,  1,  46 ; 
^  las  gentes  de  la  villa  estaban  por  las  torres  4  por  el  muro  4  por  los  lugaree 
dUmde  Um  m/tjor  podian  ver  combatir,  34,  1,  50. 

3.     a)  Out,  si,  quando  yo  lo.    Que  :  Eso,  dijo  la  doncella,  dejad  &  mi ; 

^me  sfo  \o  remediar^  3,  1,  17 ;  que  all&  os  queda  otro  corazon  qvue  yo  voa 

iomar€,  3,  2,  28 ;  les  fizo  jurar  que  en  lo  que  U  les  preguntase  verdad  le 

dijesen,  6.  1,  15 ;  Sabe,  Bej,  que  de  lo  que  yo  me  reia  fu^  de  aquellus  pala- 

bras,  6,  2,  3 ;  haria  70  que  H  vos  venciese,  7, 1,  50  ;  Creed  que  yo  la  guardar^ 

oomo  an  madre  lo  haria,  10,  1,  53  ;  ^  yi6  otra  doncella  con  que  ella  ae  junt6, 

13,  2,  2 ;  I  Ay  Sefior !  que  ese  traidor  que  matastes  me  ha  tenido  afio  j 

medio  muerto  y  escamido  que  no  tome  armas  ;  que  H  me  hizo  perder  mi 

nombre,  17,  1,  60 ;  Agnardad  un  pooo,  dijo  el  Doncel  del  Mar ;  que  yo  voa 

^Sa4  dfl,  19,  1,  34 ;  yeis  aqu(  el  muy  buen  caballero  de  que  yo  os  habl^,  20, 

I1 4 ;  For  tu  mal  haces  este  ardimento ;  que  H  te  pone  en  este  lago,  22,  2, 

^ft;  que  ella  oc  ama  tanto,  qne  de  ligero  no  se  podria  contar,  23,  1,  33  ;  tos 

nw  negastes  siempre  el  anillo  que  yo  os  diera,  24,  1,2;  de  manera  que  ella  ae 

iba  tremiendo,  26,  1,  45  ;  Pues  pedildo,  dijo  ^1 ;  queyolo  otorgo,  27,  1,  46 ; 

iBQcho  debeia  amar  i  Dios,  que  H  vos  ama,  29,  1,  9  ;  Ni  por  eso,  dijo  4\j  no 

<iuedar6  de  lo  saber ;  que  yo  os  seguir€,  29,  1,  28  ;  en  mal  punto  ac&  entrastes, 

^ftos  far^  morir,  30,  2,  2 ;  Si  s^,  dijo  €i,  queHme  lo  dijo,  31,  2,  56 ; 

^*ced  lo  qne  debeis  si  lo  amais ;  que  el  os  ama  sobre  todas  las  cosas  que  hoy 

Km  aioadaa,  36, 1,  55 ;  por^ue  ella  lo  amaba  mas  que  otro  anillo  que  tuviese, 

^>  2, 4 ;  4  ayodadme  &  rogar  todas  lo  que  yo  U  pidiere,  39,  1,  43 ;  Pues 

Ottndaldo,  que  yo  lo  complir^  fasta  la  muerte,  46,  2,  12 ;  No  ninguno,  dijo 

^^Oidis ;  que  yo  me  entr€,  48,  1,  61 ;  A^ora  me  dejad  con  61,  que  yo  U  pom4 

coo  aqnelloa  que  all(  yacen,  48,  2,  8  ;  6  bien  vos  digo  que  la  espada  que  U 

"K  UeTa  qnerria  mas  que  todo  esto,  51,  2,  31. 

3)  81:  Si  dloa  me  oometen,  yo  me  defender^  46,  2,  47. 


134  WINTHROP   HOLT  CHENEBY. 

3)  Quando,  etc.  que  no  oonocia  ni  sabia  nada  de  e6mo  eUa  le  amaba,  10, 
2,  19 ;  Asf  8er&  eomo  yo  to  digo,  dijo  ella,  13,  2,  8 ;  qae  asf  acaecer&  eomo 
yo  lo  digo,  13,  2,  15. 

b)  Out,  tl,  qoando  lo  yo.  1)  Qot:  que  otro  por  ti  nunca  lo  sabri 
fasta  que  teloyo  mande,  7,  1,  67 ;  Sefior,  mas  quiero  que  me  vos  hiraiB,  8,  1, 
51 ;  Sefiores,  sabed  la  Terdad  deste  Doncel  que  Uevaisi  que  lo  yo  fall^  eu  1a 
mar,  8,  2,  35 ;  ^  pune  de  vivir  con  mi  padre  fasta  que  le  yo  mande  lo  que 
laga,  18,  2,  30 ;  ^  oomo  quier  que  te  yo  desame  mucho,  te  precio  maa  que  6 
ningun  caballero  con  quien  me  yo  oombatiese,  22,  1,  59 ;  4  procureis  de 
morar  con  su  padre  fasta  que  os  ella  mande,  23,  1,  37 ;  4  por  las  palabras 
que  te  yo  dije  le  tomaste  6  le  has  criado,  27,  2,  7 ;  que  en  qualquiera  parte 
que  08  yo  Tiese  era  obligado  &  os  querer  4  amar,  37,  2,  46. 

2)  SI :  Si  me  V08  prometeis,  dijo  el  Bey,  eomo  leal  doncella,  de  lo  no 
descubrir  sino  allf  donde  es  razon,  2,  2,  30 ;  «t  m«  txw  prometeis  oomo  rej 
en  todo  guardar  la  verdad,  2,  2,  41 ;  Yo  vos  digo,  dijo  el  Doncel  del  Mar, 
ti  voB  yo  de  aqui  fujere,  que  me  no  dejeis  en  ningun  lugar  de  los  mas 
guardados,  16,  2,  17  ;  isi  le  yo  viere  decirle  he  mas  de  mi  fadenda,  29,  1, 
21 ;  Siloa  vos  quereis  saber,  dijo  ella,  seguidme  4  mostrar  vos  la  he  de  aquI 
& cinco  dias,  29, 1,  26  ;  Vedes  la  doncella,  4  8ilayo  forzara  no  me atendiera, 
29,  2,  46 ;  ]  Ay  traidor  I  dijo  el  caballero,  en  mal  punto  me  hizo  ac&  venir, 
d  lo  yo  hallo,  29,  2,  50 ;  Amigas,  dijo  41,  gi  me  vos  prometeis,  oomo  leales 
doncellas,  de  me  tener  poridad  de  &  niuguno  lo  decir,  yo  os  lo  dir^  de 
grado,  B2f  1,  41 ;  Si  me  id  amas,  a4  que  antes  me  consejarias  muerte  que 
yiyir  en  tan  gran  cuita,  deseando  lo  que  no  yeo,  33,  1,  52. 

3)  Quando,  etc.  4  oomo  quier  que  te  yo  desame  mncho,  te  precio  mas 
que  &  ningun  caballero  con  quien  me  yo  combatiese,  22,  1,  60 ;  gran  desyario 
farlades  en  dejar  para  tal  honra  el  mejor  rey  del  mundo  4  tomar  A  un  pobre 
caballero  eomo  lo  yo  soy,  26,  2,  13  ;  Pues  te  td  crees  mejor  te  defender  de  pi^ 
que  de  caballo,  ape^monos  4  defi^dete,  34,  2,  36  ;  Yo  bien  sent!  cwmdo  me 
&  desarm6,  mas  todo  me  parescia  eomo  en  suefios,  50,  2,  53. 

4.  Que,  si,  quando  lo  dios.  1)  Que:  No  example.  2)  SI:  Eiyosd^ 
honra,  dijo  ella,  que  alegrla  tengo  agora  mucho  alongada,  «t  me  Dios  reme- 
dio  no  pone,  33,  2,  11 ;  n  me  Dios  salye,  Sefior,  dijo  ella,  yo  he  mucho 
placer,  39,  1,  30.     3)  Quando,  etc.    No  example. 

5.  Que,  si,  quando  lo .    1 )  Que :  Sefiora,  en  buena  hora  naflci6  el 

caballero  que  vos  esta  noehe  habrtl,  3,  2,  11 ;  que  no  habia  hombre  que  lo 
yiese  que  sedilno  espantase,  9,  2,  24  ;  que  no  saliri  hombre  ni  entrar4  qu€ 
leyo  no  mate,  si  puedo,  28,  1,  24  ;  ^  ahf  albergaron  con  una  duefia  que  lea 
mueha  honra  fizo,  33,  1,  8  ;  £  tomando  la  espada  por  la  punta,  la  meti6  por 
s(,  que  lo  no  pudieron  acorrer,  aun^ue  se  en  ello  trabajaron,  35,  1,  42. 

2)  SI :  Yo  yos  digo,  dijo  el  Doncel  del  Mar,  sivosyo  de  aqu{  fuyere,  que 
me  no  dejeis  en  ningun  lugar  de  los  mas  guardados,  16,  2,  17;  y  esto  probar6 
yo  al  mejor  caballero  del  mundo,  et  me  della  fuese  otorgado,  33,  1,  35. 

3)  Quando,  etc.    No  example. 


OBJECT-PRONOUNS  IN   OLD  SPANISH.  136 

6.  Anomtlout  txamplM.  Dios  no  me  ajude,  dijo  el  Donoel,  si  &  mi  grado 
h  w  aabreis,  ni  de  otro  por  mi  mandadoi  19,  1,  21 ;  No  llevareia,  dijo  ^, 
eo  tanto  que  lag  d^ender  pueda,  32,  2,  82 ;  Agora  me  no  pesa  de  ooea  que 
me  digiis,  dijo  Amadis,  34,  1,  14 ;  Galaor  meti6  mano  &  su  espada  por  le 
poner  miedo,  6  dijo  :  *'  O  me  fu  guiar^  6  dejar&s  aqul  la  cabeza,  39,  2,  33. 

7.  lifinKhrt.  a)  Por  no  lo,  por  bitn  lo.  1)  Por  no  lo:  que  por  no  9e 
goudar  de  lo  ja  dicho,  4,  1,  31 ;  j  dej^  caer  por  no  le  atender  otro  golpe, 

13. 1,  35 ;  no  tos  lo  otorgara  por  no  me  loar  dello,  46,  1,  24. 
2)  Por  bitn  lo.    No  example. 

b)  Por  lo  no,  por  lo  blen.  1)  Por  lo  no:  4  por  voe  no  dar  enojo,  tengo 
por  bien  que  quedeis  solo  en  la  c&mera,  8, 1,  44  ;  atapando  loe  ojos  por  le  no 
ver,  9,  2,  27  ;  ^  70  pensd  que  errara  en  su  palabra  en  me  no  decir  que  mi 
padre  era,  11,  1,  47  ;  4  fu^  yendo  contra  su  castillo  por  lo  no  ver  matar, 

42. 2,  37 ;  4  aquel  que  me  ama  en  me  no  ver  ni  saber  de  mf,  49,  2,  16 ;  i  Ay 
IHq8  I  que  mal  haces  en  me  no  responder  I  51 ,  1 ,  13. 

2)  Por  lo  bitn :  no  tuvo  acuerdo  de  lo  alii  tomar,  2,  1,  38 ;  que  por  alguna 
pute  d^  te  entrar&  alguno  para  te  algo  tomar,  6,  1,  39  ;  7  mas  tos  digo, 
que  (k  ^  vKw  amar,  no  podrlades  dello  ganar  ningun  buen  fruto,  19,  1,  10 ; 
vaideteyo  preciar  no  te  tiene  pro,  22,  1,  61. 

21b. 

Las  Seboas  de  Esplandiak. 

Capftulos  I-X. 

1.  Que  no  lo:  Pag.  404,  ool.  2,  1.  40 ;  407,  1,  23 ;  407,  1,  51 ;  410,  2, 
53;  411,  1,  8;  411,  1,  33;  414,  2,  61;  415,  1,  54;  415,  2,  16;  416,  1, 
55;  416, 1,  60 ;  417, 1,  9 ;  419,  1,  23. 

2)  (at  bitn  lo:  404,  1,  32 ;  404,  2,  15 ;  405,  1,  60 ;  406,  2,  53 ;  407,  1, 
50;  409,  2,  6 ;  412,  1,  38 ;  412,  2,  32  ;  414,  1,  48 ;  415,  1,  21 ;  416,  1 
39;  416,  2,  14 ;  417,  2,  55 ;  418,  2,  27.  SI  bitn  lo:  418,  1,  54.  Quando 
Mwlo:  404,  2,  32;  410,  2,  19 ;  414, 1,  1 ;  419,  1,  50. 

3.  (at  yo  lo:  408,  2,  20;  409,  1,  42;  412,  1,  4;  415,  2,  30;  418,  2, 
37;  419, 1,  48.     Quando  yo  lo:  404,  1,  25 ;  405,  1,  55  ;  413,  2,  17. 

5.  Antmaloot  txampit.  en  tanto  salid  de  esta  prisidn,  dando  gracias  al 
poderoBo  Sefior,  que  nos^  por  bien  7  reparo  de  loe  8U706,  suele  dar  semejantes 
Motes,  412,  2,  41. 

6.  inlinitlvt.    Por  non  lo:  411,  1,  18  ;  412,  2,  46  ;  419,  1,  24. 

22. 

Letenda  Del  Abad  Don  Juan  de  Montemator. 

L    Diego  Bodrigaez  de  Almela  :  Compendio  Historial,  Cap.  oclzzzvij. 
n.    Historia  del  Abad  Don  Juan  de  Montema7or. 


136  WINTHROP   HOLT  CHENEBY. 

I. 
Almda:  Oompendio  JHtsloriaL 

1.  a)  Que,  tl  no  lo.  1)  Que:  criador  de  todas  las  cosas  que  se  puedeo 
Yer,  commo  de  las  que  nan  se  pueden  yer,  p.  11,  1,  8 ;  E  si  tan  santo  sois 
que  non  me  queredes  creer  de  ooea  que  yob  digo,  11,  27 ;  sabe  que  non  me 
quiere  dar  el  castillo  el  abad  don  Johan,  12,  16  ;  dizi^ndole  que  non  lo  aylk 
ferido,  16,  11.  2)  SI:  sabe  que  non  me  quiere  dar  el  castillo  el  abad  don 
Johan,  gi  non  lo  tomamos  por  fuerpa,  12,  16. 

b)  Que,  si  lo  no.  1)  Que:  El  abad  don  Johan  estorb&vagelo  quelo 
non  fiziese,  6,  30  ;  e  rog&vale  que  le  diese  la  muerte  e  que  lo  non  dexaae 
beyir,  9,  14  ;  Mas  pues  que  te  alabas  que  entrar^  el  castillo,  yo  te  digo 
que  te  non  yerrar&n  las  puertas  por  miedo  tuyo,  12,  9  ;  Entonye  Almonsor 
bolvi61e  el  rostro,  dizi^ndole  que  non  lo  (que  lo  non,  UFG)  avla  ferido,  16, 

11.  2)  SI:  No  example. 

2.  a)  Que  yo  lo.    No  example. 

b)  Quo  lo  yo :  porque  jo  (io  en  Dies  que  lo  farfi  mejor  que  lo  ti  dizesi 

12,  10. 

3.  a)  Por  blen  lo.    No  example. 

b )  Por  lo  blen :  e  jx>r  lo  mas  honrrar,  enbiolo  al  dicho  rey  don  Bamiro 
de  Le6n,  6,  6. 

II. 

Historia  del  Abad  Don  Juan  de  Monlemayor, 

1.  Que,  si,  quando  no  lo.  1)  Que:  que  no  ae  pagasse  d^l,  24,  31 ;  7  el 
que  no  la  tuviere,  26,  24 ;  que  no  se  aprovechasse  de  los  caminos,  27,  25  ;  y 
rogava  mucho  a  Dios  que  le  diesse  ya  la  muerte  y  que  no  le  dexasse  vivir 
m&s  en  el  mundo,  32,  27  ;  que  no  se  podria  contar,  33,  8 ;  que  no  se  entendtan 
imos  a  otros,  34,  1 ;  que  no  se  podHan  contar,  34,  7  ;  porque  no  me  quesistea 
creer,  38,  4 ;  y  mucbo  m^  que  no  se  puede  contar,  43,  24 ;  que  no  lo  vea, 
44,  1 ;  que  no  le  quebrasse  el  cora96n,  45,  11 ;  qu£  no  sele  quebrantasee  el 
cora96n,  46,  22 ;  tanto  que  no  se  davan  lugar,  51,  15 ;  Y  dixo  que  no  h 
queria  m^  atender,  52,  1 ;  ^ve  no  se  esperavan,  52,  9 ;  que  no  le  alcan96  en 
la  came,  52,  26.  2)  SI:  sabed  que  el  abbod  don  Juan  no  quiere  dar  el 
castillo,  si  no  lo  ganais  por  fuer^a,  38,  30.  3)  Quando:  quando  no  le  veia, 
25,  2  ;  y  como  no  se  abr(a  la  tierra,  31,  14. 

2.  Que,  si  yo  lo.  1 )  Que :  de  lo  que  yo  vos  dir^,  26,  22 ;  que  ellos  ae  lo 
tuvieron  en  poridad,  27,  8 ;  que  yo  os  cri^  28,  14 ;  que  yo  os  dar^  28,  17 
hasta  que  yo  vos  vea  venir,  29,  10 ;  que  yo  me  quiero  tomar  moro,  30,  20 
aun^e  Id  te  alabas,  38,  8 ;  que  ellos  lo  huvieron  a  gran  maravilla,  42,  13 
lo  que  yo  os  dixere,  48,  12  ;  que  tH  te  alabas,  52,  20.  2)  SI :  siyo  ttla  cor- 
tasse,  49,  32. 


OBJBCT-PBOHOUBS  TS  OU)  fiPAl^EH. 


137 


SOCHAITS  D£  BlKMVEKlUK  AxXDUasfe  1  FeUHKAJO^  XX 
PAX  UN  POETK  BUKnOKAB  XV  IC^ 

1.  Qvf  RM  to. 

Con  maly  ooo  fortuna  fuc  ao  le  f ■Vm  ,  t.  SL 
Que  no  te  oontieiitu  del  ombte  qfo'ci  Ticjo,  t.  174. 

2.  Qit  btofli  to. 

Ffengir  que  le  plaie  lo  que  mum  k  poB,  t.  1S& 


CATHaUQTE 


24. 

GOMEHA.  DE  GlUnO  T 

ActoB  i-vn. 

1.  OM,tinoto.  1)  Qm:  p.  12,  1,16;  14,  15;  17,2;  18,29;  1»,SS; 
20,  2;  20,  13;  26,  2;  27,  33;  30,  3;  42,  3;  45^  3;  46,  20:  53,17;  M, 
2;  54,  3;  56,26;  58,2;  59,  33;  60,  27;  63,  7;  64,  10;  74,9;  7S,12; 

80,25;80,  32;  85,  20;  88,  22;  94,  11;  96,  12;  99,  21;  99,  33;  100,8; 
102,  6.    2)  81:  52,  3 ;  64,  1 ;  82,  32 ;  87,  2L 

2.  Qotf  si  bitn  to.  1)  que  mas  ...,  8,  23 ;  50,  1 ;  55,  26;  79,  13 ; 
qoe  aari,  21,  22  ;  que  mucho,  74,  31 ;  que  bien,  96,  12 ;  97,  6.  2)  si  aqm, 
20,  3;8ibien,  64,  16. 

3.  Qoe  yo  lo,  fl  yo  to.  1)  qae  to,  26,  30 ;  37,  21  ;  41,  5 ;  que  to,  11, 
24 ;  53,  21 ;  55,  22 ;  que  el,  100,  1 ;  qDC  elk,  23,  4 ;  46,  32.     2)  li  tu, 

58,20. 

25. 

JUAK  DE  VALDiS  :    DiAIXXK)  DE  LA  LeSTOUA. 

1.  9«t,  sl,  quando  no  to.  1)  Quo:  p.  343,  L  24  ;  345,  5  ;  346,  2 ;  346,  32 ; 
348,21;  352,8;  352,  30  ;  354, 10  ;  355,  34 ;  360, 45  ;  360,  46 ;  361,  5 ;  368, 
21;  376,  2;  367,  17;  368,  6;  368,  29;  369,36;  371,31;  371,38;  371, 
38bii;  376,  22;  377,  1 ;  377,  21 ;  379,  22;  380,  10;  380,  31 ;  380,  31  bis 
382, 13;  382,  30  ;  382,  40 ;  390,  20;  390,  35;  390,  37 ;  391,  10  ;  398,  17 
398,  28 ;  402,  10 ;  403,  24 ;  405,  30  ;  410,  20 ;  411,  11 ;  411,  14 ;  411,  26 
411,  32;  413,  19  ;  416,  37 ;  417,  20 ;  418,  12 ;  418,  33  ;  419,  1.  2)  SI 
343, 14;  348,  18 ;  350,  12;  361,  1 ;  364,  20 ;  370,  18  ;  370,  34 ;  376,  32 
382,  8;  394,  15 ;  406,  3 ;  407,  6  ;  418,  24  ;  419,  3.  3)  Quando:  354,  2 
354,4;  358,  34;  369,  9;  390,  39;  411,  14. 

%  Qm,  al,  qvando  blan  lo.  1)  Qua:  339,  14 ;  345,  26 ;  346,  7 ;  346, 
25;  347, 13;  360,  19;  361,  7;  362,  18;  362,  23;  362,  34;  369,  32;  369, 
44;  377,  12;  398,  15;  411,  12;  417,  6.  2)  SI:  343,  26;  381,  20;  884, 
14;  397,  7;  417,  24.  3)  Quando:  358,  7 ;  372,  20 ;  411,  17. 

3.  Qua,  si,  quando  yo  lo.  1)  Qua:  339,  16;  345,  21 ;  345,  23 ;  345, 
28;  349,  14;  368,  8;  373,  36;  387,  36;  391,  6;  409,  4;  408,  10.  2) 


138  WINTHROP   HOLT  CHENEBT. 

SI :  350,  9 ;  375,  28  ;  383,  20.  3)  Quando :  369,  18 ;  399,  32 ;  410,  13 ; 
418,  16. 

26. 

Lazabillo  d£  Tobmeb. 

1.  Que  no  lo:  p.  6,.l.  5;  19,  27;  22,  7 ;  28,  20;  33,  9;  42,  12;  42, 
13;  43,4;  57,  21;  59,  9;  66,  3. 

2.  Que  yo  lo :  qwyoUiy  37,  27 ;  que  el  lo^  43,  17. 

3.  Por  no  lo:  por  no  lo,  12,  S;  13,  24 ;  en  no  m  ^  15,  9 ;  por  no  me, 
21,  20. 

27. 

Luis  de  Leon:  La  Perfecta  Casada. 

1.  Que  no  lo:  p.  8,  1.  2;  10,  5;  11,  23;  15,  29;  19,  3;  20,  25;  22, 
28;  23,  9;  31,  24;  46,  23;  47,  11;  51,  27;  51,30;  53,  30;  53,  30  bis; 
56,  21;  57,  11.    Si  no  lo:  42,  22. 

2.  Que  bien  lo:  3,  28 ;  7,  15;  32,  21 ;  34,  28 ;  35,  28 ;  38,  6. 

3.  Que  yo  lo:  4,  2  ;  6,  24  ;  31,  23  ;  32,  3  ;  37,  30 ;  38,  13. 

28. 

Gantioas  de  Santa  Majua. 

Noe.  I-XV. 

1.  a)  Que  non  lo.  A  emperadriz,  que  non  vos  era  de  oora^on  rafes,  Oant. 
V,  Btz.  21,  v.  4.    Assf  que  non  as*  afogov,  xiu,  3,  8. 

b)  Quo  lo  non.  Por  no  mar  deital-a,  que  a  non  deitasse,  ix,  12,  1.  SI 
lo  non:  Ca  m  o  non  fezermoe,  en  mal  ponto  uimoe  seu  solaz,  v,  17,  4. 
Quando  lo  non :  Oa  «se  non  deteueron  nenllur,  xv,  18,  6. 

2.  b)  Que  lo  bitn:  De  que  voa  id  dias',  v,  4,  2 ;  Quero  seroir,  que  me 
mmea  &  de  faleoer,  v,  26,  6 ;  £t  de  que  sae  mdis  pa^ua,  vi,  4,  3 ;  Tod' 
aquesto  que  uoa  ora  dito,  xv,  13,  1.  Quando  lo  blen:  Oomo  a^ante  aiolAiUy 
YUJ,  7,  3. 

3.  a)  Quando  yo  lo :  ca  nos  lo  goardamoe  de  malfeitorla,  ix,  9,  5. 

4.  Que  lo Do  &ngeo,  que  Ue  falar  toy,  et  diase  "Cojtada,"  i,  5, 

6 ;  Que  ^aqael  gaffo  traedor  fora  baateoer,  v,  22,  6  ;  Per  nulla  ren  que  (To 
Emperador  diaseflse,  nunca,  quia,  v,  26,  1 ;  Ca  por^ue  Ilea  non  sofrer  querlia 
de  mal  fazer,  yn,  2,  3  ;  £n  o  dia  que  a  Deus  foi  corSar,  xn,  1,  5  ;  Que  me 
nas  sas  m&os  sofre,  xni,  5,  7  ;  Que  m'o  la^o  non  matov,  xm,  5,  8 ;  Que  flea 
este  feito  foi  contando,  xv,  18,  5  ;  Que  Wnu  caualeiro  branco  dev,  xv,  19,  2. 

SI  lo Sease  d'algun  mal  sentia,  iv,  10,  4  ;  Et  «e  f  aqueste  pan  non 

refeiro,  xv,  6,  7. 

Quando  lo Pais  IP  este  don  tan  estranyo  ouue  dad'  e  tan  fremoeo^ 

n,  5,  1 ;  Mas  o  Emperador,  quando  o  atan  mal  parado  uy(i,  v,  7,  4 ;  £ 
quando  a  no  monte  teueron,  fedaron  ontre  si,  v,  10,  3 ;  O  marynneixo,  poU^a 


OBJECT-PRONOUNS  IN   OLD   SPANISH.  139 

eo  a  bfticA  meteu,  ben  oome  fol,  v,  16,  1 ;  Ant*  o  Apo6t61og'  e  ante  U60, 
como  M  feitoB  4,  v,  24,  3  ;  PoU  a'a  dona  espertoa,  vn,  2,  3  ;  £  «  ^a  alma 
8a^  log*  o  demo  a  prendia,  zi,  4,  1 ;  fazer  quanta  W  en  prazer  for,  xv, 

1,8. 

^  Anomilout  txamplM.  Mayor  miragre  do  mundo  Wnn^  esta  Sennor 
mostiin,  n,  3,  2 ;  £t  m  goarida  achou,  vn,  4,  2 ;  Esto  vob  non  sof  reremoe, 
^  7,  8;  Por  qnanto  mal  no9  ele  bnscaua,  xv,  11,  4. 

29. 
DoM  Dnaz  de  Pobtuoal:  Cantioas  d'Amob,  I-L. 

!•  a)  Qut,  si,  qoando  non  lo.    1 )  Qut :  .  .  .  se  soubesse  que  nom  Ih*  en 

tarn  gnre,  Deus  foss'  em  loado,  y.  970.  2,  3)  SI,  quando,  etc.  No 
example. 

b)  Que,  tl,  quando  lo  non.  1)  Quo:  Que  me  nom  qnei'  end'  eu  doer, 
25 ; . . .  que  vaa  nom  mereci  ontro  mal,  63  ;  des  entom  morte  que  mi  nom  quer 
dar,  143 ;  que  vos  nom  posBO  nem  sei  dizer  qual,  274 ;  que  se  nom  perdesB* 
ant'  0  sem,  491  ;  ca  sei  eu  bem  que  mi  nom  faUra,  507  ;  des  que  a  nom  vi, 
ixxn  er  yi  pesar,  527  ;  que  me  nom  jolgue  por  sen  traedor,  637  ;  que  Uu  nom 
OQve  Flores  tal  amor,  700 ;  que  me  nom  a  jam  d'entender,  714  ;  des  qua  8e 
nom  gnifloa  de  a  veer,  980.  2 )  SI :  eaemi  nom  fosse  maior  prazer,  271 ;  ae 
a  nom  yir,  nom  me  posso  guardar,  755.  3)  Quando :  ea  me  nom  pod'  escae- 
cer,  740  ;  pots  me  nom  queredes  tolher,  746. 

2.  a)  Qut,  si,  quando  bltn  lo.  1 )  Quo :  que  nunea  vos  mereci  por  que 
tal,  79 ;  que  nunea  vos  dissesse  rem,  104  ;  Ga  tal  ^  que  ante  ae  mat&ra,  521 ; 
ca  sabedes  que  nunea  vos  fiilei,  575  ;  e  que  me  nembra  que  bem  a  oi,  750  ; 
<iai  aabem  7tt«  nimea  vos  errei,  823.  2)  SI:  No  example.  3)  Quando:  E 
itom  Bel  quando  vos  or  veerei,  213. 

b)  Qut,  si,  quando  lo  bltn.  1)  Qut:  O  ^u^  vos  nunea  cuidei  a  dizer, 
572 ;  0  que  vos  ja  perguntei  outra  vez,  810 ;  que  mi  nunea  tezo  nenhum 
Phaser,  9(57.  2)  SI :  ae  W  0  assi  guisasse  Deus,  494  ;  ca  mi  falar  ae  0  sol 
CQidi^^  522 ;  se  nC  agora  quizessedes  dizer,  809.  3 )  Quando :  quamdo  m* 
^9^  onver  d'alongar,  43  ;  de  quanto  Ih*  ante  cuid&ra  dizer,  150. 

^  a)  Qut,  si,  quando  yo  lo.  1,  2)  Qut,  si.  No  examples.  3)  Quando : 
fo^  eu  vos  amo,  esto  certo  sei  en,  706. 

b)  Qut,  si,  quando  lo  yo.  1)  Qut:  aquel  maior  que  vo-f  eu  poss' 
*^i  65 ;  por  muito  mal  que  meWeu  mereci,  132  ;  Assi  nom  er  quis  que 
*  At  percebesse,  138 ;  o  demo  lev*  a  rem  que  W  eu  falei,  149 ;  que  mi  vos 
poderdes  fazer,  466 ;  em  que  vo-V  eu  podesse  merecer,  619;  que  vos  eu  podesse 
^tar,  732 ;  que  vos  eu  vi,  960.  2)  SI :  se  nom  ae  mi  vos  fezessedes  bem, 
676.  3)  Quando :  qne  vos  viss'  eu,  u  m'  e2  fez  desejar,  142  ;  se  de  qua!  hem 
^  «u  quero  coidira,  509 ;  qual  vos  eu  ei,  701. 

i  Qut,  si,  quando  lo 1)  Qut:  Mais  tanto  que  me  d'ant'  ela  quitei, 

151 ;  Senhor,  pois  que  m' agora  Deus  guisou,  201 ;  Quant'  a,  senhor,  que  nC  eu 


140  WINTHROP   HOLT   GHENEBT. 

de  yo8  parti,  424 ;  E  des  que  vC  eu,  senhor,  per  bda  fe,  de  yob  parti,  429 ;  que 
m*  eu  de  vos  parti,  no  cora^om,  436  ;  Pois  que  vos  Deus,  amigo,  quer  guisar, 
541 ;  £  pois  que  vos  Deus  aguisa  d'  ir  i,  551  ;  que  vos  gram  bem  nom  ouyeas' 
a  querer,  631 ;  com  que  m*  oj'  eu  vejo  morrer,  739 ;  d'omem  que  Ihi  par 
pozesse,  788  ;  se  nom  o  bem  que  vos  Deus  deu,  802  ;  quando  nom  quis  que 
Ih*  outra  foes'  igual,  841  ;  que  vos  em  grave  dia  vi,  851.  2)  SI:  m  o  eu  a 
YOB  nom  disser,  111  ;  se  09.  voe  nom  f6r  dizer,  119 ;  se  vos  fcn.v'  6  de  vos  ea 
bem  querer,  290 ;  se  0  Deus  quizesse  guisar,  322  ;  Ca  sabedes  que  se  m'  end' 
eu  quitar,  627  ;  se  me  Deus  ant'  os  sens  olhos  lavar,  635  ;  ae  mA  a  sa  mui 
gram  mesura  nom  val,  648  ;  por  vos,  se  vos  est'  6  loor  ou  prez,  813.  3) 
Quando :  qual  vos  sol  nom  posso  dizer,  98  ;  e  pois  me  Deus  nom  val,  190  ; 
pois  vos  Deus  atal  foi  fazer,  316 ;  E  pois  vos  Deus  nunca  fez  par,  318 ; 
Quern  vos  mui  bem  yiase,  senhor,  482  ;  E  quern  vos  bem  00m  estes  meus  olhoB 
visse,  489  ;  como  mA  a  mi  0  foi  guisar,  495  ;  por  quanio  m'  oje  mha  senhor 
falou,  504  ;  d'aver  eu  mal  d'u  0  Deus  nom  pos,  nom,  612  ;  Senhor  fremosa, 
por  quod  vos  Deus  fez,  807 ;  mal,  pois  vo-P  eu,  senhor,  nom  mereci,  827  ; 
quai  m'  eu  por  mha  senhor  vejo  levar,  914. 

5.  Anomalous,  ca  sci  que  sentiredes  qual  mingua  vos  pois  ei-de  fazer,  4 ; 
desi  nom  0  er  podedes  enganar,  70 ;  ca  el  sabe  bem  quam  de  coni9om  vos 
eu  am'  e  que  nunca  vos  errei,  72 ;  ca  logo  m'  el  guisou  que  vos  oi  falar, 
126  ;  e  tod'  aquesto  m'el  foi  aguisar,  129  ;  a  Ih'o  dizer,  e  me  bem  esfor^ei, 
155  ;  com  quaes  olhos  vos  eu  vi,  483  ;  d'al,  ca  nunca  m«  d'al  pudi  nembrar, 
528 ;  pero  mi  tod'  este  mal  faz  sofrer,  532 ;  pero  m'  este  mal  fez  e  mais 
fard,  538 ;  seu  mandado  oi  e  a  nom  vi,  639  ;  Cedo ;  ca  pero  mi  nunca  faz 
bem,  754 ;  e  por  quam  boa  vos  el  fez,  790  ;  que  nunca  vo-P  eu  mereci,  857  ; 
e  m'  el  nom  f6r  ajudador,  866. 

6.  Infinitive,    a)  Por  blen  lo:  de  nunca  mi  fazerdes  bem,  932. 

b)  Por  lo  non:  de  mh  a  nom  querer,  40.     Por  lo  blen:  de  m'  cigora 

guardar  que  nom,  85  ;  sem  vo-lo  nunca  merecer,  871.     Por  lo :  e  pela 

mais  ca  mim  amar,  172  ;  ,  ,  ,  devosen  bem  querer,  290. 

30. 

EsTOBiA  TroyIa. 

Pdgs.  95-113. 

1.   a)  Que,  si,  quando  non  lo.    No  examples. 

b)  Que,  tl,  quando  lo  non.  1  Que:  en  gisa  que  a  nd  vissen,  p.  96, 
1.  19  ;  et  pe^o  vos  mer;^  que  vos  nH  pese  nemo  tefiades  por  mal,  101,  29 ; 
como  quer  que  vos  nH  plaz  de  falar  en  este  pleito,  103,  16 ;  mays  chegavtoe 
ja  t&to  i6s  t€daB  quelle  nH  podia  falar  assua  v66ntade,  103,  29  ;  mays  Achiles 
aque  sse  nd  olvidava  oque  afazer  avia,  109,  24 ;  Outroesj  t&  gH.  covardi9e 
tomava  enssy  quelle  nd  ousava  dizer  nada.  111,  26  ;  gardarlo  ey  eu  omellor 
que  poder  que  0  nd  partirey  de  mi,  113,  5.  2)  Si:  No  example.  3) 
Quando:  fifa9ome  maravillada  como  seme  nd  parte  este  cora^o  per  mille 
lugares,  96,  7  ;  et  fazelles  sofrer  t&  grave?  ooytas  que  son  par  de  morte  eoot 
fi5  leixa  dormir.  111,  9. 


OBJECT-PRONOUNS  IN   OLD  SPANISH.  141 

2.  a)  Out,  ti,  quando  bitn  lo.  1)  Qut:  Ca  moytas  vezes  oyialarde 
moTtos  gve  nuca  ne  virft  ne  ne  cofioo^erii,  101,  18  ;  que  aduro  aw  poden 
eooobrir,  103,  2.     2)  SI.    No  example.     8)  Quando.    No  example. 

b)  Qut,  si,  quando  lo  blen.    1)  Qut.    No  example.     2)  SI:  que  eu 
&ria  torto  teUe  mo/ quisesKy  108,  7.     3)  Quando.    No  example. 

3.  a)  Qut,  tl,  quando  yo  lo.  1 )  Qut :  Et  porque  desamades  tito  voesa 
▼ida,  que  eu  vos  fa9o  ^ertos  que  .  .  .  ,  95,  6 ;  et  dj  a  Bre9a7da,  que  j 
achins,  que  euUe  enbio  este  cavalo,  107,  13.  2)  SI.  No  example.  3) 
tuandt.    No  example. 

b)  Qut,  si,  quando  lo  yo.  1 )  Qut :  £t  ja  deus  nuca  quejrra  queme  eu 
tnballe  de  amar  ne  de  senrir  outra,  101,  36  ;  ne  entendades  que  vos  eu  leixo 
por  oatra  mad,  103,  9 ;  desto  quelle  eu  envio  dizer,  107,  16.  2)  SI:  et 
dilleqoe  temed  quer  ben,  que  eu  faria  torto,  108,  6.  3)  Quando:  Talera 
ooito  da  donzela  qual  vo9  eu  dixe,  98,  24 ;  Et  quopndoeae  eh,  ouvo  a  partir  de 
Troylos,  100,  12. 

4.  Qut,  si,  quando  lo 1)  Qut:  Ca  seu  falla  nuca  eno  mudo  sera 

cooa  que  vm  t&to  de  cora^d  ame  como  eu,  97,  10 ;  Como  aqneles  queese  moj 
de  oora95  amavft,  98,  3 ;  Et  por^u^  tfos  eu  todo  tSpo  sera  rretniida  et  pos- 
hfada,  104,  6 ;  pero  aynda  tamafio  ben  n611e  quero  por  quelle  ael  mellor  viA, 
do  que  ante  lie  ya,  108,  8  ;  por  este  cavalo  que  me  e  outro  dia  destes,  112, 
11>  2)  SI :  et  teme  alge  pregutar  quaes  erft,  100,  8  ;  yay  et  dj  ateu  sefior 
<IDe  le  me  el  ben  quer  como  diz,  quemo  demostra  moj  mal,  107,  30  ;  sabade 
(ae)  que  selle  este  pleito  moyto  durara,  cSy^ralle  de  morrer.  111,  13  ;  Et 
M  ben  n5  gardardes,  toste  Yoa  lo  poderft  tomar,  112,  28.  3)  Quando:  Et 
fUBtdo  ne  anboe  onveron  apartir,  101,  2  ;  Et  vos  sodes  .  .  . .  t&  p&ipSo  per 
oomo  me  ami  semella,  103,  5 ;  Et  poye  vos  ja  aco  cd  migo  tefto,  n5  averej  que 
temer,  105,  28. 
^'  Anomalous.    Et  seme  rre9eberde8  por  yoaso  amigo  nuca  vos  ende  verra 

Mn5  oorra,  101,  31 ;  Et  se  el  esto  fezesse  senpre  Ue  ende  ben  verria,  107,  33. 

31abc. 

ViDA  DE  EUFBOSmA,  ViDA  DE  MaBIA  EgIPCIA,    ExTRAITS  D'UN 

Trait^  de  DiYonoN  (Textes  portugais  du  xiy«  Si^cle) . 

^-  a)  Qut  no  lo.    No  example. 

b)  Qut  lo  no.  EuFROSiNA.  Depois  que  viram  que  se  nam  dcmostrava, 
p*  362,  L  21  ;  E  ella  cobrio  assua  face  por  tal  quea  nom  conho9e8se,  363,  6  ; 
Tf^  te  nom  despre^ara  Nosso  Senhor,  363,  18  ;  Eogote  que  me  nom  leixes, 
^  28;  ^rqueie  nom  mostraste?  365,  11.  Eqifcxa.  Eute  Rogey,  padre 
T'oae  nom  oostrangesses,  373,  8 ;  mais  assi  como  aaz  de  cavaleyros  estava 
•^tw  ml  que  me  nom  leixava  fitrar,  374,  16  ;  e  porgue  me  nom  achou  tor- 
000886,  378,  29 ;  defendendolhe  queo  nom  fezesse,  379,  4 ;  Gloria  seia  aty 
^<tto  Ssenhor  Deus  que  me  nom  fezeste  minguado,  379,  10  ;  e  creeo  quellie 
Mom  faiya  mal^  380,  30 ;  TRAiri:.    e  d&me  tam  gr&  tormento  (seu)  e  espanto 


142  WINTHBOP   HOLT  CHENEBY. 

queo  nd  sey  dizer,  382,  23  ;  que  m  nam  podya  del  paitir,  386,  6 ;  e  disselhe 
quese  fosse,  qudhe  nom  queiya  dar  sua  filha,  388,  20 ;  desque  yio  gudhe  nd 
prestava  nada,  390,  8. 

2.  a)  SI  no  lo.    No  example. 

b)  Si  lo  no.  EoiFCiA.  Quern  onunca  yira  nS  houvira  a&dhe  fid 
ffoflse  demofitrado,  p.  370,  1.  8. 

3.  a)  Quando  no  io.  Eoipcia.  Ca  nom  voa  aserey  Bsem  proyeyto^  373^ 
21. 

b)  Quando  lo  no.  Eoipcia.  como  me  nom  aorveo  bjya,  373,  33. 
EuFBOBiNA.     e  quando  anom  achou,  361,  27.^ 

4.  a)  Que,  (tl,  quando,  etc.)  blen  lo.  Eoipcia.  que  nunea  sae  ajunta- 
vam,  368,  27.  Traite.  ora  me  dam  tarn  grande  quentura  que  todo  me 
fazem  tremer,  382,  23  ;  cuydando  que  nuea  the  felleoeryfi,  385,  20  ;  que  (onto 
«e  asenborava  dell,  386,  5. 

b)  Que  lo  blen.  Eoipcia.  porque  sse  vyo  chamar  per  sseu  nome, 
quern  onunca  vira  ne  bouvira,  370,  8 ;  que  me  nunea  yiste,  370,  25 ;  e  tor- 
neyme  aaquella  queme  ally  trouvera  per  ffe,  375,  9 ;  E  aasy  como  te  ante 
Bogey,  377,  21.  Tbait^  Assy  que  poucos  som  os  que,  se  atal  teopo 
lenbri  do  quelbes  cdpre,  queo  dbpridamUte  ajam,  382,  8 ;  desque  virom  que 
se  tanto  detiinha,  382,  36. 

5.  a)  Que  (ti,  etc.)  yo  lo.  Eoipcia.  que  tu  me  ffosses  demostrada, 
372,  1 ;  Quando  ho  santo  bomS  vyo  que  ella  Ihe  fallava  de  Begla,  377,  34. 

b)  Que  (tl,  etc. )  lo  yo.  as  quaes  sseaatu  quiseres  seguir,  336,  27  ; 
En  sey,  aete  eu  eome9ar  acontar,  372,  12  ;  e  hir  me  ey  hu  me  tu  mandares, 
374,  38.  TraitIl  E  el  indo  pera  yeer  se  era  ja  morto  em  bun  fomo 
ondeo  ell  mandara  meter,  382,  15  ;  nada  doquelhe  ell  dizia,  390,  8. 

6.  a)  Que  (tl,  etc.)  diot  lo.  TuAiTi:.  que  Deus  the  perd66u,  383,  17  ; 
que  Deun  Ihe  avia  perdoado,  388,  24. 

b)  Que  (tl,  etc.)  lo  dIot.  Eoipcia.  Depois  ^ue  m«  esto  aconte9eo, 
374,  17.  TRArriL  aquello  qudhe  Deus  mfidara,  386,  30 ;  emna  cidade  de 
Ninive  comoa  Dem  queria  destroyr,  386,  25  ;  pera  v^r  comoa  Deus  queiya 
destroyr,  386,  31. 

7.  Que  lo .    Eoipcia.     Ssenhora  minha,  no  leixes  nehQa  cousa 

que  file  todo  nom  descubras,  376,  11.  Trait t.  Esta  arvor  senifica  este  mudo 
e  que  86  ho  home  deleyta,  384,  7  ;  por  aquello  quelhe  oydollo  avia  dicto,  388,  21. 

8.  Anomalout.    TRAiriL     Ay,  amigoe,  que  mal  me  ora  julgastes !  382,  37. 

32. 

ViAGOio  Fantastico  in  Portoohese. 

1.   a)  Que,  tl,  quando  no  lo.    No  example. 

b)  Que,  si,  quando  lo  no:  E  por  que  o  nom  fez  visorei,  p.  291,  1.  8 ; 
nem  os  filhos  dos  senhorios  dos  teus  reinos  que  se  nom  casem,  292,  33 ;  e 
temeraas  que  te  nam  acontepa  outro,  293,  2  ;  et  Ibes  parecia  que  se  nom 
emtemdiad  bOs  aos  outroe,  295,  20. 


OBJECrr-PBOKOUNS  IK   OLD  SPANISH.  143 

2.    a)  Qu«,  tl,  quandt  yo  lo.   No  example. 

b)  Quay  al,  quanda  la  yo.   et  eetauam  em  daaida  se  era  aquillo  que 
Tiam  aai  eomo  o  din  viam,  294,  44. 

3.  Qoa  la :  por  hu  agrauo  que  me  d  Bet  meu  paifeZf  290,  10 ;  per 

oonaentimento  de  algus  da  cidade  que  o  na  alfomdega  meteram,  290,  23 ; 
tomanun  a  aerca  por  oertas  frechas  que  Ihea  ndla  ficaram,  295,  14 ;  et  ha 
quatro  annoa  que  se  ddU  nam  sabe  parte,  296,  16. 

4.  a)  Qua no  lo:  por  que  tempo  vira  que  teua  filhos  nom  se 

achani(m),  292,  11. 

b)  Qua lo  no:  tuaa  noyaa  seri  ouyidaa  por  todo  o  momdo,  ate 

que  as  pesBoaa  as  nam  queira5  ouvir,  292,  2. 

33. 
GoirTBiBn96EB  paba  um  Bomanceibo  e  Canciokeibo  Pofulab 

PORTnOUEZ. 

1.  a)  Qua  no  lo.    Que  ndo  se  p6dem  cantar,  p.  115,  No.  4,  b,  v.  4. 
b  )  Qua  lo  no.    Que  ha  muito  que  a  n&o  vi,  p.  105,  col.  1,  L  2. 

2.  a)  Qua  yo  lo.    Que  eu  Ihei  porei  os  botdes,  p.  108,  No.  4,  b,  v.  4. 

b )  Qua  lo  yo.    Neste  leito  em  que  me  eu  deito,  p.  105,  No.  7,  b,  y.  9. 

3.  Aiiomaloua.    Que  a  minh'alma  se  n&o  perca,  p.  105,  No.  5,  y.  9. 

34. 

BOXAHCEB  SaCBOS.    OBA96EB  S  EnSALMOS  POFUIiABEB  DO  MiNHO. 

1.  Qua  no  lo.    Permitti  que  n&o  me  engane,  p.  266,  col.  2,  L  33. 

2.  a)  Qua  (al)  yo  lo.  Que  eu  vos  darei  boas  noyaa,  p.  265,  1.  6 ;  iSSs  elles 
«  derun  bem,  p.  267,  coL  2,  L  26 ;  Que  ella  Ihe  sararia,  p.  275,  No.  25, 
00I2. 

b)  Qua  lo  yo :  Que  me  eu  f5r  deitar,  p.  268,  col.  1,  1.  2. 

3.  Qoa  lo .    Seie  agora  n&o  conyertes,  p.  267,  col.  1,  1.  7. 

1  Anomaloua.    Ptoi  que  o  diabo  me  n&o  esqneya,  p.  266^  col.  2,  1.  5. 

35. 
Oahtioas  Pofulabes  A^rianab. 

1.  a)  Qua  no  lo.  Para  falar  ao  meu  amor  J&  que  n&o  0  yide  dia.  No. 
39,  y.  4. 

b)  Qua  lo  no.  S6  para  contor  as  horas  No  tempo  que  U  n&o  yejo,  78, 
4 ;  V006  diz  que  me  n&o  quer,  141,  1 ;  Mil  trabalhos  te  persigam.  Que  te  n&o 
poasas  yaler,  147,  2. 

2.  b)  Si  lo  no.    Se  me  layo,  sou  doidipha,  Se  me  n&o  layo,  sou  porca, 
19,4. 

3.  a)  Quo  yo  lo.    As  penas  que  vds  me  dais  Deus  as  sabe,  eu  as  sinto, 
41,3. 


144  WINTHBOP  HOLT  CHENEBY. 

b)  Que  (quandOy  etc.)  lo  yo.    Vai-te  lenyo,  onde  U  eu  mando,  74,  1. 

4.  a)  Que  (si,  etc.) no  lo.    Cre89a-me  elle  na  Tentara    Que  no 

mais  ndo  se  me  da,  22,  4. 

b)  Que  (tl,  etc.) lo  no.    Sew  mens  olhos  te  Tido  yisBem,  95,  1 ; 

Sehtme  nao  enganasses,  98,  3. 

5.  a) no  lo:  Quern  morre  do  mal  de  amores,  ^do  ae  enterra  em 

sagrado,  23,  2  ;  Quern  eu  quero  n&o  me  dfto,  20,  3  ;  Voc6  passa,  ndo  me  fala, 
48,  1 ;  Os  olhos  que  d'aqui  vejo  N&o  me  armem  falsidade,  60,  2 ;  O  meu 
peito  nao  se  abria,  95,  3  ;  Meu  cora9do  nao  te  amaya,  95,  4  ;  A  demora  que 
tiveram  Foi  n&o  me  verem  mala  oedo,  129,  4. 

b) lo  no:  Quern  me  dSo  me  nao  contenta,  20,  4 ;  Voo6  possay 

me  nao  fala,  49,  1 ;  Sou  t&o  triste,  me  n&o  lembra  se  fui  alegre  algum  dia, 
55,  3  ;  Vocd  se  vae,  me  nao  deiza    Dinbeiro  para  gastar,  110,  1. 


LIST  OF  BOOKS  AND  ARTICLES  CONSULTED. 

Note, — This  list  does  not  include  titles  given  in  the  List  qf  Texts  following 
the  Introduction, 

Amador  de  los  Rios,  Jos^:  Historia  crftica  de  la  literatura  espafiola. 
Madrid  :  Jos^  Rodrfguez,  1861-1865. 

Romance  hablado  en  los  antiguos  reinos  de  Arag6n  y  Navarra.    In 

Hist.  crft.  de  la  Lit.  esp.  Parte  I.    Ap^nd.  I,  pp.  584-596. 

Abaujo  G6mez,   Fernando :   Gram&tica  del  Poema  del  Cid.     Madrid : 

Hijos  de  M.  G.  Hem&ndez,  1897. 
Ascou,  Graziadio :  Miscellanea  Linguistica  in  onore  di  Graziadio  Ascoli. 

Torino  :  Ermanno  Loescher,  1901. 
Baibt,  Gottfried  :  Fine  neue  Handschrif t  des  spanischen  Alexandre,    i2om. 

Forach,,  vi  (1888-1891),  s.  292. 

Noch  einmal  -ioron,    Zeitsehr,  /.  rom,  PA.,  IV,  s.  586  £P. 

Die  spanische  Litteratur.    In  Grundriss  d.  rom.  Philol.  hrsg.  v.  G. 

Grober,  IL  Bd.,  s.  383ff.,  1897. 

Die  spanische  Sprache.    In  Grober's  Orundriu,  I.  Bd.,  ss.  689-714, 

1888. 

Die  Zeitfolge  der  Schriften  D.  Juan  Manuels.    In  desedben  Libro  de 

la  Coza,  Beilage  i,  ss.  128-155. 

Bebger,  S.  :  Les  Bibles  castillanes.    Romania^  zxvni  (1899). 
BoFARLTLL  Y  Ma8CAr6,  Prfispcro :  Coleoci6n  de  documentos  incites  del 

Archivo  General  de  la  Corona  de  Arag6n.    Barcelona,  1847-1876. 
BoLETiN  DE  LA  Real  Academia  DE  LA  HiSTORiA.    Madrid :  Imp.  de 

T.  Fortanet,  1877- 
BuRKE,  Ulick  Ralph :  A  history  of  Spain  from  the  earliest  times  to  the 

death  of  Ferdinand  the  Catholic.    Second  edition  with  additional 


OBJECrr-PBONOUNS   IN   OLD   SPANISH.  145 

notes  and  an  introduction  by  Martin  A.  8.  Hume.     London :  Long- 
mans, Qreen  &  Co.,  1900. 
CosNU,  Julius:  L'enclitique  nos  dans  le  po^me  du  Cid.    BomanUif  ix, 
pp.  71-98,  1880. 

—  Etudes  de  phonologie  espognole  et  portugaise.    Bomanioy  ix,  p.  71  ff. 

—  Die  portugiesische  Sprache.  In  Grober's  GruiuirtM,  L  Bd.,  ss.  715- 
803,  1888. 

CuEBvo,  K.  J.     Loe  casos  enclf tioos  y  proclf ticoe  del  pronombre  de  tercera 

persona  en  castellano.    Bomania^  xxiv  (1895),  pp.  95-113,  219-263. 
Delbbuck,  R    Vergleichende  Syntax  der  indogennanischen  Sprachen. 

(Gnrndriu  der  tfergL  Chramm,  der  idg,  Spr,,  m,  IV,  Y. )     Strassburg: 

Trubner,  1893-1900. 
DicaoNAmo   Enciclop^igo   Hispano-Ahsricako   de   Literatura, 

dencia  y  artes.     Barcelona :  Montaner  y  Sim6n,  1887-1899. 
DiEZ,  Friedricb :  Grammatik  der  romanischen  Sprachen.    Vierte  Auflage. 

Bonn  :  Eduard  Weber,  1876. 
FmaiAUBiCE-KE:iXT,  James :  A  History  of  Spanish  Literaluie.     New 

York :  D.  Appleton  A  Co.,  1898. 

—  Historia  de  la  Literatura  Espaiiola  desde  los  origenes  hasta  el  afio 
1900.  Tradncida  del  ingl^  y  anotada  por  Adolfo  Bonilla  y  San 
Martin  con  un  estudio  preliminar  por  Maroelino  Men^ndez  y  Felayo. 
Madrid  :  La  Espafia  Modema  (1901). 

Flaten,  Nils :   The  personal  pronoun  in  the  Poema  del  (Xd,     Modem 

language  Notes,  xvi  (1901),  cols.  65-72. 
Fl6kez,  Enrique,  and  Bisoo,  fray  ManneL     Espafia  Sagrada.    Tbeatro 

geographico-historico  de  la  Iglesia  de  Espafta,  etc     En  Madrid.     Por 

Don  Miguel  Francisco  Bodrignez,  1747-1879. 
FoEBSTEB,  Paul :  Spanische  Sprachlehre.     Berlin  :  Weidmannscbe  Buch- 

handlung,  1880. 
FoEBSTEB,  Wendelin.    Beitrage  zur  romanischen  and  englischen  Philologie. 

Festgabe  fur  Wendelin  Foerster  sum  26.  Oktober,  1901.    Halle  a.  & 

Max  Niemeyer,  1902. 
Ford,  J.  D.  M.    The  Old  Spanish  Sibilants.    In  (Harvard)  Studies  and 

Notes  in  Philology  and  Literature,  vn  (1900).     Boston  :  Ginn  &  Co. 
^ATANOoe,  Pkscual  de,  Edr.     Escritores  en  Proea  anteriores  al  siglo  xv, 

leoogidos  6  ilustrados.    {Biblioieoa  de  AtUorea  Eepanolea,  51. )    Madrid  : 

M.  Rivadeneyra,  1884. 
—  LibroB  de  Caballerlas,  con  un  discurso  preliminar  y  un  cat&logo 

lasonado.     {Biblioteea  de  Aubores  Espafioles,    U    40.)     Madrid:   M. 

Rivadeneyra,  1874. 
Gesbveb,  Emil :  Das  Altleonesische.     Ian  Beitrag  zur  Kenntniss  des  Alt- 

spanischen.     (Programme  d' invitation  ^  Vexamen  public  du  College 

Boyal  Fran9ais. )    Berlin,  1867. 
"-—  Das  qpaniache  Personalpronomeo.     Zeitedir^  f.  rom.  PkiLy  xvn 

(1893),  n.  1-54. 

10 


146  WDTTHROP   HOLT  CHENERY. 

(jk>K9Ai<v£S-ViANNA,  R.  Etude  de  philologie  portugaise.  JtomaniOf  xn, 
p.  29  ff. 

Portagais:  Phon^tique  et  Pbonologie.     (Skizzen  lebender  Sprachen 

hreg.  von  W.  Vietor,  2.  Bd. )    Leipzig,  1903. 

GoRRA,  Egidio :  Lingua  e  letteratura  spagnuola  delle  orig^L     Milano : 

Hoepli,  1898. 
Gboebeb,  Gustav :  Grundriss  der  romanischen  Philologie  hrsg.  ▼.  G. 

Grober.     Strassburg :  Karl  J.  Triibner,  1888- 

Uebersicbt  iiber  die  lateinische  Litteratur  von  der  Mitte  des  6.  Jhdts. 

bis  1350.     In  Orundr,  d  rom.  Ph.,  XL  Bd.,  1.  Abt,  as.  97-432,  1893. 

IIaksben,  Friedrich  or  Federioo:  Estudios  sobre  la  eonjugaci6n  leonesa. 
[Publicado  en  los  "Anales  de  la  Universidad  (de  Santiago  de  Chile"  ) 
de  Noviembre.]     Santiago  de  Chile,  Imprenta  Cervantes,  1896. 

Metrische  Studien  zu  Alfonso  und  Berceo.     (Separatabzug  aus  den 

Verhandlungen  des  Deutschen  Wissenschaf tlichen  Vereins  in  Santiago, 
Bd.  V.)    Valpcu-aiso:  Guillermo  Helfmann,  1903. 

Misoel&nea  de  versificaddn  castellana.     ( Publ.  en  los  ' '  Anales  de  la 

Universidad '  *  de  Febrero. )    Santiago  de  Chile  :  Impr.  Cervantes,  1897. 

Notas  &  la  prosodia  castellana.  (Publ.  en  los  ' 'Anales  de  la  Uni- 
versidad.")    Santiago  de  Chile  :  Impr.  Cervantes,  1900. 

Sobre  el  Hiato  en  la  antig^  versificacidn  castellana.     (Publ.  en  los 

''Anales  de  la   Universidad"  de  Diciembre. )    Santiago  de  Chile: 
Impr.  Cervantes,  1896. 

Sobre  la  conjugaci6n  de  Gonzalo  de  Berceo.     (PubL  en  los  "Anales 

de  la  Universidad.")    Santiago  de  Chile :  Imprenta  Orvan tea,  1895. 

Sobre  la  conjugaci6n  del  Libre  de  Apolonio.     (Publ.  en  los  "Anales 

de  la  Universidad.")    Santiago  (de  Chile):  Impr.  Cervantes,  1896. 

Sobre  la  formaci6n  del  Imperfecto  de  la  segunda  i  teroera  conjugaci6n 

castellana  en  las  poeslas  de  Gronzalo  de  Berceo.    (Publ.  en  los  "Anales 
de  la  Universidad.")     Santiago  de  Chile  :  Impr.  Cervantes,  1894. 

Sobre  la  pronunciaci6n  del  diptongo  te  en  la  ^poca  de  Gonzalo  de 

Berceo.     (Publ.  en  los  "Anales  de  la  Universidad.")     Santiago  de 
Chile :  Impr.  (Dervantes,  1895. 

Hartmann,  K.  a.  M.  Ueber  das  altspan.  Dreikonigsspiel  nebst  einem 
Anhang  enthaltend  ein  bisher  ungedrucktes  lat.  Dreikonigsspiel,  einen 
Wiederabdruck  des  asp.  Stiickes  sowie  einen  Excurs  iiber  die  Namen 
der  drei  Konige  (Daspar,  Melchior,  Baltasar.  (Diss.  Leipzig.)  Baut- 
zen: 1879. 

Janer,  Florencio,  Edr.  Poetas  C^astellanos  anteriores  al  siglo  zv.  Colec- 
ci6n  hecha  por  D.  Tom6s  Antonio  Sanchez,  continuada  por  el  ezmo. 
Sr.  D.  Pedro  Jos^  Pidal  7  considerablemente  aumentada  6  ilustrada,  & 
vista  de  los  c6dices  7  manuscritos  antiguos,  por  D.  Florencio  Janer. 
(Bibl.  de  Autorea  Esp8.,  57.)     Madrid  :  M.  Rivadene7ra,  1864. 

Johnston,  Oliver  Martin:  The  historical  S7ntaz  of  the  atonic  perBonal 


OBJECT-PRONOUNS   IN   OLD   SPANISH.  147 

proDooDs  in  Italian.     (Dm,  Johns  Hopkins. )    Toronto :  Bowsell  and 

Hutchison,  1898. 
Kklleb,  Adolf:  Altspanisches  Lesehach,  mit  Grammatik  and  Qloflsar. 

Leipzig :  F.  A.  Brockhaus,  1890. 
Kkust,  Hermann  :  Geschichte  der  hi.  Eatharina  v.  Alezandrien  und  dei 

hL  Maria  Aegjptiaca,  nebst  unedirten  Texten.     Halle:  Niemeyer, 

1890. 
Le  Coultbe,  Joles  :  De  Pordre  des  mots  dans  Crestiens  de  Trojes.     £z- 

tndt  du  Prc^inunme  de  P^ues  1875  du  GoUdge  Vitsthum.     Dresden, 

1875. 
Memoriai^  Histobico  EspaI^ol.    Coleoci6n  de  documentos,  optiscolos  j 

antigiiedades  que  pablica  la  Real  Academia  de  la  Historia.     Madrid  : 

Imprenta  de  la  Real  Academia  de  la  Historia,  1851. 
MEKtin>£Z-Pn>Ai«,  Ram6n  :  La  Lejenda  de  los  Infantes  de  Lara.    Madrid : 

Impr.  de  los  Hijos  de  Jos^  M.  Dncaical,  1896. 
- —  Manual  elementar  de  gram&tica  hi8t6rica  espafiola.     Madrid  :  Suirez, 

1904. 

—  Poema  de  Yti^uf.  Materiales  para  su  estudio.  Itemsla  de  ArekivoBf 
BibHMeoat  y  Museoa,  3«  Epoca,  t.  vn  (1902)  pp.  91-129,  276-309, 
347-362. 

—  Tftulo  que  el  ardpreste  de  Hita  di6  al  libro  de  sus  poeslas.  JReciata 
de  ArthivoB,  BiblioteeoB  y  ificMos,  3»  Epoca,  t.  11,  pp.  106-109,  1898. 

HzKtNDEZ   Y   Pelato,    Marcellno :    Estudios    de    Erudici6n    espafiola. 

Homenaje  i  Men^des  j  Pelayo  en  el  afio  vig^mo  de  su  profesorado. 

2  vols.     Madrid  :  Vict  SuArez,  1899. 
wxR-LtJBKE,  Wilhelm :  Qrammatik  der  Romanischen  Sprachen.    3. 

Bd.    Syntax.    Leipzig :  O.  R.  Reisland,  1899. 

—  Grammaire  des  Langues  romanes.  Traduction  fran9ai8e  par  Auguste 
Doutrepont  et  Georges  Doutrepont.  3  vols.  Paris  :  H.  Welter,  1890- 
1900. 

—  Zur  Stellung  der  tonlosen  Objektspronomina.  Zeiiachrift  f.  rem,  Ph,, 
1X1(1897),  88.  313-334. 

MiCHAELiB  DE  Vasconcellos,  Carolina,  und  Braqa,  Theophilo:    Qe- 

Bchichte  der  portngiesischen  Litteratur.     In  Qrober's  Grundr.  d.  rom. 

PhiloL  II  Bd.,  2.  Abt,  ss.  129-382. 
M0BEI/-FATIO,  Alfred  :  Recherches  sur  le  texte  et  les  sources  du  Libro  de 

Akzandre,     Romania  iv  (1875)  pp.  7-90. 
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Poema  del  Cid.     Zeitaekriftf.  rom.  PhiloL  xvin,  ss.  540-545. 
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UUramar,    Romaniay  zvn,  p.  513  fiF. 

Real  Academia  Ebfaj^oul.  Diocionario  de  la  Lengua  Oastellana.  13* 
£dici6n.     Madrid,  1899. 

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nando 7  Compaftfa,  1890. 

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auf  Grundlage  des  Lateinischen  und  der  romanischen  Sprachvergleich- 
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RiCHTER,  Elise  :  Zur  Entwicklung  der  romanischen  Wortstellung  aus  der 
lateinischen.     Halle  a.  S.  :  Max  Niemejer,  1903. 

RoDBfouEZ,  Manuel  R.  Apuntes  gramaticales  sobre  el  romance  gallego  de 
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XIV,  etc     La  Corufia :  1900. 

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Fonckwngenxi  (1901)  ss.  315-411. 

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Bchr.f,  ram.  PhU.  xvi  (1892)  ss.  289-307. 

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TABLE  OP  CONTENTS. 

INTRODUCTION :—  Pagk. 

1.  Definition  op  Title. 1 

2.  Previous  NoncES  of  Interpolation 2 

8.    OXTTLINE  OF   INVESTIGATION 5 

LIST  OF  SPANISH,  GALiaAN,  AND  PORTUGUESE  TEXTS 
Examined  for  Interpolation,  with  Notices  of  Chro- 
nology AND  Dialect  of  Authors  and  Manuscripts. 7 

NOTES  ON  SPANISH  TEXTS  AND  SPANISH  DIALECTS  IN 
General 28 

ALPHABETIC  LIST  OF  ABBREVUTIONS. 32 


OBJECT-PBONOUNS   IN   OLD   SPANISH.  149 

PART  ONE. 

Study  of  Iitterpolation  in  the  Texts. 

DTTRODUCrORY  NOTE  ON  THE  CLASSIFICATION  OF  THE 
Illustrative  Material. 34 

CHAPTER  L— INTERPOLATION  IN  CASTILIAN  WORKS  OF 
THE  Xn  AND  Xm  CENTURIES. 

A   The  Poema  del  Cid 38 

R  Metrical  Works  op  the  xin  Century  on  French 

MODEUS. 

1.  Vida  de  Santa  Maria  Egipeia^a. — 2.  Libro  de  Apo- 
lonio. — 3.  Oonzalo  de  Bereeo. — 4.  Libro  de  Alexandre, 

— 5.  Poema  de  Fem&n  Oon^&lez 39 

C  Minor  Texts  op  the  xm  Century. 

1.  El  Oaniar  de  los  Oantarea, — 2.  Pohne  d^  amour ,  Dibat 

du  vin  et  de  Peau,  Diz  eommandements 48 

D.  Summary 49 

CHAPTER    II.— INTERPOLATION    IN   CASTILIAN  WORKS 
OF  THE  XIV   CENTURY. 
A  Alfonso  el  Sario  to  Don  Juan  Manuel. — Introduc- 
tion. 
1.  DoeumeTitoa  de  Alfonso  X. — 2.  Leyenda  de  los  Ir^antea 
de  Lara.     Note   on   the  Siete  Partidas. — 3.    Gran 

Omquiata  de  Ultramar 60 

R  Don  Juan  Manuel  to  Lopez  de  Ayala. 

1.  Don  Juan  Manuel. — 2.  Juan  Ruiz,  Archpriest  of 
Hita. — 3.    Visidn  de  FUiberio. — 4.    Pero   L6pez  de 

Ayala,  Rimado 53 

C  Summary 62 

CHAPTER  HL— SPANISH  TEXTS  OF  THE  XV  AND  XVI 
CENTURIES. 

A.  Castilian  Texts  Showing  Occasional  Interpolation. 

1.  El  Libro  de  Exenphs  por  A.  R  C. — 2.  La  Estoria  de 
los  Quakv  Dotores  de  la  Santa  Eglesia, — Xa  Estoria 
del  rey  Anemur,  etc — 3.  Leyenda  del  Abad  Don  Juan 
de  Montemayor. 62 

B.  Spanish  Texts  op  Araoonese  Character. 

1.  Poema  de  JosL — 2.  Pedro  de  Luna :  De  las  Consohr 

Clones. — 3.  SouJuiits  de  bienvenue,  etc 65 

C.  Castilian  Texts  Without  Interpolation. 

1.  Oomedia  de  OaUsto  et  Mclibecu — 2.  Vald^,  Di&hgo  de  la 
Lengua. — 3.  Lasarillo  de  Tonnes, — 4.  Luis  de  Le6n, 
La  Perfecta  Cfasada, 66 

D.  Summary 67 


150  WINTHROP   HOLT  CHENEBY. 

CHAPTER  IV.— INTERPOLATION  IN  GALICIAN  AND  POR- 
TUGUESE TEXTS,  AND  IN  SPANISH  TEXTS  DERIVED 
FROM  GALICIAN  OR  PORTUGUESE  ORIGINALS. 
Introductoby  Note. 69 

A.  Old  Gaucian  and  Old  Pobtuquese  Texts. 

1.  Alfonso  X,  Oantigas  de  S.  Maria, — 2.  Diniz  de  Portu- 
gal, Oantigaa  (Tamor. — 3.  Ettoria  TVoj^do. — 4.  Vida 
deEufronna,  etc, — 5.  Viaggio  fcmJUuiieo 69 

B.  Note  on  Modern  Pobtugubbe  Texts  and  Summary 

OF  Characteristics  op  Interpolation  in  Galician 

AND  PORTUGUBBE. 72 

C.  Castilian    Texts    Transcribed    or    Compiled    From 

Western  Originals. 
1.  Poema  de  Alfonso  Onceno. — 2.  Amadit  de  Oaula  and 

Lob  Sergas  de  Esplandidn 74 

CHAPTER  v.— PRONOUN  ORDER  IN  LATIN  TEXTa 76 

PART  TWO. 

Theoretical  Discussion. 

CHAPTER   VL— THEORY    OF    PRIMITIVE    ENCLISIS    OF 
OBJECT  PRONOUNa 77 

CHAPTER  VIL— ENCLISIS  OF  PRONOUNS  IN  PORTUGUESK     85 

CHAPTER  VIIL— THEORY  OF  INTERPOLATION  IN  CAS- 
TILIAN     90 

APPENDIX. 

1.  Poema  del  Cid 98 

2.  Vida  de  SatUa  Maria  Effipeioiea : 99 

3.  Libra  de  Apolonio 100 

4.  Gronzalo  de  Beroeo 101 

5.  LSbro  de  Alexandre 104 

6.  Poema  deFem&nQon^6la, 108 

7.  Cbntar  de  loa  Oaniares, 108 

8.  Pohne  dp  amour  J  D6bai  du  vin  et  de  PeaUj  De  los  diet  Manda- 

miento8 108 

9.  Documentos  de  A^onso  X, 109 

10.  Leyenda  de  los  Irrfantea  de  Lara. 110 

11.  Chan  Conquista  de  Ultramar Ill 

12.  Don  Juan  Manuel :  k)  Libra  de  la  Como, 112 

b)  Libra  dd  Cavallero  et  del  Eseudero 114 

c)  Xi6ro  dePatronio 116 

13.  Juan  ItuiZf  Arcipretle  de  Uita 117 


OBJECT-PRONOUNS  IN   OLD  SPANISH.  151 

14.  PoemadeA^onw  Oneeno 122 

15.  lUmado  de  Palacio 124 

16.  PoemadeJaai 125 

17.  VinSn  dc  Filiberto 125 

18.  Pedro  de  Luna:  De  las  ChMolaciones, 126 

19.  LibrodeExemplospor  A,KC.   a)  Paris  HS 126 

b)  Madrid  MS 127 

20.  &)  Ia)s  Qvatro  DotoreB  de  la  &  EffUaia. 127 

b)  La  Estoria  del  rey  Anemury  etc 129 

21.  a)  Amadis  deOaula 130 

b)  Las  Sergas  de  Esplandidn. 135 

22.  Leyenda  del  abad  don  Juan  de  MonUmayor 135 

23.  Souhaits.  .  .  .  adreaais  d  Ferdinand  U  Caih 137 

24.  Oomedia  de  Oalisto  et  Melibea 137 

25.  Vald&:  IH6hgo  de  la Lengua 137 

26.  LaaartOo  deTarmea. 138 

27.  LuisdeLedn:  La  Perfecta  Oasada 138 

28.  Alfonso  X.  :  Cantigas  de  S,  Maria, 138 

29.  Diniz  de  Portugal :  Oantigaa  d^  amor 139 

30.  Eeloria  Troyda. 140 

31.  Vida  de  Eufrowna^  etc 141 

32.  Viaggio  fantagtico, 142 

33-35.  Modem  Portuguese  Texts. 143 

liSTOF  BOOKS  AND  ARTICLES  CONSULTED. 144 


1L--TYD0REL  AND  SIR  OOWTHER. 

Attention  has  often  been  called  to  the  extraordinary 
parallelism  which  exists  between  Sir  GowtheVy  a  fifteenth 
century  English  version  of  Robert  the  Devil,  and  the  so-called 
Breton  Lay  of  TydoreV  The  latter  is  one  of  five  anony- 
mous romances  published  by  Graston  Paris  ^  according  to 
the  manuscript  in  the  National  Library,  which  includes  also 
the  lays  of  Marie  de  France.* 

A  cursory  examination  of  these  anonymous  lays,  all  of 
which  claim  a  Breton  origin,  shows  them  to  be  strikingly 
deficient  in  originality  of  conception  and  unity  of  structure. 
Not  only  in  the  above-mentioned  collection,  but  in  all  the 
others  that  have  appeared,  the  plagiarisms  from  the  works 
of  Marie  de  France  can  scarcely  escape  even  the  superficial 
reader.  The  lay  of  GraelerU,  for  example,  published  by 
Crapelet,*  in  which  some  scholars  have  seen  a  primitive  form 
of  Celtic  legend,  is  found  upon  examination  to  be  a  mere 
pastiche,  an  awkward  combination  of  the  plots  of  three  of 
Marie's  Lays — Eliduc,  Lanval,  and  Guingamor.^ 

"But  in  Tydorel  we  have,  it  would  appear,  a  theme,  or 
several  themes,  not  directly  traceable  to  Marie,  but  bearing 
a  decided  resemblance  to  the  Christian  legend  of  Robert  the 

*  Kittredge's  Sir  Orfeo,  American  Journal  of  PhUclogy^  vn,  pp.  17S-9. 

*  Lais  InediiSy  Bomania,  vin,  pp.  32-74. 

'  Three  of  the  Lajs  are  missing  in  this  Ma :  LausHe,  Chaiiivel  and  EHdve* 

*PoUe8  Fran^aia  depuis  le  Xllihne  SiidejuBqu^d  nos  Joars,  Paris,  1824. 

^  For  the  complete  demonstration  of  thb  theory,  I  ?dll  refer  to  an  article 
by  Prof.  Lucicn  Foulet  of  Bryn  Mawr  College,  soon  to  appear. 

The  whole  framework  of  the  story  is  borrowed  from  Lanval,  while  the 
Queen's  love  for  Graelent,  her  consultation  with  the  Seneschal,  and  her 
interview  with  the  hero,  reproduce  a  similar  scene  in  Eliduc  The  hary^ 
mistress  belonged  originally  to  Quingamor  (now  attributed  to  Marie). 

152 


TYDOREL   AND  SIB  GOWTHER.  153 

DevU,  The  analysis  of  these  elements  in  Ih/dord,  and  an 
uivestigation  of  their  sources,  are  the  main  objects  of  this 
study,  which,  however,  includes  necessarily  a  somewhat  de- 
tailed comparison  of  tlie  latter  with  Sir  Growther. 

The  points  of  contact  between  Sir  Gowther  and  Tydord  are 
too  numerous  to  be  the  result  of  chance.  That  they  may 
be  evident  to  the  reader  at  a  glance,  I  have  arranged  the 
parallel  episodes  in  corresponding  sections  below. 

TydoreL  Sir  Oowlher. 

1)  The  King  and  Queen  of  Brit-  1)  The  Duke  and  Duchess  of 
ttoj,  after  ten  jears  of  happy  married  Austria  live  happily  together  until 
lilt,  find  tHemselves  still  without  an  finally,  the  duke,  despairing  of  an 
heir.  heir,  threatens  to  divorce  the  child- 

less wife. 
2)  The  queen,  while  sitting  in  her        2)   The  duchess,  in  despair,  prays 
garden,   is  approached  by  a  hand-    Heaven  to  send  her  a  child,   she 
some  stranger,  who  requests  her  love,     cares  not  whence  it  may  come, 
threatening  at  the  same  time  that,  if        Soon  afterwards  she  is  approached, 
she  reject  him,  she  will  never  more    while  sitting  in  her  orchard,  by  a 
know  joy.    He  declines  to  reveal  his    stranger  disguised  as  her  husband, 
name  or  lineage,  but,  catching  the    who  demands  her  love. 
queen  up  before  him  on  his  steed.        At  parting,  however,  he  reveals 
he  rides  away  with  her  to  the  shores    himself  as  the  arch-fiend  in  person, 
of  a  neighboring  lake,  and,  leaving    and  prophesies  the  birth  of  their  son 
lier  there,  plunges  beneath  the  waters    and  his  unruly  character.     Having 
juid  disappears.     On  his  reappear-    uttered  this  prophecy,  the  stranger 
axM3e,  he  tells  her  that  his  home  b    departs,  and  is  seen  no  more, 
beneath  the  forest,  and  that  he  comes 
and  goes  through  the  waters  of  the 
Jake.     He  then  forbids  her  to  ques- 
tion him  further. 

The  queen,  captivated  by  his 
mysterious  charm,  yields  to  his  re- 
quest, and,  at  parting,  the  stranger 
foretells  the  birth  of  their  son, 
Tjrdorel,  who  shall  be  endowed  with 
mil  gifts  of  nature  and  fortune,  but 
wbo  shall  be  marked  by  one  strange 
^laracteristio — he  shall  never  sleep. 
Hie  bve  of  the  Queen  and  the 
■Umngsr  shall  sndiirs  Bisnj  j^ua. 


154  FLORENCE   LEFTWICH   RAVENEL. 

3)  The  King  knows  nothing  of  3)  The  duke,  kno?ring  nothing  of 
this  episode,  and  welcomes  the  ad-  these  events,  welcomes  the  child  as 
yent  of  Tydorel  with  delight  his  own,  and  sniTounds  him  with 

-     From  the  beginning,  the  child  is  every  attention.     Gowther  from  his 

marked  by  extraordinary  beauty  and  birth  is  of  wonderful  strength  and 

strength.  precocity,    but    violent    and    cruel 

He  grows  to  manhood,  beloved  by  beyond  the  measure  of  humanity, 

his  friends,  feared  by  his  foes,  and,  His  rule  is  a  reign  of  tenor  and 

in  due  time,  succeeds  to  the  throne  vice, 
of  his  supposed  father.     His  sleep- 
less nights  are  spent  in  hearing  tales 
of  adventure. 

4)  On  one  occasion  the  king  sends  4)  As  Sir  Gowther  g^ws  older, 
for  a  young  man  of  the  people,  a  his  wickedness  increases  apace, 
goldsmith  by  trade,  to  beguile  his  Finally  an  old  earl,  outraged  by  his 
sleeplessness  by  the  telling  of  stories,  deeds  of  sacrilege  and  rapine,  dares 

The  young  man  declares  that  he  to  inform  him  that  his  subjects  are 

knows  no  tales  to  tell ;  but  when  convinced  that  one  so  fiendish  and 

threatened  by  the  king,  retorts  that  inhuman  cannot  have  been  begotten 

one  thing  at  least  he  does  know —  by  a  mortal  father, 
that  the  man  who  does  not  sleep  is 
not  of  mortal  birth. 

5)  Stung  by  this  speech,  Tydorel  5)  This  accusation  brings  the 
begins  to  reflect,  and  finally,  over-  young  man  to  reflexion,  followed  by 
whelmed  with  suspicion  and  fore-  remorse  and  despair.  He  goes  at 
boding,  he  rushes  to  his  mother's  once  to  his  mother's  chamber,  awak- 
chamber,  and  with  a  threatening  ens  her,  and,  with  great  violence, 
countenance  and  drawn  sword,  forces  demands  to  know  his  father's  name, 
her  to  reveal  the  secret  of  his  birth.  The   duchess,  with  shame,   reveals 

Sh^  repeats  the  knight's  prophecy,  all,  and  mother  and  son  weep  tean 

and  gives  the  history  of  their  rela-  of  grief  and  repentance, 
tions  from  beginning  to  end. 

6)  Tydorel,  on  learning  of  his  6)  Gowther  then  recommends  his 
supernatural  birth,  immediately  mother  to  a  life  of  penance,  and 
orders  his  horse,  and,  without  ex-  himself  sets  out  without  delay  to 
planation  or  farewell,  rides  away  to  seek  counsel  and  pardon  from  the 
the  shore  of  the  lake.     There,  still  Pope  at  Rome. 

mounted  on  his  steed,  he  plunges 

beneath  the  waters  and  is  seen  no 

more. 

Part   second  gives   the  story  of 

his  long  and  bitter  expiation,  of  his 

final  forgiveness,  his  marriage  with 

the  Emperor's  daughter,  and 

sion  to  the  throne  of  the  empire. 


TYDOREL   AND   SIB   GOWTHER.  155 

To  sum  up :  The  points  of  contact  between  Tydord  and 
S»r  Govather  are  the  following  : — 

1)  The  long  and  happy  union  of  the  married  pair.  The 
desire  for  an  heir  is  implied  in  Tydord^  emphasized  in  Sir 
Gowther. 

2)  In  both,  the  father  is  a  supernatural  being,  who  appears 
to  the  wife  in  her  orchard  and  who,  at  parting,  prophesies 
the  extraordinary  character  of  the  son  to  be  bom  of  their 
onion. 

3)  In  both,  the  husband  is  unaware  of  the  stranger's  visit, 
and  welcomes  the  child  as  his  own. 

4)  The  child  is  of  uncommon  mental  and  physical  vigor 
in  both  stories,  and  is  distinguished  from  other  children  by 
some  marked  characteristic.  He  succeeds  to  the  throne  of 
the  realm. 

5)  The  hero  is  made  aware  of  his  supernatural  origin  by 
a  remark,  thrown  out  almost  at  random,  by  a  person  neces- 
sarily ignorant  of  the  real  state  of  affairs. 

6)  Tydorel  and  Sir  Growther  both  force  an  avowal  from 
their  mother,  by  threats  of  violence,  and  both  proceed  to  act 
immediately  upon  the  information  which  they  receive  from 
her  concerning  their  origin. 

The  legend  of  Robert  the  Devil  has  been  studied  in  great 
detail,  and  with  most  interesting  residts,  by  Karl  Breul.^  He 
gives  us  a  careful  edition  of  Sir  Gowthery  a  late  offshoot  of 
the  old  saga,  but  in  his  long  and  exhaustive  discussion  of  the 
sources  and  the  various  versions  of  the  Robert  legend.  Sir 
Gowther  has  been  dismissed  with  a  summary  and,  perhaps, 
inadequate  treatment.  The  legend,  according  to  Breul,  has 
no  historical  foundation,  but,  traced  to  its  ultimate  source,  is 
found  to  be  a  clerical  redaction  of  two  old  folk-lore  themes, 
the  first  of  which  has  been  generalized  under  the  name  of  the 

'  Sir  QomUuT,  Eint  EngUache  BomanMe  au8  (km  XVien  Jahrhundert,  von 
Karl  Brenl,  Oppelo,  1886. 


156  FLORENCE   LBFTWICH   RAVENEL. 

IRnder^Wunseh  motive,  while  the  second  (and  by  fiEur  the 
more  important  element)  is  the  motive  of  the  male  Cinderella, 
or,  in  other  words,  the  story  of  the  prince  who  lives  for  long 
years  at  the  Emperor's  court,  disguised  as  a  b^gar  or 
scullion,  who  in  time  of  war,  rescues  the  empire  from  its 
enemies  (still  in  disguise),  but  who  finally  reveals  his  true 
rank,  and  receives  the  hand  of  the  princess  as  his  reward. 

It  is  with  the  former  theme,  however,  that  we  are  here 
concerned — ^with  the  Kinder-  WuTi8ch  stories.  In  all  of  tiiese 
(and  there  are  many  in  many  languages)  the  birth  of  a  child 
long  desired  by  its  parents  is  due  to  extra-human  powers, 
the  intervention  of  which  is  made  subject  to  certain  condi- 
tions— usually  that  the  child  is  to  be  delivered  up  to  the 
demon  or  fairy  at  the  expiration  of  a  certain  time.  Almost 
always  the  child  gives  evidence  of  his  strange  origin  by  his 
beauty  and  precocity,  and  when  at  last  he  is  apprised  of  the 
vow  which  binds  his  parents,  he  succeeds  in  freeing  himself 
from  the  dominion  of  the  powers  of  evil,  sometimes  by  his 
own  cunning  and  skill,  sometimes  by  the  direct  assistance  of 
the  Virgin.  Often  through  his  exceptional  cleverness,  we 
find  him  rising  to  positions  of  wealth  and  eminence.^  Often, 
too,  the  boy's  adventures  include  a  sojourn  at  the  demon's 
home,  not  necessarily  in  Hades,  often  in  some  enchanted 
region  on  or  under  the  earth." 

According  to  Breul,  the  monkish  theorizers  of  the  Middle 
Ages  have  made  of  this  story  a  sort  of  test  case.  Always 
musing  over  the  problem  of  sin  and  the  possibility  of  atone- 
ment, they  saw  in  Robert,  or  in  his  prototype,  an  example 
of  the  extreme  measure  of  depravity,  of  wickedness  both 
inherited  and  actual.  For  such  a  sinner,  they  ask,  what 
expiation  is  possible  in  this  world  or  the  next  ?     The  first 

*  Breul,  Introduction,  pp.  115-117. 

'Gosqain's  Qmin  Populaires dtLorroin/t^  Romania^  vn  :  LeFUsduDiabU, 


TTDOREL  AND  SIR  60WTHEB.  157 

part  of  the  story  propounds  the  question,  the  second  part 
gives  the  monkish  solution. 

In  its  developed  form,  the  I^end  of  Robert  is  certainly 

Frendi/  though  the  popular  tales  which  lie  at  its  foundation 

are  found  among  many  nations.     But  Sir  Gotdher,  which  is, 

on  the  one  hand,  unmistakably  a  version  of  Robert  the  Devil, 

claims,  on  the  other,  to  be  derived  from  a  Breton  Lay,^  and 

we  cannot,    without   good   reason,    disr^ard   the   author's 

assertion. 

Moreover,  when  Sir  Gowther  varies  from  the  more  familiar 
versions  of  Robert,  it  oflen  approaches  Celtic  tradition.^  Let 
us  see,  then  (1),  in  what  particulars  this  variations  occurs 
and  (2)  whether  Sir  Gowther  in  departing  from  the  tradi-> 
tional  accounts  of  Robert,  comes  the  nearer  to  Tydorel, 
which  also,  as  we  know,  claims  a  Breton  origin : 

**  Cest  oonte  tienent  a  Tend 
li  Breton  qui  firent  le  lai."  * 

(T.,  lL480aDd481.) 

1)  The  orchard  scene  ^  and  the  circumstance  that  the 
demon,  or  fairy,  is  actually  the  fiither  of  the  hero,  are  uot 
found  in  any  other  known  version  of  Robert.  Here  Sir 
(rotether  corresponds  closely  with  Tydorel.  In  the  other 
versions  of  Robert,  the  child  is  the  son  of  the  duke  and 
duchess,  though  his  birth  is  due  to  supernatural  intervention.* 

2)  In  Sir  Gowther  the  strange  suitor  is  represented  as 
taking  the  form  of  the  duke,  a  fact  which  greatly  palliates 
the  guilt  of  the  duchess.  This  feature  is,  naturally,  absent 
from,  other  versions,  and  is  not  found  in  Tydorel,     In  the 

■Breol,  Introduction,  p.  50.  ^Breul's  text,  11.  27-30. 

*Breal,  pp.  64-65. 

^  Lou  Inediis,  Romania,  viii,  pp.  67-72. 

*For  similar  soeoes  in  Celtic  literature,  cf.  Sir  Orfeo,  Kittredge,  in  .'4m. 
Jour.  <fPka.,  voL  vn,  pp.  176-202. 

*For  yerBions  of  Robert,  cf.  Breul's  App.,  pp.  209-241. 


TYDOKEL  AND  SIR  QOWTHER.  159 

^^  perversity.     Tydorel  is  a  model  of  chivalry ;  his  sleep- 
^^sness  is  his  only  mark  of  superhuman  origin. 

5)  At  the  end  *  Sir  Gowther  goes  to  Rome  to  seek  forgive- 
ness, Tydorel  rejoins  his  father  in  fairyland. 

Beside  the   forgoing   differences   in   detail,  there  is,  of 

^aree,  a  complete  contrast  between  the  two  works  in  tone 

^nd  feeling.     Sir  Gowther  is  unmistakably  a  Christian  story, 

expressing  a  real,  if  crude,  religious  sentiment.     Tydorel  is 

frankly  pagan  and  unmoral.    Moreover,  the  traces  of  courtoi- 

^j  of  the  chivalrous  ideals  in  manners  and  conduct,  which 

we  find  in  Tydord^  are  completely  absent  from  Sir  Gowther j 

where  the  tone  is  popular,  almost  brutal  in  places.     What 

then  may  we  suppose  to  be  the  relation  between  these  two 

poems,  so  alike  and  yet  so  different  in  their  likeness? 

The  relative  lateness  of  Sir  Gowther  need  not  influence  us. 

In  its  present  form  it  dates  from  the  fifteenth  century,  but  it 

is  composed,  as  we  have  seen,  of  much  older  material,  while 

Tydord  can  scarcely  be  older  than  the  first  quarter  of  the 

thirteenth  century.     However,  without  regard  to  dates,  we 

may  at  once  reject  the  idea  that  Tydorel  is  an  imitation  of 

Sir  Gowther.    The  l^end  of  Robert  the  Devil  had  already 

in  ihe  thirteenth  century  taken  on  definite  form  and  color, 

and  all  consciousness  of  its  composite  structure  had  doubtless 

been  lost     It  is  highly  improbable  that  a  French  jongleur 

should  have  composed  a  version  of , the  story  which  not  only 

eliminates  all  the  religious  element,  but  cleaves  the  legend  in 

twain  just  at  the  point  where  the  two  parts  connect.     Such  a 

supposition  would  attribute  too  much  critical  acumen  to  any 

poet  of  this  class  or  age. 

But  there  is  no  such  reason  to  forbid  our  supposing  that 
Tydorel  was  one  of  the  sources  of  Sir  Gowther,  Moreover, 
the  author  of  Sir  Gowther  claims  expressly  to  have  used  a 

^  In  referring  to  Sir  Chwther,  I  allude  only  to  the  first  part. 


160  FLOBENCE   LEFTWICH   RAVENEL. 

''Lay  of  Brittany '' ;  and  though  it  is  conceivable  that  the 
many  and  striking  correspondences  between  the  two  works 
are  due  to  their  derivation  from  a  conmion  source,  we  must 
in  justice  first  consider  the  claims  of  the  one  lai  breUm,  deal- 
ing with  the  same  subject,  which  has  come  down  to  us. 

Let  us  assume  then,  that  the  author  of  Sir  Oowther,  hav- 
ing before  him  some  version  of  Robert  the  Devil,  had  also  the 
Lay  of  Tydord.  According  to  the  methods  of  those  early 
romance-writers,  who  were  not  hampered  by  questions  of 
copyright,  our  poet  may  very  well  have  thought  to  heighten 
the  charm  of  his  austere  subject-matter  by  an  admixture  of 
the  more  highly  spiced  episodes  of  the  Celtic  story.  Indeed, 
the  resemblances  between  Tydord  and  the  more  popular  ver- 
sions of  Roberlj  were  of  just  the  sort  to  catch  the  eye  and 
charm  the  fancy  of  a  popular  poet — a  likeness  not  of  spirit 
and  purpose,  but  of  individual  incidents  and  situations; 
and, — given  the  faculty  of  combination,  which  was  so  large 
a  part  of  the  medieval  singer's  endowment,— such  a  hybrid 
composition  as  we  have  in  Sir  Gowther  becomes  a  natural 
product. 

But  the  author  had  not  reckoned  with  all  the  difficulties 
of  his  task.  For  how  can  we  make  it  appear  plausible  that 
the  arch-fiend  in  person  can  inspire  a  romantic  passion,  such 
as  the  queen  feels  for  the  stranger  knight  in  Tydord  f  Hence 
the  clumsy  device  of  the  disguise,  perhaps  already  known  to 
the  writer  in  other  tales,  but  which  evidently  has  no  place  in 
Sir  Gowther.  But  if  the  fiend  wears  the  form  of  the  husband, 
what  becomes  of  the  wife's  guilt?  It  dwindles  to  a  mere 
inarticulate  prayer  ("she  cares  not  whence  it  come"),  wrung 
from  her  by  her  desperate  plight ;  and  this  surely  does  not 
deserve  so  terrible  a  punishment.  The  circumstances  of  the 
wife's  concealment  and  of  her  husband's  joyful  acceptance 
of  the  child  as  his  own,  are  but  necessary  results  of  the 
orchard  episode.     If  the  author  of  Sir  Gowther  copied  the 


TYDOREL   AND   STB   GOWTHER.  161 

first,  he  must  have  copied  the  others.     Even   the  device 
employed  to  awaken  the  young  man's  suspicions,  and  so 
bring  about  the  catastrophe,  shows  signs  of  imitation,  since 
the  peculiar  circumstances  are  reproduced  nowhere  else. 

If  this  hypothesis  be  admitted/  we  shall  have  to  record 
a  curious  phenomenon.  Here  is  a  popular  folk-lore  theme 
entering  twice,  at  different  epochs  and  under  different  forms, 
into  the  structure  of  the  same  legendary  cycle.  For  if  the 
motive  of  the  Kinder- Wunsch  is  a  component  part  of  Robert 
the  Demly  it  is  none  the  less  certainly  one  element  in  the  story 
ofTjfdarel^ 

A  superficial  examination  of  Tydorel  suffices  to  convince 

us  of  its  composite  character.    We  find  inexplicable  gaps 

and  still  more  inexplicable  repetitions,  while  certain  episodes 

seem  without  justification  in    logic   or   reason.    Why,   for 

example,  should  the  queen,  who  loves  her  husband  devotedly 

in  the  first  paragraph,  yield  so  easily  to  the  solicitations  of  a 

stranger  in  the  second?     Why  should  her  strange  suitor 

warn  her  so  solemnly  that  if  she  repels  his  advances,  she 

will  "  never  more  know  joy  ? ''     After  promising  to  reveal 

liis  name  and  birth,  why  should  the^  knight  only  admonish 

the  queen  to  ask  him  no  more  questions  ?     If  he  proposes  to 

visit  the  queen  habitually,  it  seems  strange  that  he  should 

think  it  needful  to  foretell  the  events  of  twenty  years  on  this 

first  occasion.    Above  all,  why  should  sleeplessness  be  chosen 

as  Tydorel's  distinguishing  characteristic?     Questions  like 

these  arise  at  every  step,  and  in  order  to  answer  even  a  few 

of  them,  we  shall  have  to  analyze  more  closely  the  contents 

of  the  poem. 

'  Nodoe  that  in  both  Tydord  and  Sir  Oowther,  the  question  put  hj  the 
hero  to  his  mother,  takes  the  same  form  :  ''Who  is  mj  father?'' 

'  Bfeol  inserts  as  the  immediate  source  of  Chwther  a  hypothetical  Breton 
lay.  He  belieyes  that  Sir  Gowther  is  a  translation  of  a  complete  Breton 
Yerwm  of  the  legend,  whether  written  in  French  or  not  he  does  not  say. 
Tlie  sabstitation  of  Tydorel  for  this  unknown  lay  greatly  simplifies  the  whole 

11 


/ 


162  FLORENCE   LEFTWICH   RAVENEL. 

1.  In  lines  1-1 5,  we  are  told  of  the  happy  married  life 
of  the  king  and  queen.  Their  only  sorrow  is  the  absence 
of  an  heir.  Clearly  this  is  the  introduction  to  the  Kinder- 
wunsch  motive.  Karl  BreuFs  thorough  study  of  this  theme 
makes  it  unnecessary  to  dwell  upon  it  here.  The  keynote 
of  the  story,  in  all  its  forms,  is  the  contract  made  by  the 
parents  with  the  Evil  One  before  the  birth  of  the  child,  in 
consequence  of  which  the  child  is  subject  to  the  powers  of 
darkness,  from  whose  dominion  it  is  freed  finally,  either  by 
its  own  ingenuity,  or  by  the  intervention  of  Providence. 
Always,  whatever  the  difference  in  detail,  the  child  is  con- 
ceived of  as  under  a  ban — ^handicapped  from  his  birth  by 
the  sin  of  his  parents. 

2.  In  lines  16-160,  we  are  aware  of  a  complete  change 
of  tone,  and  it  is  not  until  we  reach  line  161  that  the  familiar 
note  recurs  (161-199).  Lines  16-160  are  devoted  to  the 
garden  episode  with  the  love  passages  between  the  queen  and 
the  stranger,  which  remind  us  strongly  of  analogous  scenes 
in  Marie's  Lays — in  Guigemar,  for  example,  Yonec,  and 
Lanval. 

3.  After  a  brief  resumption  of  the  first  theme  (lines  161— 
199,  containing  the  joy  of  the  king  over  Tydorel's  birth), 
we  come  to  the  description  of  Tydorel,  his  beauty,  charm, 
and  popularity.  We  find  here  one  striking  difference  between 
Marie's  Yojiec  and  Tydoi-eL  For  Marie,  the  important  ele- 
ment is  the  love  story ;  the  child  is  of  subordinate  interest. 
Yonec,  indeed,  serves  only  as  the  avenger  of  his  parents' 
death.  In  Tydorel,  on  the  contrary,  the  child  is  the  main 
interest ;  the  love  story  is  only  preliminary,  though  it  may 
seem  to  occupy  an  undue  proportion  of  space. 

4.  From  line  296  to  475  we  resume  theme  number  1. 
Here  the  hero  is  distinctly  under  a  mysterious  ban,  separated 
from  his  fellows  by  a  characteristic  which  he  recognizes  as  a 
curse,  and  the  explanation  of  which  he  extorts  with  violence 
from  his  trembling  mother.    This  is  surely  Robert  the  Devil. 


TYDOREL   AND   SIR  GOWTHER.  163 

5.  In  the  conclusion,  however,  we  lose  him  again,  and 
find,  instead,  a  being  oblivious  of  moral  obligation  and 
unconscious  of  guilt.  We  have,  in  short,  a  resumption  of 
the  theme  begun  in  the  garden  scene,  which  I  shall  call  the 
vmUr-child  motive. 

The  characteristics  of  this  theme  are  the  following : — 

1.  A  supernatural  being,  fairy  or  demi-god,  fells  in  love 
with  a  mortal  woman. 

2.  By  various  expedients  he  gains  her  love,  and  the  fruit 
of  their  union  is  a  son,  who  is  reputed  to  be  of  a  mortal 
fether,  but  who  really  is  destined  to  reproduce,  more  or  less 
fiuthfully,  the  attributes  of  his  supernatural  parent. 

3.  This    child    is,   accordingly,   distinguished   from    his 

fellows  by  extraordinary  beauty  and   strength,  sometimes 

by  superhuman  powers.     Usually  he  has  relations  with  the 

unseen  world,  and  at  death  rejoins  his  father  in  the  land 

of  Faeiy. 

As  we  shall  see  later  on,  there  is  reason  to  believe  that 
these  two  themes  (that  of  the  Kinder- Wunsch  and  that  of 
the  wonder-child)  derive  originally  from  the  same  source. 
But  in  the  popular  handling  of  them  they  are,  in  general, 
kept  apart,  and  have  received  quite  different  developments. 
The  hero  of  the  former  is  essentially  a  being  of  ill-omen,  set 
apart  for  an  unhappy  destiny ;  while  all  the  gifts  of  nature 
as  of  fortune  are  heaped  upon  the  head  of  the  wonder-child. 
Where  shall  we  look  for  an  explanation  of  the  contrast? 

Christianity  is  the  most  exclusive  of  religions.  Officially, 
at  least,  the  Church  can  make  no  compromise  with  Heathen- 
ism. The  dwellers  in  Olympus  and  in  Walhalla,  as  well  as 
the  gods  of  Celtic  mythology,  were  to  the  missionaries  simply 
evil  spirits,  feUen  angels  who  belonged  to  Satan's  kingdom. 
If  sometimes,  in  dealing  with  the  beliefs  and  customs  of  the 
common  people,  the  priest  took  a  more  tolerant  attitude,  it 
was  yet  rather  by  silence  than  by  actual  concession.  Lucky 
indeed  was  the  ancient  divinity  who  was  suffered  still  to  hide 


164  FLORENCE   LBFTWICH   RAVENEL. 

his  head  beneath  the  green  hill,  once  his  peculiar  domain ; 
or  in  the  bed  of  some  lake  or  stream,  across  which  he  had 
often  pushed  his  boat,  bound  on  adventures  of  love  or  war.^ 

What  wonder  if  this  change  of  fortunes  brings  with  it  a 
corresponding  change  of  disposition  ?  ^  The  dethroned  gods 
degenerate.  Sometimes  they  become  mere  tricksy  sprites, 
working  good  or  evil  according  to  their  caprice,  while  again 
they  are  represented  as  actual  demons,  finding  a  malicious 
delight  in  beguiling  and  discomfiting  unsuspicious  mortals. 

But  tlie  knight  in  Tydorel  is  neitlier  sprite  nor  demon ;  he 
is  like  other  men,  save  for  his  more  than  mortal  beauty  and 
the  mysterious  charm  that  he  possesses,  which  bends  the  will 
of  others  to  his.  He  reminds  us,  indeed^  of  the  fairy  chief 
Midir,  in  the  Irish  story  of  the  Wooing  of  EtaiUj  cited  by 
Mr.  Kittredge  as  an  analogue  of  Sir  Orfeo.  And,  if  I  mis- 
take not,  we  shall  find  upon  examination  that  Midir  and  the 
father  of  Tydorel  are  of  one  race  and  one  kindred. 

In  the  early  Celtic  legend,  especially  that  of  Ireland,*  we 
find  not  fewer  than  tliree  notable  heroes  all  of  whom  bear  a 
striking  resemblance  to  Tydorel  in  the  circumstances  of  tlieir 
birth.  The  most  ancient  and  least  known  of  these  is  Mongdn, 
the  reputed  son  of  Fiaclma,  but  really  the  son  of  Manannan 
Mac  LeVy  god  of  the  sea,  one  of  the  Tuatha  D^  DananUy  or 
sons  of  the  Goddess  Danu.  The  god  visited  Fiaclma's  queen 
in  the  absence  of  her  husband,  according  to  one  version  tak- 
ing the  form  of  the  king,  according  to  another  frankly 
acknowledging  his  name  and  his  errand,  and  in  both  fore- 
telling the  birth  and  wonderful  endowment  of  the  child 
Mongdn.  In  both  stories,  also,  the  wife's  submission  is 
made  the  condition  of  the  husband's  life  and  safety.* 

^Voyage  of  Bran^  vol.  n,  pp.  211-213  et  oL 
*Sir  Orfeoy  Kittredge,  in  Am.  Jour.  <^  Phil.,  yn,  pp.  195-197. 
^Sur  Orfeo,  Am.  Jour,  of  Phil.,  vol.  vn. 

^Voyage  of  Bran,  voL  I,  pp.  175-208  et  aL  ;  Ibid.,  voL  ii,  pp.  1-^ ; 
OyeU  Mytiudogique  Lrlandais,  hj  D"  Arbois  de  Jubainville,  pp.  267-^33  et  aL 


TYDOREL   AND   SIR  GOWTHER.  165 

The  characteristics  of  Mongdn  are  related  at  length  in  the 
versified  portions  of  Brands  Voyage.  There  we  hear  that 
"Fiachna  will  acknowledge  him  as  his  son,  that  he  will 
delight  the  company  of  every  faery  knoll,"  and  be  the 
"darling  of  every  goodly  land."  He  is  to  have  the  power 
of  shape-shifting,  the  ancient  prerogative  of  tlie  Taatha  D^ 
Daman;  he  will  reign  long  and  "be  slain  by  a  son  of  error, 
and  after  death  will  be  borne  to  the  gathering  where  there 
is  DO  sorrow."  Numerous  tales  emphasize  the  relations  of 
Mong^  with  the  Aes  Siddh^,  or  folk  of  the  mound ;  also 
his  power  of  shape-shifling,^  and  if  none  of  them  assert 
explicitly  that  the  hero  returns  ultimately  to  the  Land  of 
Promise,  this  omission  is  probably  due  to  an  early  confusion 
of  the  wizard  Mongdn  and  a  historical  person  of  the  same 
name.* 

I  give  in  substance  Mr.  Nutt^s  interesting  parallel  between 
Mongdn,  Arthur,  and  Find  : 

1)  Find  is  a  South  Irish  chieflain  ef  the  third  century  of 
our  era,  though  later  notices  associate  him  with  West  Scot- 
land. He  is  first  referred  to  in  documents  of  the  eighth 
century.  The  facts  concerning  him  which  interest  us  in  this 
connection  are  the  following :  Find  is  a  posthumous  child, 
wared  in  the  forest,  the  destined  avenger  of  his  father, 
possessor  of  magic  gifls  and  powers,  and  deserted  by  his 
wife  for  his  favorite  nephew  and  warrior. 

2)  Arthur  of  the  great  Breton  Cycle,  whose  historical 
prototype  is  a  dtix  beUorum  of  the  fifth  and  sixth  centuries, 
is  located  in  southern  Scotland  and  northern  England,  while 
the  romantic  part  of  his  history  is  associated  with  South 
Wales.  Arthur  owes  his  birth  to  shape-shifling  on  the  part 
oi  his  father,  which  reminds  us  of  Mongdn.    Arthur's  wife 

^Voyage  of  Brar^  I,  App.,  p.  52. 

'Ibid.,  I,  App.,  p.  87 ;  also  pp.  13^141. 


166  FLORENCE   LEFTWICH   BAVENEL. 

18  unfaithful,  as  is  Find's,  and  like  both  Find  and  Mong^^ 
he  has  relations  with  the  immortals.  At  his  death  he  passes 
to  Avalon.  The  Arthur  l^end  was  known  more  or  less 
from  the  ninth  century  on,  and  became  widely  popular 
throughout  both  Great  and  Little  Britain  during  the  twelfth. 

3)  Mongdn,  as  we  recall,  is  the  son  of  a  god,  or  according 
to  some  accounts,  a  rebirth  of  Find.  By  the  oldest  tradi- 
tion, his  mother  is  unaware  of  his  supernatural  character. 
"  Mongdn's  boyhood  is  passed  in  the  land  of  Faery  with  his 
fiither,  he  is  a  magician,  who  can  change  his  shape  at  will, 
he  loses  and  recovers  his  wife,"  has  dealings  with  the  fairies 
and,  it  is  to  be  inferred,  passes  into  fidryland  at  death.  The 
Mongdn  l^end  belongs  to  northern  Ireland,  and  dates  at 
least  from  the  eighth  century,  the  time  at  which  the  versified 
portions  of  Bran's  Voyage  were  composed.^ 

I  quote  from  Mr.  Nutt :  "  Earlier  than,  and  underlying 
the  heroic  Ic^nds  of  Finn,  Arthur  and  Mongdn,  I  assume 
that  among  the  Celtic-speaking  people  of  these  islands, 
Goedels  and  Brythons  both,  there  was  current  the  tale  of  a 
wonder-child,  begotten  upon  a  mortal  mother  by  a  super- 
natural father,  reincarnated  in  him,  or  transmitting  to  him 
supernatural  gifts  and  powers,  associated  with  his  father  in 
the  rule  of  that  Land  of  Faery  to  which  he  passes  after  his 
death.  Such  a  tale  would  be  a  natural  framework  into 
which  to  fit  the  life  story  of  any  &mous  tribal  hero.  Identifi- 
cation might  arise  from,  or  at  least  be  facilitated  by,  identity 
or  likeness  of  name,  possibly  again  from  likeness  of  circum- 
stance. Once  the  identification  was  established,  the  legend 
would  be  subject  to  two  sets  of  influence ;  one  purely  romantic, 
derived  from,  and  further  developing,  the  mythic  basis ;  the 
other,  historic  or  quasi-historic,  anxious  to  accommodate 
the  traditional  incidents  to  the  facts  of  the  hero's  life."  * 

*  Voyage  af  Bran,  voL  n,  pp.  27-29. 
'  Voyage  cf  Bran,  voL  i,  p.  28. 


TYDOREL.   AND   SIR   GOWTHER.  167 

Id  the  Mongdn  l^end  and  in  these  others  which  treat  of 
a  kindred  theme^  we  have  oome,  I  believe,  to  the  kernel,  the 
ultimate  source  of  the  wonder-child  element  in  Tydord. 
Here  we  find,  if  not  all,  at  least  most  of  the  typical  charac- 
teristics of  this  mythical  personage.  And  those  points  at 
which  Tydord  diverges  from  the  more  archaic  and  properly 
mjdiical  treatment  of  the  theme,  may  be  accounted  for  as 
we  explain  similar  variations  in  the  legend  of  Arthur.  They 
are  devices  of  the  annalist  or  of  the  jongleur  either  to  harmon- 
ize the  story  with  the  beliefs  and  conditions  of  a  later  age,  or, 
perhaps,  to  fit  it  into  the  life  of  some  historical  personage. 

The  garden  episode  in  Tydord,  for  example,  has  many 
analogues  in  Celtic  story.  It  agrees  strikingly  with  the 
Mongdn  l^ends,  of  which  it  follows  sometimes  one,  some- 
times another.  For  example,  the  queen's  husband,  in  one 
Mongdn  tale,  has  been  called  away  to  Scotland  to  succor  a 
friend  hard  pressed  in  battle.  In  Tydord,  the  king  is  absent 
on  a  hunting  expedition.  Tydorel's  mother,  like  Euridice 
in  Sir  Orfeo,  is  reclining  under  an  Impe,  or  grafted  tree,  in 
her  garden,  when  she  is  approached  by  a  stranger  whose 
beauty  and  dignified  mien  accord  well  with  the  description 
of  the  "  noble-looking  man,"  who  appeared  to  Fiachna  Finn 
on  the  battlefield,  and  visited  his  wife  in  the  palace. 

"  Gontre  yal  le  jardin  garda 
Si  vit  un  chevalier  venir 
Soef  le  pas,  tut  k  loisir ; 
Ce  fut  le  plus  biaus  hon  du  munt 
De  toz  iceus  qui  ore  i  sont, 
De  raineborc  estut  vestuz, 
G^enz  ert  e  granz  e  bien  membruz." 

( Tydord,  U.  40-47. ) 

"  As  they  were  conversing,  they  saw  a  single,  tall  warlike 
man  coming  towards  them.  He  wore  a  green  cloak  of  one 
color,  and  a  brooch  of  white  silver  in  the  cloak  over  his 
breast,  and  a  satin  shirt  next  his  white  skin.''     In  both 


168  FLORENCE   LEFTWICH    RAVENEL. 

stories  the  birth  of  the  child  is  foretold  and  his  extraordinary 
gifts  detailed.  "  A  glorious  child  shall  be  begotten  by  me 
there,"  says  the  warrior  to  Fiachna,  "and  from  thee  shall  he 
be  named  ....  and  I  shall  go  in  thy  shape.  .  .  ."  In  the 
other  version,  he  says  to  the  queen :  "  Tliou  shalt  bear  a 
son.  That  son  shall  be  famous,  he  shall  be  Mongdn."  ^  In 
Tydord  the  knight  says  : 

**  De  moi  avrez  un  filz  molt  bel, 
Sil  ferez  nomer  Tydorel ; 
Molt  ert  vailanz  e  molt  ert  prouz, 
De  biaute  sormontera  toz.''  (11.113-120.) 

We  may  reasonably  ask,  however,  why  Tydorel's  mysteri- 
ous father  should  have  decreed  that  he  should  be  sleepless  ? 
There  was  certainly  nothing  distinctively  godlike  in  this 
characteristic,  for  though  the  gods  may  be  assumed  to  know 
no  weariness,  yet  the  spirits  of  evil,  too,  are  known  to  be 
especially  active  during  the  hours  of  darkness,  when  men 
are  at  rest  and  off  their  guard.  Probably  only  the  author 
himself  could  satisfy  our  curiosity  on  this  point.  We  may, 
however,  suggest  that  the  very  equivocal  nature  of  this  attri- 
bute of  sleeplessness  was  perhaps  its  chief  recommendation. 

The  author  of  Tydorel  is  handling,  as  we  know,  not  one 
theme,  but  two,  which  have  but  little  real  resemblance. 
Somewhere  his  two  motives  (that  of  the  Kinder"  Wmwch  and 
that  of  the  wonder-child)  must  blend,  if  he  is  to  succeed  in 
producing  even  superficial  unity  of  action.  A  close  study 
of  the  story  will  convince  us,  I  think,  that  our  poet  has  met 
the  difficulty  as  cleverly  as  was  possible  in  the  circumstances. 

In  the  story  of  the  wish-child,  the  crisis  always  comes 
with  the  revelation  to  the  hero  of  the  circumstances  of  his 
birth.     This  disclosure  is  made  usually  by  the  parents,  and 

^MS.  Book  (^  Fermoiff  p.  131a.     (IKArbois  de  Jubainville,  Catalog,  p, 
206,  qaoted  in  Voyage  of  Bran,  vol.  i ;  App.,  p.  44. ) 


TYDOREL   AND   SIR   GOWTHER.  169 

often  under  compulsion.  But  in  those  Celtic  myths  which 
we  have  been  examining,  the  fact  of  superhuman  paternity, 
80  far  from  being  a  disgrace,  is  the  highest,  most  coveted 
distinction.  Yonec  ^  shows  no  sign  of  shame  when  told  of 
Ws  red  father^s  name  and  nature,  and  we  are  told  of  Cuchul- 
lin  that,  when  questioned  as  to  his  parentage,  he  ignored  his 
human  father  and  boasted  his  descent  from  the  god  Lug.* 
The  author  of  Tydorel,  looking  for  some  compromise  between 
opposite  traditions,  may  have  bethought  himself  of  the  familiar 
proverb :  Qui  ne  dort  pas  n'est  pas  d'homme,  and  have  wel- 
comed here  a  solution  to  his  problem.^ 

Still  more  was  he  embarrassed,  we  may  surmise,  by  his 

desire  to  give  a  tone  of  courtoisie  to  a  legend  alien  in  its 

spirit  to  every  tenet  of  chivalry.     In  the  other  versions  of 

these  stories,   there  is  little  or  no  trace  of  what  we  call 

romantic  love.     The  gods  of  the  Celtic  Pantheon  are  as 

capricious  in  their  fancies  as  Jupiter  or  Odiu.     They  come 

and  they  go ;  and  if  they  ever  return,  it  is  only  to  claim  and 

to  carry  away  with  them  the  son  who  is  to  reproduce  on 

earth  their  divine  qualities.    As  for  the  woman,  she  goes 

back  to  her  mortal  husband.     In  the  twelfth  and  thirteenth 

centuries,  however,  a  loftier,  more  immaterial,  conception  of 

love  was  felt  to  be  indispensable  to  every  courtly  tale  of 

romance.     No  doubt  Marie  de  France  herself,  womanly  and 

sentimental,  shunning  in  her  stories   whatever  savored  of 

brutality  and  barbarism,  did  much  toward  setting  the  new 

standard  of  "  courteous  '*  love.     To  Marie,  constancy,  faith- 

fiil  service  of  the  beloved  was  the  essence  of  true  love — the 

love  which  was  outside  the  bounds  of  law  or  morals,  and 

which  existed  for  its  own  sake. 


^  Yimte,  in  Wamke's  edition  of  Marie  de  France. 
'  CuehuUin  Saga,  Elinor  Hall,  Introduction,  p.  Ivi. 
*he  Boox  de  Lincj's  collection,  i,  p.  167 :  ''II  n' est  pas  homme,  Que 
oe  prend  somme.'' 


170  FLORENCE   LEFTWICH   BAVENEL. 

We  cannot  doubt,  I  think,  that  the  author  of  Tydord  was 
familiar  with  the  lays  of  Marie,  and  in  particular  with  Yonec. 
In  this  story,  we  remember,  the  queen  is  visited  by  a  beauti- 
ful knight  who  comes  and  goes  in  the  form  of  a  bird.  Their 
love  continues  until  they  are  betrayed,  and  the  knight  is 
slain  by  the  jealous  husband.  Their  son,  Yonec,  becomes  in 
time  the  avenger  of  his  father's  death,  and  inherits  the 
mysterious  kingdom  from  which  his  father  had  come. 

There  are  certain  resemblances  in  detail  between  Tydord 
and  Yonw  ^  which  we  may  note  in  passing,  without  insisting 
too  strongly  upon  their  significance,  for  a  similarity  in  themes 
may  have  produced  a  likeness  in  the  treatment. 

When  the  knight  in  Yonee  first  appears  to  the  lady,  see- 
ing her  terror,  he  reassures  her,  but  does  not  tell  her  his 
name  or  his  race  : 

Si  li  segrei  vus  sont  oscur, 

Ghurdez  que  seiez  a  sear. 

( YoMC,  U.  125-129.) 

Even  when  pressed,  he  refuses  to  be  more  explicit,  except  in 
the  matter  of  his  Christian  faith.  The  knight  in  Tydorel 
observes  the  same  discreet  silence.  In  relating  the  birth 
of  Yonec,  Marie  tells  us : 

''  Sis  fiz  fa  nez  e  bien  nurriz, 
£  bien  gardez  e  bien  chieriz — 
Yonec  le  firent  namer, 
£1  r^^e  ne  pot  on  trover 
Si  bel,  si  pru  ne  si  valiant 
Si  large  ne  si  despendant'' 

( Fimec,  11.  463-468. ) 

Of  Tydorel  we  hear : 

Li  termes  vint,  li  filz  fa  nez, 

£  bien  norriz,  e  bien  gardez — 

Tydorel  le  firent  namer.  (11.  175-178. ) 

1  Of.  also  Tydorel,  11.  20-26  ;  and  Oui^tcmar,  261  ff. 


TYDOREL   AND   SIR   GOWTHER.  171 

De  Tydorel  firent  seigniir — 

Onques  n'orent  il  meillur — 

Tant  preu,  tant  curtois,  tant  Tailanti 

Tant  largee  ne  tant  despendant        (11.  220-225. ) 

But  chiefly  is  the  author  indebted  to  Marie  for  that  tone  of 
oourtoide  which  pervades  his  work,  changing  what  is  bald 
and  crnde  in  the  old  story  into  the  sweetness  and  the  some- 
what effeminate  grace  which  Marie  had  made  &shionable. 

We  have  found  then  in  Tydorel  a  contaminationf  or  com- 
posite structure  made  up  of  two  elements  : 

1)  The  &miliar  folk-lore  motive  of  the  child  devoted  to 
the  devil. 

2)  The  story  of  the  wonder-child,  also  fiimiliar  to  popular 
mythology. 

3)  We  find,  besides  these  two,  a  third,  pervasive  rather 
than  distinct — a  sort  of  infiision  of  the  spirit  of  chivalry. 
This  we  note  especially  in  the  romantic  ideal  of  love  pre- 
sented, and  we  detect  in  it  the  influence  of  Marie  de  France. 

The  l^end  of  Robert  the  Devil  was  already  fully  developed 
in  the  thirteenth  century,  so  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  the 
story  of  the  wish-child  was  familiar  in  Celtic  speaking  coun- 
tries, as  in  others.  But  we  cannot  be  so  certain  as  to  the 
channels  through  which  the  second  element  in  his  story  came 
into  the  hands  of  the  author  of  Tydorel. 

The  lack  of  unity  in  Tydorel,  as  a  whole,  is  doubtless  open 
to  severe  criticism ;  but  we  must  not  deny  to  its  author  the 
praise  due  to  the  ingenuity  and  even  originality  with  which 
he  has  embroidered  and  embellished  his  patchwork  back- 
ground, heightening  its  color,  and  so  far  as  possible  hiding 
the  seams.  The  garden  episode  is  narrated  with  a  simple 
grace  and  naturalness  worthy  of  Marie ;  and  the  device  by 
which  the  catastrophe  is  brought  about  is  really  clever, 
though  not  in  accord  with  the  spirit  of  the  old  stories.  The 
episode  of  the   young  goldsmith   is    indeed    curious,  quite 


172         FLORENCE  LEFTWICH  RAVENEL. 

without  a  parallel  in  any  version  of  Roberty  or  in  any  other 
popular  tale  which  I  liave  read.  I  incline  to  credit  it  to  the 
author  of  Tydorel  as  an  original  invention.* 

We  must  remember,  too,  in  judging  Tydorel,  that  we  have 
probably  not  received  the  work  in  its  original  form.  There 
are  passages  so  dissonant  with  the  rest  of  the  poem,  and  so 
far  inferior  to  it,  that  we  are  sure  we  have  to  reckon  with  a 
late  revisor.  The  object  of  these  alterations  and  elaborations 
was  probably  to  lengthen  the  story,  unusually  short  in  its 
original  shape,  and  rather  terse  and  concise  in  style.  Per- 
haps, too,  this  copyist  found  it  advisable  to  introduce  some 
novel  features,  however  questionable  might  be  the  taste  of  his 
interpolations :  witness  the  stupid  bit  of  satire  leveled  at  the 
king's  credulity  in  accepting  Tydorel  as  his  son.^ 

Almost  certainly  this  copyist  is  the  author  of  the  queen's 
confession,  where  at  great  length  she  recounts  the  whole 
course  of  her  relations  with  the  stranger — repeating  in  great 
great  dcitail,  and  with  many  useless  additions  and  repetitions, 
the  story  told  at  the  beginning  of  the  poem.  The  prophetic 
passage  in  which  the  knight  foretells  the  birth  not  only  of  a 
sou,  but  of  a  daughter,  is  doubtless  the  work  of  a  reTMtniewr. 
This  daughter  does  not  appear  elsewhere,  but  we  are  informed 
here  that  she  is  to  marry  a  certain  count,  and  from  her  are  to 
descend  a  long  line  of  noble  knights ;  and,  no  doubt  with  the 
idea  of  maintaining  the  symmetry  of  the  tale,  we  are  told 
that  these  knights  shall  sleep  even  more  than  the  rest  of 
mankind.^  Very  possibly  this  passage  may  have  been  intro- 
duced at  a  later  date  to  flatter  some  patron  of  the  poet  by 
giving  him  a  demi-god  for  an  ancestor.* 

*Cf.  Romania^  viii,  Lata  IiUdiiSj  Introduction  to  Tydorel,  p.  67.  G. 
Paris  says  that  this  incident  is  familiar  to  Celtic  and  Oriental  folk-lore, 
bat  I  liave  not  identified  it  elsewhere. 

«  Tydord,  U.  165-175.  '  Ibid.,  11.  344-475. 

^Notice  the  attempts  at  variety  and  novelty  in  this  passage,  and  the 
marked  avoidance  of  rhymes  found  in  the  first  version :  cf.  11.  104-110 
with  423-444 ;  111-120  with  450-464. 


TYDOREL   AND   SIR   GOWTHER.  173 

But  if  SO  large  a  part  of  Tydordy  as  we  have  it,  is  foreign 
to  its  original  form,  just  what  was  the  aspect  of  the  story  as 
originally  written  or  told  ?  If  we  remove  the  clumsy  addi- 
tions of  a  late  and  inferior  hand,  and  also  those  elements 
wliich  are  due  to  the  invention  of  the  author  (cf.  pp.  20  and 
21),  we  shall  have  left,  obviously,  the  two  folk-lore  motives 
previously  analysed,  that  of  the  Kinder^wunsch  and  that  of 
the  wonder-child.  But  we  have  seen  that  the  former  has  no 
real  place  nor  fitness  in  our  story,  and  is  only  very  imper- 
fectly combined  with  it  by  the  ingenuity  of  a  twelfth  or 
thirteenth  century  poet.    (Cf.  pp.  17,  18.) 

At  last  in  our  process  of  reduction  we  reach  the  heart  of 
our  legend,  the  substance  of  the  Breton  lay  which,  we  may 
suppose,  bore  the  name  of  Tydord.  We  may  assume  that 
this  lay  was  by  one  of  the  later  contemporaries  of  Marie  de 
France,  that  it  was  written  in  French  and  contained  the 
history  of  a  wonder-child,  son  of  a  god  and  a  mortal,  who  in 
all  likelihood  reproduced  some  of  those  supernatural  powers 
^hich  we  have  seen  in  Mong^n,  Find,  CuchuUin,  or  Arthur, 
and  who  at  the  close  of  his  earthly  career  rejoined  his  fiither 
^  the  realms  of  Faery.^ 

Turning  again  to  Sir  Gotether,  we  recall  that  we  had 
bribed  to  the  influence  of  Tydord  some  of  the  elements 
"^cre  found  which  are  wanting  in  other  versions  of  Robert 
^  Devily  notably  the  circumstance  that  the  fiend  is  actually 

°Uice  we  have  seen  that  the  author  of  Tydord  (1)  was  probably  a  con- 
ll^poittry  of  ]Marie,  it  may  be  asked  why  we  do  not  attribute  the  lay  to 
-^ane  herself,  assuming  that  whatever  features  are  inconsistent  with  her 

y*®  ^nd  methods,  were  the  work  of  the  author  of  Tydord  (2). 

^y  I'easons  for  not  assigning  this  work  to  Marie  are  the  following : 

^*  J!ydord  (1),  judging  from  the  elements  which  have  survived  in 
J^ydorf^  (2),  was,  I  believe,  a  cruder,  less  artistic,  more  primitive  pro- 
aactioti  than  anything  Marie  has  given  us. 

^  The  romantic  element,  if  not  wholly  wanting,  was  quite  secondary, 
VQ^  ^^  interest  centred  in  the  mytMoal^  not  in  the  sentimental  motive. 


174  FLORENCE   LEFTWICH    RAVENEL. 

the  father  of  the  child.  In  discussing  this  feature,  Breul 
says,  "Dieser  Zug  ist  ebenfalls  uralt.  Sowohl  Beispiele  wo 
die  Frau  ihren  Verfiihrer  kennt,  als  solche  wo  sie  ihn  nicht 
kennt,  bei  sonst  gleichen  Verhaltnissen.  Wir  befinden  uns 
hier  auf  dem  Gebiet  der  Massenhaflen  Sagen  von  den  Incu- 
ben  und  Succuben.  .  .  .  Urspriinglich  sind  es  mythologische 
gottliche  Wesen,  aus  deren  Verkehr  mit  irdischen  Frauen 
dann  machtige  (oft  allerdings  gewalttatige)  Manner  ent- 
springen/'  He  quotes  as  the  classic  example,  the  verse  of 
Genesis  where  we  are  told  that  the  "  sons  of  God "  loved 
the  "  daughters  of  men." 

He  might,  I  believe,  have  gone  a  step  further  in  his 
deductions;  for  what,  after  all,  is  the  story  of  the  child 
devoted  to  the  Devil  before  its  birth,  but  a  degradation  of 
the  much  older  legend  of  the  wonder-child?  It  may  be 
incredible,  at  first  sight,  that  the  motive  which  has  culmi- 
nated in  one  direction  in  Robert  the  DeuU,  can  have  arisen, 
at  the  other  extreme,  to  the  conception  of  Arthur,  the  Blame- 
less King.  But  after  all,  when  we  remember  that  Satan  was 
once  the  highest  of  the  archangels,  what  transformation  can 
find  us  unprepared  ?  Dispossessed  of  their  earthly  kingdom, 
banished  to  river-beds  and  caverns,  the  Tuaiha  D^  Danann 
began  their  downward  course.  Still  they  were  gods,  though 
gods  in  exile,  and  no  mortal  was  discredited  by  their 
addresses.  It  was  left  to  the  Christian  missionaries  to  com- 
plete their  degradation.  They  were  relegated  to  the  rank  of 
earth-spirits — if  not  actually  devils,  yet  certainly  neither 
gods  nor  angels.  Moreover,  as  the  new  religion  obtained 
stronger  hold  upon  the  people,  as  monkish  teaching  usurped 
the  place  of  popular  myth,  we  may  well  believe  that  the 
sanctity  of  the  marriage  vow  was  emphasized,  and  that  the 
nature  of  any  being  who  might  tempt  a  woman  to  break  it, 
came  to  be  regarded  as  evil,  even  fiendish. 

In  some  such  fashion  we  may  picture  the  gradual  change 


TYDOREL   AND   SIR   GOWTHER.  175 

in  die  popular  attitude  towards  the  ancient  gods.  But  if, 
bdeed,  these  supernatural  beings  were  evil  and  malevolent 
in  character,  how  admit  of  love  passages  between  them  and 
mortal  women?  The  very  idea  was  abhorrent!  Hence  the 
modifications  of  the  old  story.  Now  the  fiend  appears  in 
diflgoise,  either  to  both  parents  or  to  one  alone;  he  is  no 
longer  the  actual  father  of  the  child,  but  the  tempter,  who  so 
works  upon  the  desires  of  the  parents  as  to  secure  for  himself 
the  possession  of  the  child. 

This  gradual  transformation  of  the  legend  would  account 
for  some  of  the  variations  in  the  popular  tales  treating  this 
thane.  In  some  versions — notably,  those  at  the  basis  of 
Bobort  the  Demi — the  child  is  already  at  his  birth  perverse 
and  depraved  beyond  the  measure  of  humanity.  In  others, 
he  is  only  more  beautiful  and  vigorous  than  other  children.* 
In  some  stories  the  child's  strength  is  superhuman,  even  in 
its  cradle :  witness  the  nine  nurses  killed  by  Sir  Gowther  in 
his  first  year.  This  is  a  trait  common  to  heroes  of  all 
nations,*  and  in  particular  we  are  reminded  of  Cuchullin,  for 
whom  no  nurse  could  be  found,  until  one  of  his  own  super- 
natural race  volunteered  her  services. 

The  question  of  the  fulfilment  of  the  prenatal  contract 
made  by  the  parents  with  the  demon,  brings  up  a  curious 
parallel   in  the  story  of  Mongdn.     In   all    the   wish-child 
stories,  the  child,  at  a  certain  age,  is  to  be  delivered  up  to 
the  demon;   the  time  and  circumstances  vary  in  different 
versions.     In  some  tales,  the  Devil  himself  comes  and  car- 
ries off  the  child  at  the  appointed  time.^     In  others,  espe- 
cially in  those  where  we  detect  clerical  influence,  the  child, 
struck  by  the  growing  sadness  of  his  parents,  forces  from 
them  an  avowal  of  his  origin,  and  the  fate  that  threatens 

^  Cf.  Brealy  Introduction,  p.  121. 

» Ibidem,  p.  122  (citation  from  Luther's  Table  TodJcSy  p.  300). 

'  Cf.  Coequin  in  Romania,  vii,  pp.  223  ff. 


176  FLORENCE   LEFTWICII   RAVENEL. 

hini.  This  is  substantially  the  version  we  have  in  Robert  and 
in  Tydxyrely  but  the  former  seems,  on  the  face  of  it,  a  more  prim- 
itive form.  To  this  class  belongs  a  tale  in  the  Rhetian  dialect, 
called  Jifiez  Masd,  The  Devil  disguised  as  a  man  appears  to 
the  mother  and  asks,  as  if  in  jest,  for  half  of  what  she  is  car- 
rying. She  is  carrying  an  armful  of  herbs,  and  in  her  ignor- 
ance accedes  to  the  stranger's  request.  Some  time  afterwards 
her  son  is  born,  and  on  the  third  day  the  Devil  reappears, 
this  time  in  his  true  cliaracter,  cuts  the  child  in  half,  and 
departs  carrying  with  him  his  share.*  Again,  the  boy  sets 
out  of  his  own  accord  to  find  the  demon,  and  in  one  story 
actually  penetrates  to  Hades  and  spends  some  time,  not 
unprofitably,  at  the  Devil's  court.  But  we  have  not  for- 
gotten how  on  the  third  day  after  his  birth,  Manannan  Mac 
Ler  appears  and  carries  ofiF  Mongdn  to  the  Land  of  Promise, 
where  he  remains  until  his  sixteenth  year. 

In  Robert  the  Devil,  as  in  Tydordy  few  traces  remain  of 
those  magical  gift;s  transmitted  by  the  gods  to  their  mortal 
children.  There  is  the  widest  variation  in  this  respect  in 
the  popular  tales.  The  Rhetian  hero,  Miez  Maaety  has, 
besides  his  physical  mutilation,  a  singular  power  of  control 
over  animals.  He  has  as  his  especial  servant  a  marvellous 
trout,  which  performs  all  sorts  of  extraordinary  feats,  includ- 
ing the  final  restoration  of  the  lost  half  of  his  person.  In 
many  versions  the  youth  works  wonders  of  strength  and 
dexterity  in  fulfilling  the  conditions  of  fi:^edom  imposed  by 
the  Devil ;  invariably,  in  the  end,  he  outwits  the  Evil  One 
at  his  own  game. 

We  thus  see  that  in  the  stories  of  Robert  the  DevU  and  of 
Tydorely  we  are  handling  very  old,  originally  mythical  mate- 
rial, common,  it  may  be,  to  many  nations,  but  to  which  we 
find,  in  particular,  many  close  analogues   in  early   Celtic 

^  BonuoMche  ShuHen^  Vol.  n  :  Praulas  SurfdvcmaSf  by  Descurtins,  Na  23. 


TYDOREL.   AND   SIR  GOWTHER.  177 

legend.  After  many  modifications  and  transformations,  the 
myth  of  the  wonder-child  enters  Christian  literature  in 
the  fonn  of  Robert  the  Devil,  and  begins  a  new  and  fruitful 
career  in  the  service  of  the  new  religion. 

If  the  ancient  stories  themselves  lived  on  and  have  come 
down  to  us  substantially  unchanged,  it  must  be  because 
tiiey — ^the  legends  of  Mongdn  and  Find,  of  Arthur  and 
Cuehullin — ^were  early  identified  with  historical  characters ; 
and  because,  too,  they  entered  into  a  literary  form  before 
Christianity  had  acquired  a  hold  on  the  faith  and  the  &ncy 
of  the  Celtic-speaking  peoples. 

In  the  Lay  of  Tydorel  we  have,  then,  I  believe,  not  only 
that  "lay  of  Britain"  which  the  English  author  of  Sir 
Gouiher  "sought"  and  found,  but  we  have,  what  is  even 
©ore  interesting,  a  pale,  discolored  semblance  of  the  myth 
hi  its  more  primitive  form.  Here,  though  no  longer  a  god, 
the  mysterious  lover  is  still  a  creature  of  beauty  and  charm, 
who  bends  mortals  to  his  will  and  holds  them  in  awe  lest 
4ey  pry  too  curiously  into  the  hidden  things  he  may  not 
reveal.  And  here,  too,  we  have  some  traces  of  the  original 
wonder-child,  surpassing  other  children  in  strength  and 
S^ce,  and  set  apart  from  them  by  at  least  one  characteristic 
4at  marks  him  as  "  not  of  man." 

Florence  Leftwich  Ravenel. 

ANAIiYSIB  OF  TyDOBEL. 

-vTdorel  (1),  about  the  third  quarter  of  the  twelfth  century  : 
Story  of  the  Wonder-child. 

^  ^^orel  (2),  before  1200 : 

Ca)  Wonder-chUd :  U.  16-130  ;  175-244  ;  475-490. 
<  b)  Wish-child  :  U.  1-16  ;   160-162  ;  325-358. 
<c)  Episode  of  the  goldsmith  :  U.  244-330. 
Cd)  The  prophetic  speech  of  the  stranger  knight. 

^^orel  (3),  first  quarter  of  the  thirteenth  century  : 

dements  a,  b  and  c,  together  with  lines  164-175  and  the  queen's 
long  speech  to  l^dorel — ^in  short,  the  poem  in  its  present  form. 

12 


178 


FLOBENCE   LEFTWICH    RAVENEL. 


(B1017  of  cUM  b«a  of 
a  fod  Md  •  Aortd) 


(CluU  dtrolcd  to 


MubdeFhMi 
rYoMesbfw 


Ty4ani 


BiBLIOOIULPHY. 

1.  LUth-ature  Fran^iae  au  Moyen  Age,  G.  Paris.    Parb,  1890,  2itoe  4d. 

2.  Laia  IrUdits,  G.  Paris,  Bomaniaf  YUi,  pp.  32-74. 

3.  Sir  Oowther,  eine  englische  Romanze  au8  dem  XVten  Jahrhundert,  von  Karl 

Bruel,  Oppeln,  1886. 

3.  Le  Oycle  Mytholoffique  Irkmdaia,  lyArbois  de  Jubainville,  Paris. 

4.  The  Voyage  of  Bran,  2  vols.,  London,  1895. 

Translation  of  Kuno  Meyer.     Containing  also  two  essays  by  Alfred 
Nutt : 

( 1 )  The  Happy  Oihenvorld,  vol.  I. 

(2)  The  Celtic  Doctrine  of  Belnrth,  vol.  n. 

5.  The  OachuUin  Saga,  by  Elinor  Hull,  London,  1898. 

6.  Ptavlas  Surselvanaa,  collected  by  Descurtins  in  Romanische  Studien,  VoL 

n.     (No.  23). 

7.  Gosqoin's  Oontes  populaires  de  Lorraine,  in  vols,  v-xi  of  Rcmamiau 


in.~GOWER'S  USE  OF  THE  ENLARGED 

ROMAN  DE  TROIE. 

Joly's  edition  of  the  Roman  de  Troie  represents  substan- 
tially the  text  of  the  poem  as  it  was  written  by  the  author 
and  followed  by  Guido  delle  Colonne  in  his  Historia  Trqjana} 
But  a  number  of  other  translations  were  not  made  from  the 
original   text,  inasmuch   as  the   work  offered  great   oppor- 
tunities for  interpolations,  added  by  scribes  who  did  not  con- 
fine their  activities  to  the  duties  of  a  mere  copier.     In  1888, 
E.  T.  Granz,  in  a  Leipzig  dissertation,  tfber  die  Quellenge- 
fndnschafi  des  mUtelenglischen  Gediehtes  Seege  oder  Batayle  of 
Troye  und  des  mitteUiochdeutachen  Gediehtes  vom  irajanischen 
Kriege  des  Konrad  von  Wurzburg,  from  a  careful  comparison 
of  Konrad  von  Wiirzburg's  Trajanerkrieg  and  the  Middle 
English  Seege  of  Troye,  postulated,  as  the  common  source  of 
^^  English  and  German  poems,  a  redaction  of  the  French 
^ork,  containing  episodes  common  to  them,  but  differing  in 
details  from  the  text  of  the  published  work  of  Benoit.     This 
Aesis  was  fiirther  developed  by  C.  H.  Wager,  who  in  the 
Uitroduction  to  his  edition  of  the  Seege  of  Troye,^  contributed 
further  to  the  problem  by  an  examination  of  the  relations  of 
the  three  manuscripts  to  each  other,  and  to  their  original. 
The  principal  episodes  upon  which  these  two  writers  base 

*^or  a  bibliography  of  the  Benoit-Guido  controversy,  cf.  G.  L.  Hamilton, 
Thi  hiiebUdMS9  of  Chaucer's  Troilm  and  Oriaeyde  to  Outdo  deUe  CkAonn^s 
Eixldm  Trojana,  1903,  pp.  41-42,  n.  Upon  the  poflsibility  that  Guido' a 
<^  of  the  Roman  de  Troye  was  different  from  the  text  as  published,  cf.  E. 
Gom,  TegU  inediti  di  storia  tr<Qana^  1887,  p.  145  ;  H.  Morf ,  Romania^  xxi, 
W,  n.  2 ;  W.  Greif,  ZeiUekr,  /.  vergleieh,  LUeratur,  N.  F.,  n,  126. 

'  ^.  Y.,  18W.  In  a  review  of  this  book  in  the  Modem  Language  NoUs, 
XV,  coL  189  £f.,  I  ezpreased  a  view  directly  adverse  to  my  present  standing 
CO  the  matter. 

179 


180  GEOBQE   L.    HAMILTON. 

their  thesis  are  five  in  number  :  "  Priam's  effort  to  regain 
Hesione,  the  dream  of  Hecuba,  the  judgment  of  Paris,  Paris's 
residence  in  Greece,  and  the  youth  of  Achilles."  ^  The  exist- 
ence of  a  common  source  is  put  beyond  a  doubt  by  the  same 
arrangement  of  certain  incidents,  in  the  telling  of  which  there 
is  sometimes  a  verbal  identity.  No  French  original  has  as 
yet  been  discovered  which  contains  all  these  episodes,  but  in 
the  redaction  of  Jean  Malkaraume,  made  in  the  beginning  of 
the  thirteenth  century,  we  find  an  account  of  Hecuba's  dream, 
the  loves  of  Paris  and  Oenone,  and  the  trick  of  Ulysses  to 
discover  Achilles  among  the  maidens,  told  of  Menelaus  and 
Neoptolemus.^  The  thesis  that  a  fuller  redaction  existed, 
could  have  been  further  established  by  a  study  of  other 
German  and  English  accounts  of  these  episodes,  and  a  com- 
parison of  an  Icelandic,  a  Roumanian,  and  numerous  Irish, 
Spanish,  Italian,  and  Slavic  versions  of  the  Troy  legend, 
unknown  to  either  Granz  or  Wager. 

In  the  recently  published  Works  of  Gower,  the  editor,  G. 
C.  Macaulay,  has  pointed  out  the  indebtedness  of  the  English 
poet  in  a  number  of  places  to  the  Roman  de  Troie.^  For  the 
present  I  merely  wish  to  show  that  several  passages  in  the 
English  poet's  work  were  taken  from  the  enlarged  JBomau, 
by  a  comparison  with  passages  in  the  poem  of  Konrad,  the 
fiillest  and  most  accessible  of  the  many  versions.* 

*  Wager,  p.  bdi ;  cf.  Granz,  pp.  8ft-7. 

'  Cf.  A.  Joly,  BenoU  de  Ste,  More  et  U  Roman  de  Troie,  vol.  I,  pp.  157, 
165,  819  ;  Greif,  Die  miUelalterlichen  BearbeUungen  der  Trojanersage,  pp.  70, 
94  ;  Granz,  pp.  4,  73-6,  86  ;  Wager,  pp.  Iv,  67.  On  a  further  detail  found 
in  Malkaraume' s  version  and  not  in  the  puhlished  text,  of.  Greif,  pp.  120- 
1,  ISeitdchr.  /.  VergUich.  Lit,,  ii,  p.  126. 

•Cf.  voL  ni,  p.  651,  s.  v.  Benott.  To  the  references  given  there  shoald 
be  added  :  C,  A,  vn,  1558,  vin,  2515  ff. ,  2545,  2592  ff.  ;  Mirour  de  Pammey 
16700,  16672;  Bakuks,  xx,  17  ff.,  xxx,  8ff.,  XL,  5-6,  xlii,  8  ;  Traiti^, 
VI,  16,  vm,  1,  IX,  8,  X,  1  ;   Vox  Clamantis,  L,  441,  879  ff.,  vi,  1291  ff. 

^  Other  accounts  of  Achilles' s  life  with  Chiron  are  to  be  found  in  the 
Seege  (^  Troye  (cf.  p.  188,  n.  2),  the  Liet  wm  Troye  of  Herbort  von  FritslAr 


GOWER's   use   of   the   ROMAN   DE   TROIE.  181 

Of  the  episodes  oommon  to  the  other  translations  of  the 
^^ilaiged  Roman,  only  those  relating  to  Achilles's  youthftil 
^**^ning  under  Chiron,  his  life  at  the  court  of  Lycomedes, 
^^d  his  discovery  by  Ulysses,  are  told  in  enough  detail  to 

v^289ff.,  cf.  Fromman,  Germania,  ii,  p.  196  ;   H.  Dunger,  Die  Sage  torn 

^QTdschen  Kriege,  p.  43),  Enikers  Chrmik  (ed.  P.  Strauch,  14543-61), 

^erlant's  Istory  van  Troyen  (ed.  de  Pauw  &  Gaillard,  4783  flf. ),  the  Fix^rUa 

^f  Annannino  da  Bologna  (Gorra,  pp.  316,  544)  and  11  Trojano  a  stampa 

i^,f  p.  296).    The  first  three  of  these  unquestionably  had  the  same  common 

^uioe  as  Konrad's   and  Qower's  narratives,   but  their  accounts  are  so 

bridged  that  parallel  passages  illustrating  Grower's  account  can  not  be 

cited.     Of  this  same  source  there  are  suggestions  in  Maerlant's  version, 

irhich,  however,  shows  that  the  main  source  at  this  point  is  the  Achilleig, 

irhich  the  author  cites  as  his  authority  (107,  198,  4779-82,  6506).     Gorra 

lias  not  published  the  text  of  this  episode  in  the  FiorUa,  upon  which  to 

l)ase  a  judgment  of  its  source  ;  but  it  is  in  all  probability  based  on  the 

^ork  of  Statins,  as  is  the  account  of  Ulysses's  mission  to  the  court  of  Lyco- 

anedes.     11  TrcjanOj  concerning  the  age  of  which  nothing  is  known  further 

tihzn  the  date  of  its  publication  in  1491,  is  said  to  be  dependent  on  the  Latin 

^x>em  at  this  point  (cf.  Eamania,  xxi,  104).     On  (jerman  imitations  of  the 

episode  in  Konrad,  cf.  Greif,  pp.  124,  127-8  ;  Dunger,  p.  43. 

Other  versions  of  the  embassy  of  Ulysses  and  Diomedes  are  to  be  found 

in  the  Seege  cf  Troyt  (991-1132),  EnikePs  Ckr<mik  (14499-14542,  15069- 

15430),  Tr^umaivna  Saga   (p.  13,  n.;  cf.  p.  42,  n.  3),  the  OrSniea  Trojana 

of  Delgado  (ed.  1579,  Libr.  ui,  chs.  zv-xvii),  a  Gkilician  version  of  the 

nme  work  ( printed  in  an  appendix  to  the  Cr6niea  Trojanoj  ed.  Bodriquez 

A  Salazar,  Oorufta,  1901,    vol.  n,  pp.  285  ff.;  cf.  voL  i,  pp.  x-xi),  the 

'^ian  passage  in  the  Libro  de  Alexandre  (385-392,  583;  cf.  Morel-Fatio, 

-^^wwmia,  IV,  89),  the  version  in  Cod.  riccard.  881  (Gorra,  pp.  242-3), 

Maerlant's    hiory   (5363-6506;  cf.    26430-67),    the    FiorUa  of    Arman- 

'^0  (Gorra,   p.    545),   and   //   Trojano,     Of  these  the  first  six   had  a 

^^^'ounon  source ;   a  judgment  cannot   be   formed   from   the  incomplete 

^^7818  of  the  seventh.     The  account  in  the  FiorUa  follows  the  AchUleiB 

^^7,  as  does  that  in  II  Trojano.    The  story  is  also  found  in  the  Alexan- 

^  of  Ulrich  von  Eschenbach  (ed.  Toischer,  18464-70,  18485-18502), 

'^^ghnot  in  the  Trojan  passage,  which,  as  the  rest  of  the  poem  shows, 

°^  a  common  source  with  the  ZAbro  de  Alexandre  (cf.   X.  de  AL,  312- 

^ ;  ii.,  4877-4917 ;   Bomania,  iv,  89-90).      The  source  is  not  Hygi- 

°®  {PalnJae,  96),  as  suggested  by  Toischer,  SUz,-Ber,  der  Wiener  Ak., 

^  BitL  doMe,  vol.  xcvii,  p.  343.     It  is  told  in  close  connection  with 

we  story  of  the  feigned  madness  of  Ulysscs-Diomedes  ( I )  in  Ulrich  (18465- 

^)>  which  is  based  upon  the  same  source  as  the  story  in  Gower  ( (7.  A.,  iv, 


182  QEOROE   L.    HAMILTON. 

show  a  oommoD  source  more  extensive  than  the  Achilleis  of 
Statins.  In  the  fourth  book  of  the  Oonfeasio  Amantis  the 
poet  states : 

''  who  that  wolde  ensample  take. 
Upon  the  forme  of  knyhtes  lawe, 
How  that  Achilles  was  forthdrawe 
With  Chiio,  which  Gentauros  hihte. 
Of  many  wondre  hiere  he  mihte,"  (1968-72), 

a  passage  which  may  be  paralleled  at  once  with  Konrad's  ^ 
'  description  of  Chiron's  fellows : 

^'Sch^ne  w&ren  si  geltch, 
als  ich  von  in  geschrihen  vant : 
Centaurl  w&ren  si  genant''    (6274-6).* 

Gower  continues : 

'*  For  it  stod  thilke  time  tl^us, 

That  this  Chiro,  this  Oentaurus, 

Withinne  a  large  wildemesse/' 
**  Hadde  his  duellinge,  as  tho  hefell, 

Of  Pileon  upon  the  hel,"  (1973-5,  1979-1980)," 

1815-1891),  which  is  much  fuller  than  the  version  given  in  Hyginus,  Fab, 
95.     On  further  allusions  cf.  Gorra,  p.  330,  note. 

For  the  motiv  of  the  Achilles-Deidamia  episode  in  Mediaeval  litterature 
cf.  F.  H.  von  der  Hagen,  OesamnUabendieuer,  v.  ii,  p.  iz,  v.  lu,  p.  cxxviii  ; 
K.  Bartsch,  Aibrecht  von  Halbentadtf  pp.  zii,  zli,  ccxlvii ;  Heinzel,  Am.  f, 
deutsche  AUerth.  ix,  253,  255  ;  K.  Voretsch,  Epische  Siudien,  i,  195  ;  Cloetta, 
Beitrdge,  i,  75. 

*  Konrad  von  Wiirzburg,  Der  trojaniaehe  Kriegj  ed.  A.  von  Keller,  BibL 
des  lit.  Vereins  z.  Stuttg.,  1858,  vol.  xliv  ;  Anmerkungen,  by  K.  Bartsch, 
/d,  1877,  vol.  cxxxin. 

'Statius   (AchiLf  i,   106)   only  mentions  "longaevum  (]!hirona,"   and 

refers  (111)  to  **C3entauri  stabula  alta."     With  CJower^s  use  of  **Cen- 

taurus'^  as  a  proper  name,  compare  Chaucer's  use  of  '^  Sibille  "  as  a  name 

of  Oassandra   (T.   &  C,   1450-1;  cf.   Hamilton,  Indebtedness,   etc,   pp. 

109,  n.,  158).     Elsewhere  (C  A.y  vi,  522),  in  a  story  taken  from  Ovid, 

Qower  refers  to  the  '^Gentauri,"  ^'quosdam  qui  Centauri  vocabantur,''  as 

his  rubric  explains. 

^AckiU,,  I,  106-7: 

**  domus  ardua  montem 

"perforat  et  longo  suBpendit  Pelion  arcu." 


GOWER's   use   of  the   ROMAN   DE  TBOIE.  183 

a  passage  for  which  there  is  a  close  parallel  in  Konrad's  lines, 

*'ez  was  ein  wildia  cltise 

und  ein  vil  tiefiu  schrunde, 

dar  inne  er  sine  stunde 

nnd  allia  stnia  jftr  vertete. 

zao  dirre  wuesten  waltstete." 
**  Der  berc,  der  hiez  Pel6on, 

dar  under  mtn  her  Sch^ron 

wont  in  dee  steines  kriifte''  (5898-5902,  5907-9). 

In  the  poem  of  Statins  there  are  only  suggestions  for  these 
details,  and  they  are  not  brought  into  connection  with 
Achilles's  own  account  of  his  early  training,  which  finds 
place  much  later  on  in  the  poem.*  In  the  poems  of  Gower 
^d  Konrad  on  the  other  hand,  they  form  one  narrative, 
^hich  is  told  in  the  third  person.  The  almost  verbal  simi- 
larity of  the  following  parallel  passages  puts  the  supposition 
of  one  Romance  source  for  the  two  accounts  beyond  a  doubt. 

a  A,,  IV,  1982-1997.  Konrad,  6302,  6356,  6054-7. 

'  Ther hath  Chiro  this  Chyld  to  teche,  *  ^  zwelf  jseric  was  der  jangelinc ' ' 

What  time  he  was  of  tuelve  yer  ''er  ist  ein  zwelfjieriger  knabe." 

age ; '  ' '  er  wolte  ez  dar  (if  ziehen, 
Wher  forto  maken  his  oorage  daz  ez  gestilrstic  wsere, 

The  more  hardi  be  other  weie,  und  ez  niht  diuhte  swere 

In  the  forest  to  hunte  and  pleie  strttlicher  sorgen  burde.'' 

Whan  that  Achilles  walke  wolde, 

i^e&OL,  n,  94ff. 

'  Cf.  the  line  **  When  Achilles  was  seove  zeir  old  * '  in  the  Lincoln  Inn  MB. 
of  the  Seege  cf  Troye  (A.  Zietsch,  Arch.  /.  <L  Stud,  der  neu,  i^rachenj  Lxxn, 
S7,  line  1171)  in  the  account  of  the  training  of  Achilles,  which  Wager  (p. 
Izzjdi),  against  the  opinion  of  Granz  (p.  82),  rightly  assumes  to  have  been 
in  the  original  English  version.  The  error  may  be  due  to  an  untimely 
reminiscence  of  the  line  ''And  whan  the  child  was  seven  zer  old''  in  the 
aooount  of  the  early  life  of  P^iris  {Arek.y  Lxxn,  17,  L  249).  The  same 
mistake  is  perhaps  to  be  found  in  the  Southerland  MS.  of  the  S,  of  T,  (W. 
Fick,  Zur  mittden^,  Bomanze  Seege  cf  Troye,  1895,  p.  16).  The  ultimate 
flooroe  is  AekilLf  n,  110-111 : 

"  vix  mihi  bissenos  annorum  torserat  orbes 
vita  sequL'' 


184 


GEOBGE   L.   HAMILTON. 


Centaurt28  bad  that  he  ne  acholde 
After  no  beste  make  his  chace, 
Which  wolde  flen  oat  of  his  place. 
As  buck  and  doo  and  hert  and 

hynde,* 
With  whiche  he  mai  no  werre  finde; 
Bot  tho  that  wolden  him  with- 

stonde, 
Ther  scholde  he  with  hb  Dart  on 

honde 
Upon  the  Tigre  and  the  Leon  * 
Pourchaoe  and  take  his  veneison. 
As  to  a  kniht  is  acordant. 


1998-2004. 

''And  therupon  a  covenant 
This  Ghiro  with  Achilles  sette, 
That  every  day  withoute  lette 
He  scholde  sach  a  cruel  beste 
Or  slen  or  wounden  ate  leste, 
So  that  he  mihte  a  tokne  bringe 
Of  blod  apon  his  horn  cominge.' 


6202-3. 
''diu  kleinen  cranken  tierltn, 
din  lies  er  ungetGetet" 

6052-3,  619&-6201,  6213-6219. 

'*  Sch^n  der  liez  daz  knebelfn 
diu  grimmen  tier  niht  vUehen." 

**  (if  aller  vrechen  tiere  spor 
hiez  in  sin  meister  gfthen, 
mit  slnem  spieze  enph&hen 
muost  er  diu  kuenen  eberswtn." 

"  D&  mite  geschuof  der  meister  hdch, 
daz  er  in  dem  walde  vl6ch 
kein  iibel  dine,  des  sint  gewis. 
ein  tier,  daz  heizet  tygris 
und  ist  gar  bitterlichen  arc, 
daz  kunde  der  juncherre  stare 
wol  veigen  unde  villen.'^ 

6204-7,  6136-9. 

"ab  stniu  schoz  geroetet 
von  bluote  wurden  alle, 
s6  lepte  in  frouden  schalle 
Sch^ron,  sin  meister,  alzehant" 

**  enphienc  er  danne  die  verlust, 
daz  im  zerkratzet  wart  diu  htlt, 
s6  wart  er  liep  and  alsd  trdt 
dem  meister  stn  Schyrone." 


'  In  this  instance  the  statement  in  the  AchiU,f  n,  121-3  : 

**  numquam  ille  imbelles  Ossaea  per  avia  damas 
sectari,  aut  timidas  paasus  me  cuspide  lyncas 
stemere,'' 

famishes  a  closer  analogue  to  the  passage  in  Gower,  than  the  Gennan  text. 
But  this  is  only  because  for  once  Konrad  has  not  followed  his  French 
original  so  closely  as  the  English  poet 
*AchiU.,  n,  124-^ : 

''  et  sicnbi  maxima  tigris 
aut  seducta  iagis  fetae  spelunca  leanae." 

•AchOL,  n,  126-7 : 

'*  ipse  sedens  vasto  facta  exspectabat  in  antro, 
si  sparsus  nigro  remearem  sanguine." 


^ 


i< 


GOWER^S   USE   OF   THE   ROMAN   DE   TROIB. 


185 


2005-2013. 

"And  thus  of  that  Chiro  him  tawhte 
AdiiUes  such  an  herte  cawhte, 
T'^iait  he  nomore  a  Leon  dradde, 
^'^'iixui  he  his  Dart  on  honde  hadde, 
*»i^nne  if  a  Leon  were  an  asse ; 
<^-Kid  that  hath  mad  him  forto  paaee 
A-Ue  othre  knihtes  of  his  dede, 

'^^lan  it  cam  to  the  grete  nede. 

'^  it  was  afterward  wel  knowe.'' 


6360-3,  6468-71. 

"ez  wirt  an  sinem  werke  schtn, 
daz  niendert  lebet  sfn  geltch. 
ez  war  nie  knahe  86  tugentrtch, 
noch  also  ellenthaft  gebom.'' 

**  Achilles  wart  dar  (d  bereit, 
daz  er  daz  beste  geme  tet. 
er  schuof  in  dirre  waltstet 
vil  wunderlicher  ding  alsus.'' 


But  it  is  in  the  episode  of  Achilles's  life  at  the  court  of 
l-ycomedes  and  his  discovery  by  Ulysses,  that  Gower's 
indebtedness  to  another  source  than  Statins  is  most  apparent. 
Condensed  as  Gower's  narration  is,  it  resembles  the  German 
poem  when  it  differs  in  treatment  from  the  AchiUeiSy  and  a 
oomparison  of  passages  in  the  poem  of  Konrad  and  the 
English  poet  shows  a  similarity  in  details,  which  are  fuller 
than  in  the  Latin  poem.  At  the  outset  of  Gower's  story  the 
statement : 

"The  goddesse  of  the  See  Thetis,''  (G  A,,  v,  2961), 

was  taken  from  the  same  source  as  his  account  elsewhere 
(C-4..,  V,  1330  ff.)  of  some  of  the  pagan  deities,  and  Konrad 
furnishes  us  with  an  exact  parallel  (838,  846 ;  cf.  1070, 
14012): 

'*  si  was  geheizen  Thetis  " 
''si  was  ein  mergotinne." 

When  Gower  continues  with : 

"  Sche  liaddc  a  Sone,  and  his  name  is 
Achilles,  whom  to  kepe  and  warde 
Whil  he  was  yong,  as  into  warde 
Sche  thoghte  him  salfly  to  betake, 
As  sche  wliich  dradde  for  his  sake 
Of  that  was  seid  in  prophecie. 
That  he  at  Troie  scholde  die. 
Whan  that  the  Cite  was  belein. 
Forth!,  so  as  the  bokes  sein, 


186 


QEOROE   L.   HAMILTON. 


Sche  caste  hire  wit  in  sondri  wise, 

How  sche  him  mihte  so  desguise 

That  noman  scholde  his  body  knowe,"   (2962-2973), 

he  is  evidently  following  a  passage  in  his  original,  of  which 
Konrad,  after  a  usage  common  with  him,  has  made  doable 
ase,  in  two  different  parts  of  his  poem  : 


6796-6817. 

'^geheizen  wart  Achilles 
der  junge  hdchgebome  knabe. 
als  ich  d&  vor  gesprochen  habe 
und  £rst  mit  rede  ergriindet, 
sd  was  von  im  gekiindet, 
von  Prdthed,  dem  wtssagen, 
daz  er  ze  Troye  wiirde  erslagen 
und  daz  er  d&  gelsege  t6t. 
diu  selbe  clegeltchiu  n6t 
der  mooter  sin  vil  n&he  lac 
ze  herzen  gienc  ir  unde  wac 
diz  leit  viir  alle  sweere, 
daz  man  ir  seite  msere, 
daz  er  vor  Troye  stiirbe. 
daz  er  d6  niht  verdiirbe, 
daz  haete  geme  si  bewart. 
die  frouwe  rtch  von  h6her  art 
begnnde  in  alien  enden 
dar  df  ir  sinne  wenden, 
daz  er  ze  Troye  kceme  niht 
und  er  die  veigen  ungeschiht 
kund  eteswie  gefliehen." 


13402-16,  13440-59,  13469-74.1 

''  und  d6  diu  vrouwe  Thetis 
gar  endelichen  daz  ervant, 
daz  sich  der  kiinic  Prtant 
ze  Troye  het  gal&zen  nider 
und  er  si  wolte  machen  wider 
mit  kreften  unde  mit  gewalt, 
d6  wart  ir  angest  manicwalt 
umbe  ir  sun  Achillesen. 
si  d&hte,  daz  er  niht  genesen 
mohte  langer  bt  den  tagen. 
daz  er  ze  Troye  wiirde  erslagen, 
daz  hete  man  ir  vor  geseit : 
dk  von  si  trtlren  unde  leit 
sl6z  aber  in  ir  herze  d6.' 

''  ich  sol  behiieten  und  bewam 
daz  er  niht  kom  ze  strlte 
viir  Troye  in  slner  zite 
und  der  dA,  werde  niht  erslagen. 
stt  daz  ich  von  dem  wtssagen 
des  schaden  stn  gewamet  bin, 
durch  waz  solt  ich  in  denne  hin 
l&n  komen  zuo  der  veste  ? 
mir  ist  daz  allerbeste, 
daz  ich  n&ch  im  k^r  unde  var 
und  ich  in  tougen  eteswar 
tuo  den  liuten  ab  dem  wege. 


'  Konrad  relates  the  appearance  of  Proteus  at  the  wedding  feast  of  Peleus 
and  Thetis  and  his  prophecy  (4496-4616),  to  which  he  alludes  elsewhere 
(6773  ff.).  In  the  Gkdician  version  of  the  Crdniea  Trqjana  there  is  a 
chapter  in  which  the  story  is  told  *'Como  obispo  proteo  diso  aadeesa  tetis 
como  avia  de  morrer  Achilles  ena  9erca  de  troyax"  and  in  this  it  is  stated 
that  Achilles' 8  fate  Thetis  *'  soubo  por  rresposta  de  sens  5'dols  et  por  aquella 
dier  a  obispo  proteo''  (OrSnica  TrqjanOy  Gorufia,  1901,  vol.  ii,  pp.  286,  286). 


GOWEB  S  TJSE  OF  THE   ROMAN   DE  TBOIE. 


187 


ich  nim  in  uz  Sch^r6ne8  pflege 
nnd  fuere  in  tz  der  wilde 
Bin  wunneclichez  bilde 
daz  wil  ich  von  dem  lande  stein 
nnd  alien  Kriechen  vor  verheln, 
w&  der  hdchgeborne  st. 
si  miiezent  stn  hie  werden  yrt, 
wan  ich  verbirge  in  wol  vor  in." 
''sol  ich  in  fiieren  tougen 
den  Kriechen  ab  den  ougen, 
die  stner  helfe  wellent  gem. 
si  miiesent  sin  vor  Troje  enbem, 
stt  daz  mir  ist  von  im  geseit, 
daz  er  dA  werde  t6t  geleit." 


Again  Grower  and  Konrad  in  their  lines : 


a  A.,  V,  2974-9. 

"And  80  befell  that  ilke  throwe, 
Who  that  sche  thoughte  upon  this 

dede, 
^er  was  a  king,  which  Lichomede 
^u  bote,  and  he  was  wel  begon 
^ith  hire  dowhtres  manjon, 
And  doelte  fer  out  in  an  jle," 


Konrad,  13886-97. 

''seht,  d6  ged&htes'  an  ein  lant 
des  ein  vil  werder  kunic  wielt, 
der  h<3ls  mit  6ren  drinne  hielt 
nnd  stn  gewalteclichen  pflac 
ez  waz  ein  insel  unde  lac 
in  dem  mer  tief  unde  naz. 
sin  herre,  der  dar  inne  saz, 
der  lebte  in  h6her  wirde  gar. 
von  megden  hete  er  eine  schaTi 
die  sine  tohter  wftren 
und  alle  kunden  v&ren 
rlliches  lobes  in  ir  jugent," 

follow  a  more  detailed  text  than  the  lines  in  the  AchUleis: 

**  inbelli  nuper  Lycomedis  ab  aula 
virgineos  ooetus  et  litora  persona  ludo 
audierat"    (i,  207-9). 

At  this  point  in  his  process  of  abridging  the  story  in  his 
original,  Grower  makes  statements  for  which  there  are  no 
analogues  in  the  poems  of  either  Statins  or  Konrad.  In  the 
^rratives  of  both  these  writers  is  told  at  length  Thetis's 
conveyance  of  her  son  to  Scyros,  her  proposal  that  he  should 
aresB  as  a  maid  to  escape  the  peril  that  threatens  him,  his 
indignant  refusal  and  subsequent  change  of  mind  after  seeing 


188  GEORGE   L.    HAMILTON. 

Deidamia.     It  is  only  then  that  he  accedes  to  his  mother's 

prayers,    and   receives   her    instructions   in    regard   to    his 

behavior.     In    Gower,    on    the   other   hand,   we    find   that 

Achilles  puts  on  the  disguise  without  protest,^  and  without 

knowing  the  occasion,  and  only  after  he   is   dressed   and 

tutored : 

'Uhanne  his  moder  to  him  tolde, 

That  8che  him  hadde  so  begon 

Be  cause  that  she  thoghte  gon 

To  Lichomede  at  thilke  tyde, 

Wher  that  sche  seide  he  scholde  abyde 

Among  hise  dowhtres  forto  duelle,''  (3022-7), 

which  is  the  same  in  substance  as  Thetis's  reflections  in 
Konrad's  narrative : 

''Si  d&hte  alsd,  'gefiier  ich  in 
in  einer  megde  bilde  dar 
und  wirt  er  in  der  frouwen  schar 
getiischet  und  verboigen, 
so  endarf  ich  des  niht  sorgen 


daz  er  d&  hofgesinde  wirt 

und  daz  im  zuht  und  6re  birt 

der  konig  Lycomedes."  (13962-71). 


Gower's  version  of  the  story  of  the  disguising  of  Achilles 
and  his  arrival  and  life  at  the  court  of  Lycomedes,  is  so 
abridged  that  a  comparison  of  parallel  passages  is  not  possible 
except  that  in  the  lines  : 

''And  thus,  after  the  bokes  sein. 
With  frette  of  Perle  upon  his  hed,"  (3014-5), 

there  is  a  suggestion  of  the  original  of  Konrad's  lines : 

"stn  h&r  daz  wart  gevlohten 
und  ein  borte  drUi  geleit, 
gezieret  wol  n&ch  richeit 
mit  gimmen  und  mit  golde/'  ( 14945-9), 

'Gf.  the  Gkdician  version,  Or&n,  Trqj,,  voL  n,  p.  285:  "Ca  no  queria 
achilles  taea  vestidos  tomar.  pero  tomoos  por  facer  mandado  asna  madre." 


GOWER's   use   op   the  ROMAN    DE   TROIE.  189 

rather  than  of  the  Latin  verses,  which  could  easily  be  mis- 
understood by  a  mediseval  writer  : 

''  et  inpexoe  oerto  domat  ordlne  crines 
ac  sua  dilecta  cervice  monilia  transfert. ' '     (A ehUL ,  i,  328-9 ) . 

But  the  English  poet's  account  of  the  trick  of  Ulysses  to 
discover  Achilles  is  fuller  and  its  resemblance  to  Konrad's 
narrative  is  most  striking.  First  of  all,  in  Gower's  accoimt, 
as  in  the  narrative  of  Konrad,*  the  search  for  Achilles  is 
made  only  after  the  first  battles  of  Troy  have  taken  place : 

'*  For  it  befell  that  ilke  throwe 
At  Troie,  wher  the  Siege  lay 
Upon  the  cause  of  Moielay, 
And  of  his  queene  dame  Heleine. 
The  Gregois  hadden  mochel  peine 
Alday  to  fihte  and  to  aasaile. 
Bot  for  thei  mihten  noght  availe 
So  noble  a  Cite  forto  winne, 
A  prive  conseil  thei  beginne.''    (3070-8). 

In  the  Achilleis  on  the  other  hand  it  is  at  Aulis  that  the 
Greeks  decide  to  send  for  Achilles  {AchULj  i,  447  ff.).  But 
while  in  Gower's  narrative  Proteus  is  called  on  to  reveal : 

"  Hon  thei  the  ate  mihte  get,"  (3087), 

and  he  answers  them  by  stating  : 

*'  Bot  if  thei  hadden  Achilles 
Here  werre  schal  ben  endeles. 
And  over  that  he  tolde  hem  plein 
In  what  manere  he  was  besein. 
And  in  what  place  he  schal  be  founde,"  (3093-7),* 

'  As  also  in  the  Suge  of  Troye,  cf.  Granz,  pp.  76-8  ;  Wager,  p.  Izxriii ; 
Enikel,  14491-14505,  15070  fif.  ;   Cod^'riceard,  881  (Gorra,  pp.  242-3). 
»  a.  Enikel's  Chnmiky  14511-15,  14519-22  (cf.  15083-94)  : 

* '  dd  maht  mit  dinen  sinnen  **  er  sprach  :  '  er  ist  verborgen 
Troyen  niht  gewinnen,  under  juncfroun  mit  sorgen 

du  gewinnest  dan  einen  man  und  treit  an  der  frouwen  kleit ; 

den  ich  wol  nennen  kan,  ongefuog  ist  Im  leit'  " 

der  ist  Achilles  genant." 


190  GEORGE   L.    HAMILTON. 

in  the  accounts  of  Statins  and  Konrad  the  Greek  assembly 
remember  that  the  aid  of  Achilles  is  necessary  for  the  capture 
of  Troy  and  only  call  on  Calchas  to  reveal  his  hiding  place 
{AchUl.,  I,  473  flF. ;  Konrad,  27074  ff.). 

In  the  same  way  that  he  has  substituted  Proteus  for 
Calchas,  Gower  has  taken  suggestions  of  the  description  of 
his  accomplishments  from  the  same  place  in  the  original 
as  the  account  of  his  prophecy  at  the  wedding  of  Thetis.^ 
Gower^s  few  lines : 

**  That  ProtheuB  of  his  record 
Which  was  an  Astronomien 
And  ek  a  gret  Magicien, 
Scholde  of  his  calculacion 
Seche  after  constellacion 
Hon  thei  the  Cite  mihten  gete  : 
And  he,  which  hadde  noght  forjete 
Of  that  belongeth  to  a  clerk, 
His  studie  sette  upon  this  werk."    (3082-91 ). 

have  a  close  resemblance  to  Konrad's  more  explicit  statement : 

''den  louf  und  den  gestime 
bekande  der  proph^te 
wax  iegelich  plan^te 
bezeichenunge  brfthte 
wisliche  er  daz  bed&hte 
und  was  Of  ez  versunnen. 
er  hete  kunst  gewunnen 
mit  richer  sinne  16ne.'' 

^And  not  from  Orid,  Metam,^  xi,  221  fiP.,  as  suggested  by  Macaulay, 
Works  of  GoweTf  vol.  in,  pp.  496-7.  Gower*  s  reference  to  the  power  of 
Proteus  to  change  his  shape  seems  to  be  taken  from  the  Roman  de  la 
Hose.     Of.  : 

''  And  thanne  I  frisshe  that  I  were 
Als  wys  as  was  Nectabanus 
Or  elles  as  was  Protheiis, 
That  couthen  bothe  of  nigromaunce 
In   what   liknesse,    in   what   sem-     ''Car  Proth^us,  qui  se  soloit 

blaunce,  Muer  en  tout  quanqu'il  voloit." 

Riht  as  hem  liste,  hemself  trans-  {R,  dekt  R,,  11951>2). 

forme.''  .  (C.  A.,  v,  6670-6). 


GOWES'S   USE   OF   THE   BOMAN   DE  TBOIE. 


191 


"  Bwai  ieman  schaffen  solte 
TOD  wunderlichen  sachen, 
daz  kunde  er  wol  gemachen 
mit  zouber  (If  dererdoi.''  (4504-11,  4518-21). 

While  both  Konrad  and  Gower  describe  in  detail  the 
arrangements  of  Ulysses  to  entrap  AchiUes : 


3102-13. 
''  £ot  mixes  er  he  forth  wente, 
^ich  was  on  of  the  mo6te  wise, 
Ordeigned  hath  in  such  a  wise, 
That  he  the  moste  riche  aray, 
^erof  a  woman  mai  be  gay, 
M'ith  him  hath  take  manyfold. 
And  overmore,  as  it  is  told 
An  harneis  for  a  lustj  kniht, 
Which  bamed  was  as  Selver  bryht, 
Of  swerd,  of  plate  and  eke  of  maile, 
As  thogh  he  scholde  to  bataiUe, 
He  tok  also  with  him  be  Schipe.'' 


27476-9,  27482-3,  27502-11. 

**  und  war  vil  krftmes  drtn  geleit 
als  ez  gebdt  Ulixes, 
wan  er  bediirfen  wolte  des 
&n  alles  krieges  widersaz." 

''  swaz  wlbes  ougen  wol  geviel 
daz  alles  wart  geleit  dar  tn '' 

''ouch  wizzent,  daz  der  belt  gewan 
daz  dine,  des  man  ze  strtte  gert. 
halsperge  and  Clz  erweltiu  swert, 
helm  onde  liehte  schilte 
hat  im  der  kunic  milte 
d6  tragen  zuo  dem  schiffe. 
man  seit,  daz  umbegrifiFe 
stn  kiel  vil  maniger  hande  dine, 
des  wol  ein  frecher  jungelinc 
bediirfen  mac  ze  kampfes  wer,'' 

there  is  merely  a  suggestion  of  this  narrative  in  the  question 
of  Diomedes  to  Ulysses  : 

''quid  inbelles  thyrsos  mercatus  et  aera 
urbibus  in  mediis  Baocheaque  terga  mitrasque 
hue  tuleris  varioque  asperas  nebridas  auro?'' 

(AchiU,,  I,  714-716), 

and  in  the  reply  of  Ulysses : 

"  tu  cuncta  citus  de  puppe  memento 
ferre,  ubi  tempus  erit,  clipeumque  his  jungere  donis, 
qui  pulcher  signis  auroque  asperrimus ;  hasta 
haec  sat  erit.''  (721-4). 

^^er's  and  Konrad's  descriptions   of  the   revels   at   the 
®cred  festival : 


3137-6. 
It  lell  that  time  in  such  a  wise, 
To  Bachus  that  a  sacrifiae 


28184-99. 

"  vil  manic  herze  ervrouwet 
wart  von  gesange  drinne. 


192 


GEORGE   L.    HAMILTON. 


Thes  yonge  ladjB  scholden  make ;  * 
And  for  the  strange  mennes  sake, 
That  oomen  fro  the  Siege  of  Troie, 
Thei  moden  wel  the  more  joie.* 
Ther  was  Revel,  ther  was  dauns- 

inge, 
And  every  lif  that  coiide  singe 
Of  lusti  wommen  in  the  route 
A  freissh  carole  hath  sunge  aboute. '' 


n^  daz  man  die  gotinne 

mit  opf er  hete  g^ret, 

d6  wart  dar  tiz  gek^ret 

von  der  d^Lren  megede  schar, 

die  sam  ein  sunne  lihtgevar 

d&  g&ben  liiterbeeren  glanz 

dd,  wart  ein  wunneclicher  tanz. 

von  in  gemachet  bi  der  zit, 

der  n&ch  dem  wunscheenwiderstrtt 

wart  d6  gesprungen  und  getreten, 

wan  si  gebserde  ein  wimder  heten, 

diu  wol  ze  tanze  h6rte 

und  tz  dem  herzen  st^rte 

beswsrde  manger  leige." 

resemble  each  other,  with  no  similarity  to  the  description  in 
the  Latin  poem,  which  is  full  of  allusions  that  could  not  be 
understood  by  a  mediseval  writer  {Achill.y  i,  827-34).  But 
while  in  the  Latin  and  Grerman  poems  the  Greek  envoys 
recognize  Achilles  beyond  a  doubt,'  by  his  unwomanly  ways 


»a.  AchilL.i,  812-13: 

**  quid  si  aut  Bacchea  ferentes 
' '  orgia  Palladias  aut  circum  videris  aras  ?  *' 

Konrad  28055  has  only  "Pallus." 

*a.  Achia.,1,  821-3: 

''  nee  minus  egreasae  thalamo  Scyreides  ibant 
oetentare  choros  promiasaque  sacra  verendis 
hoepitibus.'' 

•  And  also  in  the  Seege  of  Traye,  1082-1090   (cf.  Granz,  pp.  83-4,  Wager, 
Ixx)  : 

''  Achelles    was     long    and    grete  Behelden  euermore  on  AeheUes, 

withall,  How  he  was  so  stowght  and  grymm, 

Brode  brest  and  stough  vysage  And  inwardly  behylden  him, 

Long  body  and  shulders  large  ;  And  seyd  it  was  neuer  woman, 

Alle  the  knyghtis  that  there  was  So  large  of  shappe,  body,  ne  bone 

But  the  Gkdician  Cr&nica  Trqjano  resembles  Grower's  statement:  '^et  no 
podero  conoscer  achilles  porque  estaua  vestido  como  as  outras  donzelas  et  el 
sya  outre  elas  **  (vol.  u,  p.  286). 


GOWER'S   use   of  the   ROMAN   DE   TROIE. 


193 


while  dancing,  Gower  states : 

"  Bot  for  al  this  yit  netheles 
The  Greks  unkowe  of  Achilles 
So  weren,  that  in  no  d^^re 
Thei  oouden  wite  which  was  he, 
Ne  be  his  yois,  ne  be  his  pas."    (3147-51). 

But  then  what  follows  in  Gower  is  very  similar,  though  not 
told  in  such  detail  as  in  Konrad  : 


3152-6. 

"  mixes  thanne  upon  this  cas 
A  thing  of  hih   Prudence  hath 

wroght: 
For  thilke  araj,   which  he  hath 

broght 
To  jive  among  the  wommen  there, 
He  let  do  fetten  al  the  gere." 

3160-1. 
"And  eyery  thing  in  his  degre 
Hedlong  upon  a  board  he  leide."  ^ 

3156-9. 
'*  He  let  do  fetten  al  the  gere 
Forth  with  a  knihtes  hameis. 
In  al  a  contre  forto  soke 
Men  scholden  noght  a  fairer  se.'' 


28270-S5. 

''  dar  under  hete  Ulixes 
nAch  slme  kr&me  d6  gesant, 
den  er  gef  iieret  in  daz  lant 
des  m&les  hete  durch  gewin. 
er  was  von  stnem  knehten  bin 
tz  dem  kiele  d6  getragen 
und  tt  den  schcenen  wee  geslageo, 
den  die  juncvrouwen  solten  g&n. 
die  stolzen  megede  wol  get&n 
die  f unden  td  der  str&ze 
kleinoetes  eine  unmftze, 
des  man  ze  wibes  werke  darf. 
man  leite  in  ouch  fiir  unde  warf 
geziuges  vil,  des  ritter  gerent 
und  sin  vil  kiime  denne  enberent, 
s6  si  ze  strite  wellent  vam.'' 

28302-21. 

''d&  bt  lac  allez,  des  ein  man 
bedarf  ze  ritterschefte  wol. 
swaz  man  ze  strite  fiieren  sol, 
des  wart  man  sch6ne  d4  gewert. 
d&  l&gen  halsperg  unde  swert, 
schoz,  helme,  schilte,  lanzen  ; 
diz  allez  was  mit  glanzen 
gezierden  in  den  krftm  geleit. 
d&  lac  diu  groeste  rtcheit, 


>  a.  AckUL,  I,  842-3  : 

"  in  mediae  iamdudum  sedibus  aulae 
munera  yiigineos  yisus  tractura  locaraf 

13 


194 


GEORGE   L.    HAMILTON. 


3162-7. 
'  *  To  Lichomede  and  thanne  he  preide 
That  every  ladi  chese  schole 
What  thing  of  alle  that  ache  wolde, 
And  take  it  a8  be  weie  of  yifte : 
For  henaelf  it  scholde  schifte, 
He  seide,  after  here  oghne  ¥rille.''  ^ 


diu  von  koufschatse  ie  wart  geeehen 
man  lie  die  vrouwen  alle  spehen, 
swes  man  bedurfen  solte. 
swac  iegellchiu  wolte, 
n&ch  wmischte  man  si  werte  des, 
vran  ez  gap  in  Ulixes 
&n  alien  kouf,  des  bin  ich  wer. 
'  ir  vrouwen/  sprach  er,  '  ilent  her 
and  nement,  wax  iu  wol  behage  I 
ich  wil,  daz  man  es  hinnen  trage 
vil  gar  &n  alles  koofes  gelt' " 

There  can  be  no  doubt  of  a  common  source  more  detailed 
than  the  Latin  poem,  of  the  description  of  Achilles's  actions 
in  the  narratives  of  Gower  and  Konrad  : 


3168-73. 

''Achilles  thanne  stod  noght  stille : 
Whan  he  the  bryghte  helm  behield, 
The  sweid,  the  hauberk,  and  the 

schield 
His  herte  fell  therto  anon ; 
Of  all  that  othre  wolde  he  non." ' 


23342-59. 

"  und  dd  der  belt  AchiUes 
&n  aller  missewende  rftm 
was  ouch  getr^en  in  den  krftm 
und  des  gesmides  inne  wart, 
daz  wol  nAch  ritterlicher  art 
erziuget  was  ze  rehte 
d6  wart  dem  kuenen  knehte 
zuo  dem  ge?raefen  alsd  n6t, 
daz  er  dar  an  sin  ougen  bdt 
und  stnes  herzen  willen. 
man  sach  den  belt  Achillen 
an  daz  gesmide  luogen  dar. 
des  dinges  nam  er  kleine  war, 
des  von  den  vrouwen  wart  gegert ; 
halspeige,  lanzen  unde  swert, 
helm  unde  liehte  schilte 
besach  der  knappe  milte 
mit  flizelichen  ougen." 

1  a.  AckiU.,  I,  843-5  : 

''  munera  .  .  .  signum  hospitii  pretiumque  laboris  : 
Hortaturque  legant,  nee  rex  placidissimus  aicet." 

'  At  this  point  the  Seege  of  Troye  does  not  follow  its  original  as  closely  as 
Konrad  and  Gower,  but  cf.  1111-2  : 

"  Achilles  beheld  aryght 
The  &yxe  aimur  that  was  so  bryght." 


GOWER's   use    of   the    ROMAN   DE   TROIE. 


195 


3174-5. 

**  -A^xid  thilke  aray  which  that  be- 
longeth 
XJnto  wommen  he  foreok." 


«  c 


<  c 


3173. 
e  knihtes  gere  he  underfongeth. ' ' 


3181-2. 
S^e  armeth  him  in  knyhtli  wise, 
*Xliat  bettre  can  noman  devise.'' 


28545-7. 

*'  daz  er  begiinde  eft  zehant 
mit  frechen  henden  sin  gewant 
zerbrechen  und  zersclirenzen." 

28554-9. 

^^  er  kripfte  halsperc  unde  hoeeni 
d6  so  d&  l&gen  bi  der  ztt, 
und  leite  an  sich  diu  bMiu  sit, 
als  eime  helde  wol  gezam. 
dar  zuo  begreif  er  unde  nam 
ein  swert  und  einen  glanzen  schilt " 


In  his  haste  to  point  the  moral,  Gower  has  so  abridged 

*^i8  original  that  the  citation  of  parallel  passages  is  not  possi- 

*^le.     But  some  of  the  concluding  lines  of  Gower's  narrative 

^Xiggest  as  its  source  a  specific  account  found  in  Der  Trojan-- 

^«cA€  Krieg,  for  which  there  is  no  analogue  in  the  poem  of 

Statins :  ^ 


319^-5,  3199. 

**For  in  Croniqne  is  write  yit 
Thing  which  schal  nevere  be  for- 

yete, 
Hon  that  Achilles  hath  begete 
Pirrus  upon  Deidamie. 
Bot  that  was  nothing  sene  tho." 


28652-65. 

**  diu  hdchgebome  reine 
cl&r  unde  wol  gesunnen 
het  einen  sun  gewunnen 
bt  dem  juncherren  in  den  tagen, 
und  als6  tougen  den  getragen, 
daz  ir  geburt  dd,  was  verholen. 
daz  kint  den  liuten  wart  verstolen 
86  gar  verborgenllche  vor, 
daz  td  ir  zweiger  minne  spor 
nieman  von  stnen  schulden  kam 
und  ez  der  kiinic  niht  vemam, 
daz  si  geworben  hete  sus. 
daz  kindeltn  wart  Pirrus 
genant,  als  ich  gelesen  habe." 

The  "  Cronique  "  which  Gower  cites  as  an  authority  in  these 
lines,  he  has  already  mentioned  as  the  source  of  the  story : 

"In  a  Cronique  write  I  finde." 

Sometimes   when   Gower   refers  to  "a  Chronique"  as  an 


» a.  the  allusions  in  AchilL,  i,  671-4,  908-9  ;  n,  24. 


196  GEORGE    L.    HAMILTON. 

authority,  his  source  is  unquestionably  the  Roman  de  Troicy 
such  as  it  appears  in  Joly^s  edition,  or  the  Hxdoria  Trqjana, 
which  are  also  referred  to  as  the  "boke  of  Troie*'  and  ''  the 
tale  of  Troie." ' 

Having  shown  that  these  episodes  in  Grower's  and  Konrad's 
works  had  a  common  source,  which  diflFered  in  detail  from 
the  poem  of  Statins,  it  may  be  well  to  note  that  all  the 
chances  are  against  the  possibility  that  Gower  had  a  first 
hand  acquaintance  with  the  Achilleis.  It  was  a  rare  book 
in  English  mediaeval  libraries ;  *  very  few  are  the  references 
to  it  in  the  Latin  works  of  writers  of  the  scholastic  period,' 
and  I  know  of  only  two  allusions  to  it  in  Middle  English 
literature.*  Gower  does  not  even  show  an  acquaintance 
with  the  Thebais,  which  was  very  widely  read  and  used  by 
other  contemporary  writers.  His  reference  to  Capaneus  *  as 
a  type  of  impiety  was  probably  taken  from  a  collection  of 
exampla,  as  there  is  nowhere  in  his  works  mention  of  any 
other  of  the  characters  of  the  Latin  epic. 

George  L.  Hamilton. 


^  Of.  Hamilton,  Chaueet^B  IndebtednetSf  p.  148,  n.  ;  cf.  p.  97,  n. 

*  Manitius,  PhilologuSf  ui,  pp.  538-9  ;  Mkeiniaches  Museum^  XLVII,  £r- 
ganzungsh.,  p.  63. 

'Manitius,  PhUol,,  Ln,  p.  544 ;  W.  Greif,  Die  miUelaUerliehen  Bearbd- 
tungen  der  Trqjanersagej  p.  140.  There  is  a  probable  allusion  to  the 
AchilUis  in  John  of  Salisbury's  Polycraticw,  i,  4,  which  has  escaped  the 
attention  of  Manitius. 

«  Laud  Troy  Book,  ed.  £.  Wuffing,  4139  ff.,  cf.  EngL  Stud,  xxix,  p.  380  ; 
J.  Skelton,  Oarlande  of  Laurell,  337. 

*  a  A.,  1, 1980. 


PUBLICATIONS 


OF  THE 


Modem  Language  Association  of  America 


1905. 


Vol.  XX,  2.  New  Series,  ¥(5L  XIII,  2. 


¥6u 


IV.— "TO  BITE  THE  DUST"  AND  SYMBOLICAL 

LAY  COMMUNION. 

The  Spanish  scholar,  Bam6n  Men^ndez  Pidal,  who  has  of 

late  been  engaged  in  the  work  of  resurrecting  Spanish  epic 

matter  of  the  Middle  Ages,  has  several  times  called  attention 

to  a  curious  form  of  lay  communion  recorded  in  certain 

traditions  examined  by  him.     Thus,  in  the  tragic  accoimt  of 

the  seven  Infimtes  of  Lara  which  we  find  in  the  chronicle 

called  the  Estoria  de  las  Godoa^  it  is  stated  that  the  seven 

brothers,   before   beginning  ^  their   last   sad   battle,    "  gave 

oommunion  and  confessed  all  their  sins,  one  to  another^' 

{comulgaron  e  confesaron  todos  9\i8  pecadoa  unos  d  otros).    On 

this  passage  Men^ndez  Pidal  comments  as  follows  {Leyenda 

cfe  lo8  Infantes  de  Lara,  Madrid,  1896,  p.  36) :  "This  sort 

of  priestly  function,  which,  in  default  of  clergy,  relatives 

cixercised  one  for  another,  was  a  very  orthodox  doctrine  for 

t-lie  minstrels  (juglares),  and  it  even  existed  as  a  real  custom 

^tiring  the  Middle  Ages/'  ^     He  cites  the  noted  instance  in 

^  **  Esta  especie  de  saoerdocio  que  ejerc(an  entre  sf  loe  parlentes  &  falta 
^^  d^gos,  era  doctrina  muy  ortodoxa  para  los  juglares ;  j  aun  existfa 
^^^*^1mente  en  las  ooetumbres  dorante  la  Edad  Media." 

197 


"TO   BITE  THE   DUST."  199 

teca  de  autores  espaKolea,  vol.  57)  has  the  particular  practice 
clearly  set  forth.  It  describes  the  advance  of  a  Christian 
army  toward  the  mountains  where  it  is  to  engage  a  Saracen 
force,  and  states  that  before  the  conflict  the  Christians  took 
communion  of  earth. 

Sto.  1546.   Yoante  contra  la  sierra.  .  .  . 

1547.  E  pues  que  se  Uegaoan, 
Ponian  su  avenen^ia, 
En  las  bocas  se  besauan, 
En  sennal  de  penitenpia. 

1548.  Salue  Bezina  yuan  rresando, 
Bicos  omnes  e  in£an9one6, 
De  la  tierra  eomulgandOf 
OauaUeros  e  peones. 

1549.  Arpobispos  e  frades 

Dauan  may  grandes  perdones, 
£  obispos  e  abades, 
Todos  fasian  ora^iones. 

What  is  truly  remarkable  in  this  case  is — as  Men^ndez 
points  out — ^the  fact  that  the  communion  of  earth  is  practised 
even  though  there  are  archbishops,  bishops,  abbots  and  friars 
in  the  army. 

While  earth  is  the  matter  of  the  communion  mentioned  in 
at  least  two  early  Spanish  documents,  grass  figures  in  one 
important  work,  the  Oran  Cdnquida  de  Ultramar  {Biblioteca 
de  autores  egpafloles,  vol.  44,  p.  302),  which  belongs  to  the 
14th  century,  if  not  to  the  latter  part  of  the  13th.  But 
tlie  Gran  Oonquida  is  indebted  for  most  of  its  material  to 
French  and  Proven9al  sources,^  and  the  use  of  grass  in 

^Of.  G.  Paris,  La  Chanaon  (TAntioche  proven^e  et  la  Qran  Oonquigta 
dt  Ultramar,  in  the  BomamOf  xvn,  513 ;  xix,  562 ;  xxn,  345 :  G.  Baist, 
l^panitehe  LUeratur  in  Groeber's  Orundriss  der  romanMien  Philoloffie,  ii, 
AbL  2,  p.  415 :  K  Gorra,  Lingua  e  leUeratura  apofftiuola  (Milan,  1898),  p. 
311.  The  whole  episode  in  the  Gran  Ocmquista  parallels  closely  one  in 
the  Old  French  poem,  Lea  Chittfs,  which,  like  the  Qran  Omqutsba^  is  con- 
cerned with  the  Crusades  and  the  story  of  the  Knight  of  the  Swan  ;  cf.  L. 
Qtatier,  BiUto^nip^  de»  ehanwna  de  gesU  (Paris,  1897),  pp.  76-77. 


200  J.    D.    M.    FORD. 

the  incident  in  question  is  doubtless  due  to  those  sources. 
Chapter  ccxxxvi  of  the  Gran  Conquista  is  concerned  with 
a  duel  between  the  knight  Ricarte  de  Caumonte  and  the 
Turk  Sorgales  de  Valgris,  in  which  the  Christian  prevails 
over  his  antagonist.  The  latter  abjures  the  religion  of 
Mahomet,  and  makes  a  confession  of  faith  in  the  God 
of  Christians,  whereupon  Ricarte  baptizes  him  and  gives 
him  communion  of  a  piece  of  grass,  which  he  breaks  into 
three  pieces,  just  as  the  priest  does  the  consecrated  host  on 
the  altar.  After  this  ceremony,  the  Christian  knight,  weep- 
ing bitterly,  cuts  off  the  Turk's  head  at  the  latter's  request. 
As  the  passage  is  decidedly  of  interest  in  that  it  gives  a 
reason  for  the  administration  of  three  pieces  of  grass,  it  may 
be  quoted  here.  "  Estonces  Ricarte  tom6  el  yelmo,  que  yacia 
en  el  campo,  6  fu6se  para  el  rio,  que  era  muy  cerca,  6  trdjolo 
lleno  de  agua,  6  bendljolo  de  parte  de  Dios  ^  santigu6lo,  6 
ech6lo  d  Sorgales  por  somo  de  la  cabeza,  6  despues  tomd  una 
hoja  de  yerba  e  aantigudla,  e  hizola  ires  partes^  como  los 
dirigos  hacen  la  hostm  aobre  el  altar  cuando  consagran  el 
cuerpo  de  Dios,  e  di6la  al  turco,  6  comi61a  en  razon  de 
comunion,  como  hace  el  cl^rigo  el  cuerpo  de  Dios  en  la  misa, 
6  todo  esto  hacia  Sorgales  con  buena  volimtad  6  con  buena 
fe ;  6  despues  que  la  pas6,  dijo  d  Ricarte  que  le  cortase  la 
cabeza  con  la  espada,  ca  no  queria  jamds  vivir  en  este 
mundo  un  dia  cumplido  por  cuanto  habia  en  61,"  etc. 

Now,  this  symbolical  form  of  commimion,  with  its  assump- 
tion of  sacerdotal  powers  on  the  part  of  laymen,  when  no 
clergyman  could  administer  the  real  sacrament  or  otherwise 
oflSciate,  was  certainly,  as  Men^ndcz  Pidal  states,  a  mediaeval 
custom,  and  it  must  have  enjoyed  considerable  vogue,  if  we 
may  judge  by  the  evidence  afforded  by  other  literatures, 
especially  by  French,  German,  and  Italian. 

Nearly  sixty  years  ago,  W.  Wackernagel,  in  a  brief  article 
published  in  the  Zeiischrift  fur  deutsches  AUerthum,  vi  (1848), 


"TO  BITE  THE   DUST.''  201 

288-9,  under    the    caption  Erde    der  Leib   Christiy   listed 

instances  of  the  custom  as  he  found  it  recorded  for  French 

literature  in  the  Roman  de  Roncevaux,  for  German  literature 

in  the  Meier  Hdmbrechty  the  Eckenliedy  the  Rabenschlachty  the 

Wo^didrichy  and  the  Frauendienaty  and  for  Italian  literature 

in  one  of  the  tales  in  the  Pecorone.     It  was  Wackemagprs 

idea  that  this  custom,  thus  made  clear  for  so  large  a  part  of 

Europe,   was  a  survival   of  an  old  pagan  belief  that  the 

Earth  was  made  from  the  body  of  a  giant  god,  a  belief 

which  was  now  brought  into  relations  with  the  Christian 

doctrine  of  the  Eucharist.     Having  stated  this  theory,  he 

put  the  query  :  "Are  the  expressions  mordre  la  poudre  or  la 

poumb'e  and  ins  Gras  beiszeuy  both  of  which  denote  a  violent 

death,  to  be  referred  to  this  Christianized  pagan  custom  ? ''  ^ 

The  French  and  German  expressions  quoted  by  Wackemagel 

are,  of  course,  equivalent  in  force  to  the  English  saying,  to 

bite  the  dust  (^grouTid), 

Some  seven  or  eight  years  after  the  appearance  of  Wacker- 
nagel's  article,  his  views  were  echoed  by  E.  L.  Rochholz  in 
the  latter's  Schweizersagen  aus  dem  Aargau  (Aargau,  1856, 
vol.  n,  p.  xlviii).  "  For  the  pagan,"  said  Rochholz,  "  the 
Earth  was  created  from  the  flesh  of  a  primordial  divine 
being;  it  was  the  body  of  God,  and  the  pagan,  when 
threatened  by  imminent  death  in  battle  or  by  murder,  ate 
bits  of  earth  that  he  had  picked  up :  herein  is  the  origin 
of  the  expression  die  Erde  kuaseriy  ins  Gras  beisseny  mordre 
la  povdrcy  la  potissi^e.'^  ^ 

^  '*  Sind  die  redensarten  mordre  la  poudre  oder  la  ponmhe  und  ins  gras 
beUufif  die  beide  einen  gewaltsamen  tod  bezeichnen,  auf  diese  heidnisch- 
christliche  sitte  zuriickzufuhren?'*  For  this  and  some  other  references  I 
am  under  obligations  to  Professor  G.  L.  Kittredge. 

'  **  Dem  Heiden  ist  die  Erde  aus  dem  Fleische  eines  gottlichen  Urwesens 
geschaffen,  der  Leib  Gottes,  er  asz  sogar  die  aufgegriffenen  Erdbrosamen, 
wenn  ihm  dorch  Kampf  oder  Mord  schuelles  Sterben  drohte  ;'daher  stammt 
der  AuBdriick  die  Erde  kiiaaenf  iru  Chras  beiazen,  mordre  la  poudrey  la  poiu- 


202  J.    D.    M.   FORD. 

WackemagePs  theory  drew  the  attention  also  of  J.  W. 
Wolf,  who  took  it  up  in  his  Beiirdge  zur  deuiachen  Mytho~ 
hgie,  ii,  396.  Predicating  the  mythological  importance  of 
the  Earth,  Wolf  says :  "As  the  Earth  was  supposed  to  be 
the  flesh  of  the  divine  primordial  giant,  it  was  necessarily 
holjr,  and  we  find  almost  the  same  beliefs  attached  to  it  as  to 
the  other  three  elements."  ^  He  cites  WackemagePs  instances 
as  showing  the  esteem  of  sanctity  in  which  the  Earth  was 
held,  but  to  the  query  whether  the  expressions  "mordre  la 
poudre,"  etc.,  may  not  refer  to  the  Christianized  pagan  belief 
he  responds :  "  Possibly  so ;  but  they  may  also  refer  to  the 
convulsive  opening  and  shutting  of  the  mouth  with  which 
we  meet  in  dying  persons,  and  which  we  note  particularly 
on  the  battlefield  in  the  death  agony  of  men  expiring  as  the 
result  of  severe  wounds."  ^ 

With  this  last  view  of  Wolf's,  I.  V.  Zingerle  agreed  in  an 
article  entitled  "Ins  Gras  beiszen"  (Germaniay  TV  (1859), 
ni-3).  To  his  mind  ins  Gras  beiszen^  mordre  la  poudre,  etc., 
"  have  nothing  to  do  with  the  Christianized  pagan  custom  of 
the  Middle  Ages,  but  signify  the  convulsive  catching  with 
the  mouth  at  the  clod  of  earth  or  grass,  as  happens  with 
dying  men  on  the  battlefield.  Both  the  thing  and  its  signi- 
fication," he  continues,  "we  find  in  the  ancient  classics."' 

^  '^  Da  die  erde  als  das  fleisch  des  gottlichen  urriesen  gait .  .  .  ,  mu8ste 
sie  heilig  sein  und  wir  finden  fast  dieselben  glauben  an  sie  gekniipft,  wie  an 
die  andern  drei  elemente.'' 

'  '^  Das  ware  moglich,  es  konnte  aber  auf  das  krampfhafte  ofiben  und 
schlieszen  des  mundes  gehn,  welches  wir  oft  bei  sterbendeo  findeo,  nament- 
lich  aber  auf  dem  schlachtfeld  im  todeskampf  der  an  schweren  wunden 
yerscheidenden  antreffen/' 

'''Die  obenerwahnten  Ausdriicke  haben  auf  den  heidnisch-christlichen 
G^brauch  des  Mittelalters  keinen  Bezug,  sondem  bezeichnen  das  krampf- 
hafte Erfassen  der  SchoUe  oder  des  Grases  mit  dem  Munde,  wie  es  bei 
Sterbenden  auf  dem  Schlachtfelde  Torkommt  Die  Sache  und  ihre  Bezeich- 
Dung  jSnden  wir  schon  bei  den  alten  Classikem/' 


"TO   BITE   THE   DUST."  203 

Zlagerle  proceeds  to  enumerate  Greek  and  Latin  examples  of 
tbe  same  sayings.     Thus  he  mentions  : 
IKod,  n,  418. 

XI,  749 ;  XIX,  61 ;  xxiv,  737. 

Md{  i\op  odias 
xxn,  16. 

yaXap  6diL^  dXop 

^pides,  Phoenistae,  1423. 

7ailKr  Md{  ikSrra 
Voigil,  Aemid,  xi,  418. 

Procabuit  moriens,  et  hnmam  semel  ore  momordit 

Ovid,  ifeta.,  ix,  60. 

Turn  denique  tellus 

Preasa  gena  nostro  est ;  et  arenas  ore  momordi. 

The  situation  as  now  outlined  throws  into  relief  two  oppos- 
ing views :  the  one,  that  the  undoubted  mediaeval  custom  of 
taking  earth  (or  grass  or  leaves)  as  a  symbolical  species  of 
communion  was  a  survival  of  a  pagan  tradition  and  that  the 
sayings  "  mordre  la  poudre  (poussi^re),"  "  ins  Gras  beiszen," 
etc.^  are  related  thereto ;  the  other,  that  the  mediaeval  custom 
is  in  no  way  connected  with  these  sayings,  which,  in  point 
of  fact,  merely  describe  the  death  agonies  of  a  man  and  are 
easily  paralleled  by  Greek  and  Latin  expressions  denoting 
the  same  thing.  As  the  result  of  our  examination,  the  second 
of  these  views  must  seem  the  more  plausible.  At  the  same 
time,  it  is  probably  true  that  the  sayings,  both  ancient  and 
modem,  are  more  metaphorical  than  realistic  in  their 
bearing.^ 

^  That  is,  the  ancient  sayings  started  as  descriptiTe  of  a  real  situation, 
and  then  developed  the  purely  metaphorical  sense.  Cf.  J.  H.  J.  Koeppen, 
Erklarende  Anrnerkungen  zu  Homers  Ilias  (Hannover,  1820),  gloss  to  IL  n, 
418 : — **6diLi  \aibtaTo  ycuap^  dasz  sie  die  Erde  mit  den  Zahnen  ergreifen 
beiszen  mochten.  Die  Alten  fochten  zwar  mit  gewaltiger  Mnth,  dasz  sie 
aber  beim  Niedersturzen  in  die  Erde  beiszen,  kommt  nicht  davon  allein : 
es  war  natiirlich.  So  beiszt  einer  in  die  Lanze,  IHas,  v,  75.  Es  gleicht 
nnserm  ins  Gras  beiszen.  In  Homer  ist  dieae  aUe  Sprache  achon  sur  poetischen 
geworden,"  etc. 


204  J.    D.   M.   FOBD. 

Abandoning  for  the  moment  our  discussion  of  the  sayings, 
whose  history^  it  may  be  admitted^  is  not  a  little  obscure,  let 
us  confine  our  attention  to  some  known  records  of  the  medi- 
aeval custom.  We  have  seen  that,  apart  from  the  borrowed 
instance  in  the  Gran  Oonquista,  the  Spanish  custom  consisted 
in  partaking  of  earth.  This  is  true  of  the  German  and 
Italian  cases,  too,  but,  on  the  other  hand,  the  many  French 
cases  speak  only  of  the  eating  of  grass  or  leaves,  except  in 
the  very  surprising  instance  in  the  chanson  de  geste  AUscans, 
According  to  the  poet  of  the  AUscans,  Count  William  arrives 
on  the  battlefield  and  finds  his  nephew  Vivian  lying  there 
apparently  dead.  The  boy  revives,  however,  and  there 
ensues  the  scene  of  his  confession  and  communion  described 
in  these  verses  of  the  Guessard  and  Montaiglon  edition 
{Andens  poHes  de  la  France,  Paris,  1870,  pp.  25  ff.)  : 

''Ni^,  digt  Gaillaumes,  dites  moi  yerit^ 

Se  tu  avois  pain  beno'it  us^ 

Aa  diemence,  ke  prestres  eust  sacr^  ?  ** 

Dist  Viviens :  **  Je  n'en  ai  paa  goet^"  .  .  . 

A  s'  amoeniere  mist  Guillaames  sa  main. 

Si  en  traist  fors  de  son  benoit  pain 

Ki  fa  sain^  sor  Tautel  Saint  Gennain. 

Or  dist  Guillaames  :  ''  Or  te  fai  bien  certain 

De  tes  pecchids  vrai  confds  aparmain. 

Je  sais  tes  oncles,  n'as  ore  plas  prochain, 

Fors  Damedieu,  le  [verai  soverain]  ; 

£n  lieu  de  Bieu  serai  ton  capelain, 

A  cest  bautesme  vuel  estre  ton  parin, 

Plus  Yos  serai  ke  oncles  ne  germain.'* 

Dist  Viviens :  "  Sire,  molt  ai  grant  fain 

Ke  vos  mon  cief  ten^  dal^  [vo]  sain, 

£n  Tonour  Dieu  me  don^  de  cest  pain. 

Puis  [me]  morrai  ore  endroit  aparmain."  ... 

Dont  se  commence  Tenfes  H  confesser ; 

Tot  li  gehi,  n'i  laissa  ke  center  .  .  . 
"Ni^  dist  Guillaumes,  ne  vous  estnet  douter." 

A  icest  mot  li  fait  le  pain  user, 

En  Ponour  Dieu  en  son  cors  avaler  .  .  . 


"TO   BITE  THE   DUST."  205 

L'ame  s'en  ya,  n'i  puet  plus  demorer. 
En  panulis  le  fist  Diex  hosteler, 
Aveuc  ses  angles  entrer  et  abiter.^ 

The  Aliscans  incident  is  extraordinary,  if,  as  is  thought 
^y  Gautier,*  the  pain  beruM  administered  by  William  was 

Cf.  also  AliscoM  mit  Berueksichtung  von  Wolframs  von  Esehenbach  WilU- 
***^  kritisch  heraasgegeben  von  G.  Bolin  (Leipzig,  1894,  tv.  839  ff.). 

Cf.  Gautier,  La  ekevaUrie^  p.  807,  s.  v.  Communion.    ^'  Dans  le  fascicule 
^^  de  ses  JEtuda  (Thistoire  et  de  bibliographies  Mgr.  Haigner4  con  teste  le  sens 
qtie  nous  avons  attribu^  au  'benoit  pain — Ki  fu  saines  sur  Tautel  saint 
^^^rinain,'  et  avec  lequel  le  comte  Guillaume,  sur  le  champ  de  bataille 
d' Aliscans,  fait  faire  la  premiere  communion  Ik  son  neveu  Vivien.     [Cf. 
^Qtier^s  earlier  pronouncement  on  this  subject  in  his  edition  of  the  Chanson 
<fe  Molandj  note  to  verse  2023  :  "  Dans  Aliscans  la  communion  de  Vivien 
^^  r^ement  sacramentelle ;  Guillaume,  par  un  ^tonnant  privil^e,  a 
^^port^  avec  lui  une  hostie  consacr^,  et  c'est  avec  cette  hostie  qu'il  cou- 
ple et  divinise  les  demiers  instants  de  son  neveu.'']     II  s'agissait,  suivant 
iK>Q8,  d'une  communion  vraiment  eucharistique  :  mais  Mgr.  Haigner^  n'est 
P>s  de  cet  avis  :  *  Ce  que  Guillaume,  dit-il,  tire  de  son  aumdnidre  et  depose 
juries  levies  de  Vivien  d^j&  blanchies  par  la  mort,  c'est  tout  simplement, 
comme  le  trouvdre  le  nomme  &  deux  reprises,  du  pain  b^nit.'     Nous  avons 
d'abord  estim^  qu'il  j  avait  de  graves  pr^somptions  en  faveur  de  la  thdse 
de  Mgr.  Haigner^ ;  mais  deux  teztes,  Tun  du  Covenans  Vivien^  V autre 
d'AHaeansj  semblent  nous  donner  d^id^ment  raison.     Dans  le  Covenans^ 
Virien  lui-meme  s'^rie  au  moment  d' entrer  dans  la  bataille  :  '  Mes  k  Deu 
pri  le  Pere  tot  puissant — Que  de  cest  siecle  ne  sole  deviant — Q'aie  parl^  d. 
Guillaame  le  franc, — De  V  saini  ears  Deu  soie  communiant'  (v.  1566-68). 
M^me  precision  dans  Aliscans,  et  cela  dans  le  r^cit  du  m^me  Episode. 
Qnand  Guillaume  trouve  Vivien  mort,  il  s'^crie :  '  Las  I  que  ne  ving  tant 
com  il  fu  vivant — De  Ppain  que  j'ai  fu  acomenianz, — De  Vverai  eors 
Damledeu  par  covant*     {Aliscans^  v.   804-806). — II  convient  d' observer 
qu'alors  m^me  qu'il  s'agirait  seulement  de  pain  b^nit,  Pacte  de  Vivien 
pourrait,  sans  trop  d' inexactitude,  6tre  appel^  une  premiere  communion. 
Les  eulogies  ou  le  pain  b^t  ^talent  entourto  par  nos  p^res  d'un  respect 
aoasi  grand  que  Teucharistie  elle-m6me,  et  4' on  exigeait  pour  les  reoevoir 
one  disposition  Ik  pen  prds  analogue  Ik  oelle  qui  est  n^oessaire  pour  s'appro- 
cher  de  la  sainte  oonununion'   {DicHonnaire  eneydopSdtque  de  la  thiologie 
cathoHqwe  de  Wetzer  et  Welte,  art  Eulogies).*^ 

To  a  friend,  the  Rev.  C.  F.  Aiken  of  the  Catholic  University  of  Washington, 
I  am  indebted  for  the  following  additional  information.  ''The  passage  in 
AUteans  has  doubtless  reference  to  the  ancient  practice  of  administering 
holy  communion  by  pious  laymen.     In  early  times  they  were  allowed  to 


206  J.   D.   M.    FORD. 

really  the  sacred  Host  of  the  eucharistic  sacrament.  It  is 
not  unreasonable  to  suppose,  however,  that  it  was  nothing 
more  than  a  eulogia,  that  is,  a  piece  of  bread  blest  by  the 
priest  at  the  altar,  but  not  consecrated  as  in  the  eucharist,  so 
that  the  doctrine  of  Transubstantiation  does  not  apply  to  it, 
and  it  may  pass  through  lay  hands.  The  eulogia  is  still 
termed  pain  bhiit  in  French  and  the  ceremony  of  blessing 
and  distributing  it  to  the  faithful  may  still  be  witnessed  in 
churches  in  France  and  a  few  other  parts  of  Catholic 
Christendom.  It  may  have  been  mere  poetic  exaggeration 
that  prompted  the  author  of  the  Aliscans  in  another  verse 
(806)  to  speak  of  the  bread  which  William  had  with  him  as 
the  "  verai  core  DanUedeu/'  the  real  body  of  the  Lord  Grod. 
Yet  the  whole  subject  may  be  debatable.  Of  one  point,  not- 
withstanding, there  can  be  no  doubt :  the  usual  matter  of 
the  communion  is  for  the  French  epic  poets  grass  or  foliage, 

take  it  to  the  absent  ones  at  home,  even  to  take  it  with  them  on  long  jour- 
ne3rs  and  vojages.  Lay  administering  of  conmiunion  was  forbidden  bj 
Hincmar  in  the  Council  of  Paris  in  829,  also  hj  Leo  IV  in  the  same 
century.  But  as  late  aa  the  12th  century  the  councils  held  at  Rome  and  at 
London  allowed  pious  laymen  to  administer  communion  in  cases  of  urgent 
need.  See  Corblett,  Htsloirt  du  saeremerU  de  r eueharistitf  yoL  i,  p.  286." 
For  a  further  note  on  the  persons  duly  empowered  to  administer  com- 
munion, see  Addis  and  Arnold,  A  OcUholic  Dielionary  (London,  1884),  «.  v. 
OommunioTi,  Among  other  things  it  is  there  stated  that  ''In  times  of  per- 
secution, the  faithful  took  the  Blessed  Sacrament  away  with  them,  so  that 
even  women  gave  themselves  communion  at  home  (Tertullian,  Ad  Uxor.^ 
n,  5).  Ordinarily,  the  deacons  conveyed  the  Holy  Communion  to  the  sick, 
but  sometimes  even  laymen  did  so  (Euseb.,  H,  E.  vi,  44).  Pius  V,  in 
modem  times,  is  said  to  have  allowed  Mary  Queen  of  Scots  to  receive  com- 
munion from  her  own  hands  in  prison  (Billuart,  Dt  Euch,  diss,  vn,  a.  3)." 
See  Cardinal  Wiseman's  novel  of  early  Christian  times,  FabiolOf  chapter 
xxn  of  Part  Second,  in  which  even  a  young  acolyte  is  described  as  carry- 
ing the  Viaticum  to  administer  it  to  others  :  cf.  Ibid,  chapter  xxxni,  and 
see  also  the  Life  (/  J.  T.  Vhiardy  translated  by  Lady  Herbert,  for  a  recent 
instance  of  lay  transmission  of  the  Eucharist  A  modem  reference  to  the 
mediaeval  s3rmbolical  communion  is  seen  in  J.  H.  Shorthouse's  novel,  Sir 
PercivoU  (cf.  Dublin  lUvieWf  121,  80). 


"TO   BITE   THE   DU8T."  207 

tUe  administration  of  which  is  usually  preceded  by  a  oon- 
^^Bsion  made  by  the  dying  man  to  some  layman  present^  just 
^s  happens  here  in  the  case  of  Vivian. 

With  regard  to  confession  as  part  of  the  ceremony  Gautier 
(-Cki  dhevalerity  pp.  43  ff.)  remarks :  "  On  the  eve  of  a  battle 
•  .  .  the  knights  went  in  eager  quest  of  a  priest.     If  they 
not  find  one,  they  accosted  their  nearest  of  kin,  in  the 
^^ick  of  the  fray,  took  him  aside  and  confessed  to  him.     In 
d^:fimlt  of  a  relative,  a  friend  or  companion  in  arms  sufficed. 
.  .     History  and  legend  agree  in  presenting  to  us  the 
spectacle  of  these  confessions  to  a  layman,  the  practice  of 
'^hich    persisted    until    quite    late.     Bayard,   at   the   point 
^f  death,  humbly  confesses  to  his  steward  ^for  lack  of  a 
priest ' ''  (cf.  Le  loyal  serviteur,  ed.  of  the  SodUS  de  Phistoire 
^^  France,  p.  418).    What  Gautier  says  is  borne  out  by  the 
Old  French  epics  and  is  corroborated  by  the  Rev.  Walter 
Sylvester  in  an  essay  styled  "  The  Communions,  with  Three 
Blades  of  Grass,  of  the  Knights-Errant"  (in  the  Dublin 
Rmew,  vol.  121,  1897,  pp.  94  ff.).    This  latter  writer  quotes 
beside  the  example  of  Bayard  another  one  taken  from  a 
really  historical  accoimt,  namely,  from  de  Joinville's  Hidoire 
de  Saint  Louis  (cf.  ed.  by  de  Wailly,  Paris,  1874,  p.  195), 
and  recalls  the  fact  that,  during  the  rage  of  the  Black  Death 
in  England  (1348—9),  the  Bishop  of  Bath  empowered  lay- 
men and  even  women  to  hear  the  confession  of  persons  in 
ariiculo  mortis.^    The  value  of  the  lay  confession  commended 

'Cf.  also  J.  Danlopi  History  of  Prote  Fieiion  (London,  1896,  a  new  ed. 
by  H.  Wilson),  vol.  i,  p.  284,  note,  and  The  Tablet  (London,  1886),  vol. 
xzxv  of  the  New  Series,  p.  98  and  p.  258.  The  second  of  these  notes  in 
The  IhbUt  is  in  the  fonn  of  a  letter  from  a  correspondent  in  Jersey  (Dity 
Heights,  N.  J.  It  cites  on  the  subject  the  authority  of  St.  Alphonsus  and 
of  Benedict  XIV,  and  appends  this  very  recent  example:  *'I  remember 
hearing  from  the  late  Bishop  Lynch  of  Charleston  of  a  Confederate  officer 
(a  convert  to  the  faith),  who  was  mortally  wounded  in  one  of  the  battles 
around  Bichmond,  and  confessed  to  a  fellow  soldier — who,  by  the  way,  was 


208  J.   D.   M.    FOBD. 

itself  to  two  of  the  great  theologians  of  the  Middle  Ages, 
St.  Thomas  Aquinas  and  Peter  Lombard,  who  enjoin  it  in 
extreme  cases,  when  a  priest  is  not  at  hand ;  of.  Summa  8. 
Thomae  AquincUiSy  Supp.  ill.  Partis,  Quaest.  vui,  art  2,  and 
Petri  Lombardi  SerUentiurum  lAbri  IV  (Louvain,  1568),  Lib. 
iv,  dist.  17,  E.  As  Old  French  epic  instances  of  confession 
to  a  layman,  Grautier  mentions  such  typical  cases  as  the  two 
in  Raoul  de  Oambrai  (ed.  Le  Glay),  in  which  Bemier,  about 
to  die,  called  Savari  and  confessed  to  him  ''because  there 
was  not  time  enough  to  get  a  priest,"  and  Aleaume  confessed 
his  sins  to  two  knights  for  a  similar  reason.  Many  other 
records  of  such  confessions  might  be  given  here,  but  for  our 
purpose  it  is  sufficient  to  say  that  this  unburthening  of  the 
soul  is  an  implied  preliminary  to  the  symbolical  communion. 

The  Old  French  Instances. 

Let  us  pass  in  review  the  Old  French  epic  examples  of 
communion  by  means  of  grass  or  foliage.^ 

In  the  Chanson  cPArUioche    (ed.  P.   Paris,  n,  p.  235)  Bainaus  de  Tor 
partakes  of  three  bits  of  grass : 

De  Perbe  devant  lui  a-il  trois  peus  rompuS| 
En  Voneur  Dieu  lea  use, 

Raoul  de  Oambrai  (ed.  Le  Glay,  p.  95)  :  many  take  communion  of  three 

bits  of  grass : 

mains  gentiz  hom  s'i  acumenia 

De  trois  pouz  d'erbe,  qu^  autre  prestre  n*i  a. 

Ibid,   (p.  327) :  Savari,  after  hearing  Bemier' s  confession,  administers 
three  leaves  of  a  tree  to  him : 

not  even  a  Catholic — with  injunction  to  repeat  his  confession  to  a  priest, 
saying  that  he  did  this  because  he  felt  a  natural  inclination  to  unburden 
his  mind  and  hoped  for  the  grace  of  a  perfect  contrition.'' 

^On  these  examples  cf.  Ghiutier,  La  chevalerie  (Paris,  1890),  pp.  43 ff.  ; 

Id.,  La  Chanson  de  Roland  (15th  ed.),  note  to  v.  2023 ;  Id.,  Les  ijpopSea 

franfoieea  (2nd  ed.),  tome  m,  p.  324;  Rev.  W.  Sylvester,  O.  8.  C.,  The 

OommuMons,  with  Three  Blades  nf  OrasSf  of  the  Knights-Errant^  in  The  DubUn 

Review,  vol  121,  pp.  80£E. 


"TO   BITE   THE   DUST."  209 

Trois  faelles  d'arbre  maintenant  li  rompi 
Si  Us  remU  par  corpus  Domini, 

1a  T^fnum  de  Oann  h  Lohorain  (ed.  P.  Paris,  n,  p.  240)  :  B^e  de  Belin, 
aboat  to  die,  oommunicates  of  three  leaves  of  grass : 

Trois  foilles  d'erbe  a  prins  entre  ses  pi^  ; 
Si  les  conjure  de  la  vertu  deP  cieL 
Por  corpus  Deu  les  re^  voUntiers. 

^  de  Saint'OilUs  (ed.  G.  Rajnaad,  yt.  244-5) :  ^e  administers  a  leaf 
of  a  tree  to  a  dying  knight : 

Prist  one  fuelle  d'erbe,  d.  la  bouce  li  mist 
Dieu  li  fit  aoonnoistre  et  ses  peci^  jehir. 

1^  ChitifB  (ed.  C.  Hippeau,  ii,  p.  209)  :  a  defeated  Saracen,  Murgal^,  abjure 
his  false  religion,  and  receives  baptism  and  communion  of  a  bit  of 
grass  divided  into  three  parts  from  his  Christian  conqueror,  Bichard 
de  Chaumont,  who,  then,  at  his  request,  cuts  off  his  head  : 

Puis  a  pris  .i.  poil  d'erbe  et  en  .m.  le  parti. 
Puis  le  bailla  au  Turc ;  masca  le  et  engloti. 

1^  (p.  222) :  Hemoul  de  Beauvais,  at  the  approach  of  death,  takes 
oommonion  of  a  bit  of  grass  : 

II  a  pris  un  poil  d'erbe,  si  le  prist  a  seignier, 
£n  sa  boche  le  mist,  si  le  prist  a  mengier, 
,  ,  ,  ,  eP  non  corpus  DeL 

Serums  de  MorUauban  (ed.  H.  Michelant,  p.  181) :  Richard  calls  upon  his 
companions  to  confess  to  each  other  and  take  communion  of  bits 
of  grass: 

Gar  descendons  d.  terre  et  si  nos  confesson 
Et  des  pens  de  cele  herbe  nos  acommenion. 
L'uns  soit  confes  Ik  Pautre,  quant  prestre  n4  avon, 
Et  die  ses  pechi^  par  bone  entencion. 

Oaiufrty  (ed.  Guessard  et  Chabaille,  v.  573  )  :  a  badly  wounded  knight  met 
by  Gaufrey  took  communion  of  three  bits  of  grass : 

Puis  a  pris  .m.  pens  d' herbe  pour  aquemuneison. 

Oalien.  Cf.  Gautier,  Les  ipop6es  fran^iseSf  2nd  ed.,  vol.  m,  p.  324 f., 
where  are  cited  two  prose  passages  of  the  Gralien  stoiy,  relating  the 
death  of  Oliver,  Gkdien's  father.  Roland  is  made  to  give  three  bits 
of  grass  to  Oliver  by  way  of  communion. 

The  first  passage  reads :  '^Adonc  troubla  la  veue  Ik  Olivier. 


210  J.   D.   M.   FORD. 

Se  print  Boland  troys  brains  d'erbe  et  la  comincha  (mc),  et  en 
oette  fasBon  T&me  se  departit  d' Olivier.'' 

The  other  says :  ^'Adonc  Olivier  le  (i.  e.,  Galien)  commanda 
k  Dieu,  et  la  veue  luy  alia  troubler,  et  lay  partit  Vkme  da 
corps.  Et  Boland  print  trois  brins  d'herbe  et  la  oommen9a " 
{ne). 

Redactions  of  the  Chanwn  de  Roland : 

Lyons  redaction  (cf.  Gautier,  Chanaon  de  RdUmd,  18th  ed.,  1884, 
p.  190,  note) :  Roland  gives  three  bits  of  grass  to  Oliver  : 

Trois  poiz  a  pris  de  Terbe  verdoiant 
Li  ange  Bieu  i  descendent  k  tant ; 
L'arme  de  lui  emportent  en  chantant 

Roman  de  Roncevawc  (laisse  cxcv ;  cf.  La  Chanson  de  RoUand  et  le 
Roman  de  Roneevaux,  ed.  F.  Michel,  p.  224) :  Oliver,  now  dying, 
takes  three  bits  of  grass : 

iij  peals  a  prins  de  Terbe  verdoiant. 
En  Tonnor  Dea  les  usa  maintenant. 

FlonarU  et  FloreU  (ed.  F.  Michel,  v.  345f.):  King  Elyadus,  having 
received  a  death  wound  from  his  steward  Maragoz,  while  out  hunt- 
ing, takes  three  bits  of  grass  : 

Puis  a  .iiL  pois  de  Terbe  pris, 
Seigniez  et  en  sa  bouche  mis 
En  lieu  de  Corpus  DominL 

Geffrei  Gaimar,  Etlorie  des  Engles  (ed.  T.  Wright,  p.  221) :  King  William 
Rufus,  mortally  wounded  while  out  hunting  in  the  New  Forest,  is 
made  by  one  of  his  hunters  to  take  some  herbs  with  all  their  flowers : 

Li  reischai, 
Psr  quatre  faiz  s'est  escries, 
Le  corpus  Domini  ad  demandei ; 
M^  il  ne  fu  ki  li  donsst, 
Loinz  de  muster  ert  en  un  wast 
Et  nepurquant  un  veneur 
Prist  des  herbes  od  tut  la  flur, 
Un  poi  en  fist  al  rei  manger, 
Issi  le  quidat  acomenger. 
En  Deu  est  90,  e  estre  deit ; 
II  aveit  pris  pain  beneit 
Le  dimaigne  de  devant, 
Qo  li  deit  estre  bon  guarant.^ 

»a.  Rev.  W.  Sylvester,  The  Dublin  Review^  vol.  121,  p.  91  f.  :   "The 
ordinary  accounts  of  the  Red  King's  burial  in  Winchester  Oathedral  state, 


"TO   BITE  THE   DUST."  211 

Quite  in  accord  with  these  Old  French  examples  is  one 
^^  the  Proven9al  epic,  Daurel  et  Beton  (ed.  P.  Meyer,  v, 
'^26f.):  Duke  Beuve  d'Antone  in  vain  asks  his  assassin  Gui 
to  give  him  communion  of  foliage  : 

£  lo  franx  dux  s'es  ybs  led  regardatz, 
£  junh  las  mas  :  '*  Companh,  si  a  yos  platz, 
Ab  de  la  faelha  e  voe  me  cumeigas.'' 
"  Per  Dieu  I ''  dit  Quis,  **  de  follia  parlas  I 
More  vos  tost,  per  o  trop  o  tarzas.'' 

It  is  a  significant  &ct  that  in  the  majority  of  the  cases 
ttientioned,  three  bits  of  grass,  or  three-  leaves  of  a  tree  con- 
stitute the  matter  of  the  communion.     In  one  of  the  cases 
ui  Les  Chitifs — ^precisely  the  incident  on  which  the  Spanish 
example  in  the  Gran  Conquista  must  rest,^ — a  single  piece 
of  grass  plucked  by  the  administering  knight  is  by  him 
^ressly  divided  into  three  parts.     The  reason  of  the  im- 

S8  eyerj  one  knows,  that  the  body  of  the  tyrant  was  *  buried  as  the  corpse 
of  a  wild  beast,  without  funeral  rites  or  weeping  eyes'  (S.  R.  Grardiner, 
^Miden^8  Hidon/y  i,  122,  London,  1894).     Qaixnar,  on  the  other  hand, 
speaks  of  the  celebration  of  many  masses  and  of  an  unusually  stately 
service.    Professor  Freeman  refuses  credence  to  the  reported  ceremonial  in 
his  elaborate  comparison  of  the  contemporary  narratives ;  and  it  is,  there- 
fore, the  more  noteworthy  that  he  raises  not  the  slightest  doubt  as  to  the 
Tenudty  of  the  king's  reception  of  symbolic  conmiunion.     *  Such  a  strange 
kind  of  figure,'  he  writes  indeed,   'of  the  most  solemn  act  of  Christian 
worship  was  not  unknown  ; '  and  he  recalls,  in  a  note,  a  striking  passage 
from  Dr.  lingard's  description  of  the  battle  of  Azincourt  in  1415  :  *At  the 
same  moment  Sir  Thomas  Erpingham  threw  his  warder  into  the  air ;  and 
the  men,  falling  on  their  knees,  bit  the  ground,  arose,  shouted,  and  ran 
towards  the  enemy.     This  singular  custom  (Dr.  Lingard  adds  in  a  note) 
had  been  introduced  by  the  peasants  of  Flanders  before  the  great  victory 
which  they  gained  over  the  French  cavalry  at  Courtray  in  1302.     A  priest 
stood  in  front  of  the  army,  holding  the  consecrated  host  in  his  hand  ;  and 
each  man,  kneeling  down,  took  a  particle  of  earth  in  his  mouth,  as  a  sign 
of  his  desire  and  an  acknowledgment  of  his  un worthiness,  to  receive  the 
sacrament'  "  (Dr.  Lingard,  History  of  England,  3d  ed.,  vol.  V,  p.  27  ;  E. 
A.  Freeman,  The  Beign  of  WiUiam  Ru/us,  Oxford,  1882,  vol.  n,  p.  331). 

» a.  H.  Pigeonneau,  Le  Cycle  de  la  Croiaade  (Saint-Cloud,  1877),  p.  249  ; 
G.  Paris,  RcmaniOf  xvn,  525  Q, 


J.   D.   M.   FOBD. 


riren  to  the  Dumber  three  is,  doabtless,  tiiat 
Kho  Gran  Qmquwta .-  the  priest  usually  divides  the 
Itliree  parts  when  consecrating  God's  body  on  the 
1  the  practice  is  piously  imitated  in  the  symboUoal 
It  is  to  be  noted  that  in  the  Floriant  ei  FlorHt 
minicaut  receives  the  three  pieces  of  grass  m  lieti  of 
of  Goci,  and  that  in  the  Raoul  de  Cambrai  this 
r  communion  is  resorted  to  because  no  priest  ia  there, 
Rly,  tlie  Old  French  poets  had  clearly  in  mind  the 
Jical  or  makeshift  nature  of  the  ceremony  which  they 
.-inljt.'i]  m  their  works. 
;iliino  ll^rcd  as  the  matter  of  the  commnnioB  in 
i.I  \\y-  slall  see  that  that  same  substance  is  the  only 
iiployed  ill  Germany  and  Italy.  Why  was  grass  or 
;  only  used  in  the  French  cases  ?  One  is  tempted  tQ 
fjse  that  earth  was  used  originally  in  France,  too,  and 
\  the  othiT  substances  were  substituted  for  it  as  being 
e  palatable.  There  is  no  evidence,  however,  upon  which 
e  such  a  supposition,  and,  besides,  the  relation  between 
Jth  and  certain  of  its  vegetable  off-shoots  is  dose  enough 
Iwarraut  us  in  believing  that  a  mythological  or  symbolical 
lise  could  be  as  easily  and  naturally  attached  to  the  one  as 
I  the  other.  A  subject  of  no  less  interest  is  the  detennina- 
on  of  the  anticuity  of  the  custom  in  France.  In  this 
>nnectiou  all  tbit  we  can  safely  do  is  to  place  it  at  least  as 
irly  as  the  mittd!e  of  the  12th  century,  when  Gaimar  wrote 
is  quasi -historiisil  work.  The  Chanson  d'Antioche  has  been 
ppealed  to  as  biking  the  custom  back  to  the  time  of  the  first 
^rusade,  for  that  poem,  concerned  with  the  capture  of 
.ntioch  (10!)8),  laakes  use  of  the  three  bits  of  grass.'  Bo^ 
hile  it  is  true  that  the  Chanson  d'Antioche  contains  much 
iber  history  and  &Gt,  and  is  in  many  respects  a  contempo- 

'  Cf.  The  Dublin  IUtUw,  toL  121,  p.  92. 


"TO   BITE  THE   DUST."  213 

'^Jy  document/  it  would  be  venturesome  to  say  that  its 

^■•ecord  of  the  symboKcal  conmimiion  represents  a  feet  that 

^^ocurred  on  Oriental  territory  at  the  end  of  the  1 1th  century ; 

^^T  the  work  is  not  merely  a  rhymed  chronicle,  in  the  form 

^^   which  we  have  it,  but  shows  in  no  slight  d^ree  the 

Workings  of  poetical  fency.      It   must   be  borne  in  mind 

*^^^^t  the  primitive  form  of  the  Chanson  (TAntioche  is  lost, 

^'^ci  we  possess  it  only  in  a  redaction  of  the  reign  of  Philippe 

^viguste.*     So  it  Ls,  therefore,  that  a  theory  of  an  Oriental 

<^^gin  of  ihe  symbolical  custom,  and  its  transportation  to 

^i"ance  during  the  time  of  the  Crusades, — a  theory  which 

^xxe  might  possibly  conceive — hardly  finds  support  in  the 

^hamon  (TAntioche.     In  France  itself  the  oldest  forms  of 

*»He  epic  as  illustrated  by  the  Chanson  de  Roland  show  no 

acquaintance  with  the  symbolical  communion,  but  it  already 

H^pears  in  the  Paris  and  Lyons  manuscripts  of  one  of  the 

^0  rhymed  redactions  of  the  Roland  (i.  e.,  the  redactions 

^Cf.  G.  TtLnSf  La  litUraturefranfoise  au  moyen  dge  (Paris,  1890,  p.  49)  : 
'piopos  of  the  cycle  of  crusading  poems,  '*  ils  n'avaient  ga^re  de  la  po^sie 
^oe  la  forme,  au  fond  ils  ^talent  de  Thistoire.  ...     A  cet  41^ment  histori- 
906  s^est  jointe,  dans  les  po^es  que  nous  avons,  V  invention  pure  et  simple 
dm  jongleurs  fran9ais.''    With  regard  to  these  same  crusading  epics,  G. 
^jrop,  Storia  delT  epopeafraneese  (trans,  by  £.  Gbrra,  Turin,  1888),  p.  215, 
remarks :  ''  i  piii  antichi  trattano  di  personaggi  contemporanei  e  delle  loro 
axioni,  e  deyonsi  percid  piuttosto  considerare  come  una  specie  di  cronache 
rimate,  le  quali— dentro  certi  limiti — ^possono  pretendere  ad  autoritll  storica. 
Inoltre  essi  non  sono  usciti  dal  popolo,  non  si  fondano  sopra  qualche  tra- 
dixione  popolare,  ma  sono  invece  composti  da  poeti,  che  si  tengono  oltremodo 
stretti  agli  avrenimenti.     Questo  yale  perd  soltanto  per  i  due  primi  poemi, 
"Antioche"  e  **  Jerusalem,"  eonsiderati  perd  nella  loro  forma  piiJt  on/too, 
perchd  pii!l  tardi  furono  rimaneggiati  e  ampliati  con  Taggiunta  di  leggende 
d'ogni  maniera.''     It  is  precisely  because  we  have  not  the  primitive  forms 
of  these  poems  that  it  is  dangerous  to  draw  any  conclusion  from  them  with 
respect  to  such  a  question  as  that  involved  in  the  presence  of  the  symboli- 
cal communion  in  one  of  them.    Yet  the  first  Ousade  antedates  the  custom. 
•C^.  Nyrop,  L  c,  p.  419;  Gautier,  Bibliographie  des  Chansons  dt  geste 
(Pkris,  1897),  p.  56  ;  H.  Pigeonneau,  Le  cycle  de  la  Oroitade  (Saint-Cloud, 
1877),  p.  144. 

2 


214  J.    D.    M.    FORD. 

called  the  Roman  de  Roncevaux).  If  it  be  an  original  trait 
of  the  common  source  of  these  two  redactions,  it  is  thereby 
dated  at  least  as  early  as  the  beginning  of  the  last  third  of 
the  12th  century,  the  period  to  which,  according  to  G.  Paris,^ 
that  common  source  belongs.  But  Gaimar's  reference  ante- 
dates that. 

The  German  Instances. 

The  German  cases  seem  no  older  than  the  13th  century. 
We  may  begin  our  consideration  of  them  with  the 

Meier  Hdmbreeht  (cf.  H.  Lambel,  Erzdhlungen  und  Schwdnke^  2nd  ed., 
Leipzig,  1883,  p.  130  ff.  )  :  Meier  Helmbrecht,  now  blind,  falls  into 
the  hands  of  some  woodchoppers,  who  prepare  to  hang  him,  in 
accordance  with  his  just  deserts,  but  previously  allow  him  to  make 
his  confession,  after  which  one  of  them  gives  him  a  bit  of  earth  *^as 
aid  against  Hell-fire  : '' 

1902.   si  liezen  in  sine  blhte 

den  miiedinc  dO  sprechen. 
einer  begunde  brechen 
ein  brosemen  von  der  erden, 
dem  vil  gar  unwerden 
.  gap  er  si  z' einer  stiuwer 
fiir  daz  hellefiuwer, 
und  hiengen  in  an  einen  boum. 

Eekenliet  {Deutsehes  Heldenbuchy  v,  Berlin,  1870,  p.  219  ff.):  Ecke  meets 
with  a  sorely  wounded  man,  Helferlch  von  L^e,  whom  Dietrich 
had  stricken  down  along  with  three  others.  Helfertch  asks  Ecke  to 
put  some  earth  into  his  mouth  for  the  salvation  of  his  soul : 

58.   £8t  umb  m!n  leben  gar  d&  hin, 
der  t6t  hd,t  mich  ergangen. 
g^  mir  der  erde  in  minen  muTit 
wan  durch  die  gotes  6re  : 
so  wirt  g6n  gote  mtn  s^le  gesunt  .  .  . 
durch  got  l&nt  mich  geruowen. 
ich  mac  niht  leben  m6. 

BabeMchlachi  {Deuinehes  Heldenbuch,  n,  Berlin,  1866,  p.  262)  :  Witege  and 
Diether  (Dietrich)  have  been  fighting  and  the  former  has  given 

^  Paris,  La  littfraiurefranfaise  au  moyen  dge^  2nd  ed.,  p.  61. 


"TO   BITE   THE   DUST."  215 

Diether  a  fatal  blow.    Diether  takes  earth  from  the  ground  and  puts 
it  into  his  mouth  as  our  Lord's  sacrifioe : 

457.    Dem  edeln  kunege  werde 
diu  craft  gar  besleif. 
nider  zuo  der  erde, 
mit  beiden  handen  er  d6  gr^ 
vnd  h6t  si  zuo  dem  munde 
zuo  un»en  herren  opher  ad  ze  stunde, 

Wolfdiefyich  (cited  by  Wackemag«l,  ZeUschrift  /.  detUsches  AUerthunij  vi, 
289 ;  cf.  Deutsehes  Heldenbueh^  in,  299) :  several  take  earth  from  the 
ground  and  put  it  into  their  mouths  as  our  Lord's  sacrifice : 

do  griffen  sy  zw  der  erden  zuo  der  selben  stundt, 
ze  vMera  herren  op/er  namen  sy  dy  erdjn  den  mundL^ 

To  these  cases  indicated  by  Wackemagel  reference  is  also 
made  by  H.  Lambel  in  his  edition  of  the  Meier  Hebnbrechiy 
p.  201,  where  he  gives  the  following  note: — "Die  Erde 
wurde  im  christlichen  Mittelalter  zum  Symbol  des  Leibes 
Christi.  In  einer  Wiener  Handschrifl  (N.  121,  9.  Jahrh.) 
der  Origenes  des  Isidorus  heiszt  es  in  einer  den  Ausgaben 
fehlenden  Stelle,  die  mir  mein  Freund  J.  A.  Schmidt  nach- 
wies,  XIV  (=  XII  der  Ks. ;  vgl.  Endlicher  Catal.,  i,  289),  i,  3 
(Schluss  nach  ventia;  Bl.  1*  fg.) ;  terra  enim  myatice  plurea 
significationes  habet  ....  aMquando  camem  domini  aalvatoria 
»ignificaL  Daraus  erklart  sich  der  Glaube,  dasz  Sterbende, 
denen  kein  Priester  zur  Seite  steht,  in  einem  Kriimchen 
Erde  (auch  Brot  oder  Gras,  Ulrich  von  Liechtenstein, 
Frauend.  544,  i;  Garin  mhd.  Wb.,  i,  263),  nachdem  sie 
entweder  einem  anwesenden  Laien,  wie  hier  [i.  e.,  in  the 
Meier  HdmbreckC]  und  in  Wolfram's  Wh.  66,  10;  69,  n 
(vgl.  Reinaert  1439  fg.,  Eeinke  1378  fg.),  oder  im  Fall  sie 
ganz  allein  sind,  Gott  gebeichtet  haben  (Liechtenstein  a.  a.  o.), 
den  Leichnam  Christi  empfangen  konnen;  vgl.  Wolfd.  B, 

^  In  the  Deutaches  Heldenbuchf  in,  299,  the  lines  read  : 

d6  griffen  si  zer  erden  an  der  selben  stunt : 

ze  unsers  barren  opfer  nAmens  die  erden  in  den  munt. 


216  J.    D.   M.   FOBD. 

912,  3,  4  (D.  H.  B.,  m,  299),  Rabenschl.  457,  3%.  (D.  H. 
B.,  II,  262) ;  Eckenlied  58,  7  fg.  (D.  H.  B.,  v,  229).  Den 
Glauben  bestatigt  auch  Berthold  von  Regensburg,  aber 
dagegen  polemisierend  309,  9-16  (ed.  Pfeiffer);  vgl.  Zieit- 
schrift,  VI,  288."  If  the  Latin  passage  found  in  the  Vienna 
MS.  of  the  Griffines  is  itself  of  the  9th  century,  it  certainly 
provides  very  important  testimony  to  the  antiquity  of  the 
custom  of  symbolizing  the  body  of  Christ  by  earth.  The 
two  cases  of  lay  confession,  alluded  to  by  Lambel,  occur  in 
the  beast  epic;  the  one  in  Willem's  Dutch  work  Reinaert 
(cf.  ed.  E.  Martin,  Paderbom,  1874,  vv.  1433  ff.)  and  the 
other  in  the  Low  German  Reinke  de  Voa  (ed.  F.  Prien,  Halle, 
1887,  p.  54).  In  the  Reinaert^  the  Fox,  who  is  on  his  way 
to  the  court  to  answer  for  his  misdeeds,  makes  confession  to 
the  Badger,  because  no  priest  is  at  hand : 

1433.   lieve  neve  ic  wille  gaen 

(nu  hoort  mine  redene  saen) 
te  biechten  bier  tote  di : 
bier  nes  ander  pape  bi. 

He  begins  his  confession  thus  : 

1451.    confiteor  pater  mater, 

dat  ic  den  otter  ende  den  cater 
ende  alien  dieren  bebbe  mesdaen. 

This  has  somewhat  the  aspect  of  a  travesty,  and  as  such 
is,  of  course,  in  consonance  with  the  rascally  character  of 
Reynard.  In  general,  however,  the  cases  of  lay  confession 
and  lay  communion  are  treated  in  mediaeval  literature  as 
very  serious  matters.  The  situation  in  the  Reinke  de  Voa 
parallels  that  in  the  Reinaert. 

Of  the  documents  which  Lambel  mentions  as  containing 

instances  of  lay  communion,  the  Garin  and  the  WUlehalm 

.(Wolfram's    version    of   the  Aliscans,    cf.    the   4th   ed.    of 

Wolfram  von  Eschenbach's  works  by  K.  Lachmann,  Berlin, 

1879,  p.  423  ff.)  simply  repeat  the  situation  in  their  Old 


"TO   BITE  THE   DUST."  217 

French  originals.  The  case  in  Ulrich  von  Liechtenstein's 
FrauendienMy  mentioned  by  both  Wackemagel  and  Lambel, 
involves,  seemingly,  the  use,  not  of  earth,  or  of  v^table 
matter,  or  of  a  consecrated  host,  but  merely  of  bread  found 
on  the  spot.  According  to  the  ostensibly  autobiographical 
account,  Ulrich  has  been  enticed  out  of  his  stronghold  by 
his  enemies,  Pilgerin  and  Weinolt,  who  imprison  him  and 
threaten  him  with  death  on  the  morrow.  All  night  he 
sorrows,  and  in  the  morning,  believing  death  imminent, 
he  looks  about  for  a  piece  of  bread.  He  discovers  a  crumb 
(brdsem),  and  this  he  consumes,  as  the  body  of  him  from 
whom  nothing  is  hidden,  after  first  bewailing  his  sins ;  cf. 
Ulrich  von  Idechtensteiny  herausg^eben  von  K.  Lachmann 
(Berlin,  1841),  Vrouwen  Dienest,  p.  543  f. : 

Die  naht  leit  ich  vil  michel  nOt .... 

S&  d6  der  ander  tac  erschein, 

d6  wart  ich  kurzltch  des  enein, 

stt  daz  ich  mueste  ligen  t6t, 

daz  ich  venuoht  ob  iender  brdt 

laege  da  ich  gevangen  lac : 

▼il  sere  ich  daz  ze  suochen  pflac 

em  brdsem  ich  dd  ligende  vant : 

die  huob  ich  weinende  td  zehant. 

IH  mit  sd  kniet  ich  df  diu  knie 

und  klaget  die  mlnen  sunde  hie 

dem  den  verheln  mac  niemen  niht 

und  der  in  elliu  herze  siht. 

sin  llchnam  ich  dd  weinent  nam, 

mit  triwen,  als  mir  daz  gezam. 

That  in  Germany  the  practice  was  really  current  among 
the  people  in  the  13th  century  is  made  clear  by  the  way  in 
which  the  sturdy  preacher,  Berthold  von  Regensburg,  assailed 
it  in  some  of  his  sermons  (cf.  Berthold  von  Regensburg.  Vott- 
Btandige  Ausgabe  seiner  Predigten.  von  F.  Pfeiffer :  2  vols., 
Vienna,  1862  and  1880).  Thus  he  discourses  in  the  sermon 
on  "The  Seven  Holy  Things'^  {Von  den  siben  HeUikeitenf 


218  J.    D.    M.    FORD. 

l.  c,  I,  303) :  "  Then  says  some  one  or  other  in  the  open 
field,  when  he  is  about  to  be  hanged  or  otherwise  deprived 
of  life,  and  has  no  chance  of  escape,  then  he  says :  'Alas ! 
that  I  may  receive  our  Lord,  give  me  a  crumb  in  my  mouthy 
or  a  bit  of  earth,  if  you  have  nothing  else,'  and  he  thinks 
that  he  thereby  receives  God^s  body.  No,  not  at  all !  Bread 
is  bread,  earth  is  earth,  God's  body  is  God's  body.  If  he 
eats  a  lot  of  bread  or  earth,  he  is  only  the  heavier  on  the 
gallows.^'  Berthold  repeats  his  attack  in  quite  similar  terms 
in  the  sermon  on  "  The  Seven  Medicines "  ( Von  den  »iben 
erzenteUy  I,  c,  ii,  89). 

It  is  to  be  observed  that  Berthold  specifies  only  bread  and 
earth :  he  says  nothing  of  grass  or  foliage ;  and  the  strictly 
Germanic  cases  which  we  have  examined  speak  only  of  earth 
(as  they  do  in  four  instances)  or  of  bread  (as  in  one).* 
Berthold,  too,  is  the  only  cleric  who  seems  ever  to  have 
spoken  out  against  a  custom  which  the  Church  might 
have  been  expected  to  view  with  much  suspicion,  if  not 
actually  to  condemn  it.  Lay  administration  of  the  most 
august  of  sacraments — if  in  lay  hands  the  ceremony  could 
continue  to  be  called  a  sacramental  one — would  certainly  call 
for  control  by  the  ecclesiastical  authorities.  In  point  of  fiict, 
the  custom  in  question,  being  a  purely  symbolical  one,  did 
not  run  coimter  to  the  doctrine  of  Transubstantiation,  and 
the  rulers  of  the  Church  do  not  appear  to  have  deemed  it 
an  abuse  calling  for  restriction.     It  is  interesting  here  to 

'  The  use  of  bread  in  the  lay  form  of  communion  probably  savoreci  in 
general  of  mere  superstition  or  of  heresy.  Cf.  this  reference  to  an  heretical 
use  in  Csesarius  Heisterbacensis,  Illustriwn  Miractdorum  et  Historiarum  3fe- 
morahilium  Lib,  XII  (Cologne,  1599 :  Liber  Quintus,  De  DaemonibuSf  ch. 
XIX,  p.  347):  *'Nam  quidam  Abbas  Hispanus  ordinis  nostri  per  nos 
transiens,  qui  cum  episoopo  et  ecdesiarum  praelatis  eiusdem  heretici 
errores  damnauit,  eum  dixisse  referebat^  quod  guilib^t  in  menaa  nui,  et  de 
pane  auo  quo  veeceretur^  eonfieere  posaet  corpus  Christi,  Srat  autem  idem 
maledictus  faber  fenrarius.'' 


"TO   BITE   THE   DUST.'^  219 

9^ote  the  view  of  a  modem  ecclesiastic  well  acquainted  with 
^^  French  mediseval  custom.     "  In  barren  waste  or  forest 
^*^tli/'  says  the  Rev.  W.  Sylvester/  "  far  from  parish  church 
^^  abbey  choir,  the  dying  man  turned  to  his  need  of  the  last 
^^^craments.     Ministers  were  there  none.     Extreme  unction 
'^8  impossible.     There  was  no  soft  touch  of  holy  oils.    Yet 
^nfession  and  spiritual  communion  were  within  the  knight's 
S'^^'^agp  and  he  seized  them.     God's  appointed  minister  lack- 
^g,  the  moribund  confessed  his  sins  in  the  squire's  ear.  .  .  . 
len  followed  the  substitute  for  communion.     Communion 
ith  the  Sacred  Host  could  not  be  received,  but  spiritual 
'inmunion  was  possible.    And,  as  we  to-day,   the  dying 
spoke  his  prayer  of  belief,  hope,  adoration  and  love,  ere 
V^^lding  up  his   soul.     Still,   with   that   quaint    literalness 
^^jDholding  so  much  of  the  real,  intense  faith  of  the  Middle 
-^ges — ^to  make,  so  to  say,  his  communion  more  real  to  him- 
self— the   knight   plucked   three   blades   of  grass   and   ate 
^em.      It  was  no  mere  form.      ^Nothing,'  as  Mr.   Lilly 
Says  {Chapters  in  European  History ,  i,  158,  London,  1886), 
*was   a    mere    form    in    the    Middle   Ages.'     It    was   no 
vulgar  superstition.     ^The  first  feet  about  the  age  was  its 
&ith,  not  its  superstition'  {Ibid.,  I,  172).     The  culling  and 
the  consiunption  of  the  blades  of  grass  was  the  simple,  lov- 
ing avowal  of  a  believing  soul,  that,  fer  from  priest  and 
altar,  it  had  done  what  it  could." 

The  Italian  Examples. 

Three  leading  instances  of  the  occurrence  of  symbolical 
oommunion  are  on  record  in  Italian  literature,  and,  as  in 
Spain  and  Grermany,  earth  is  the  species  of  the  communion. 
Wackemagel  has  already  called  attention  to  the  case  in  Ser 

1  The  Dublin  Review,  121,  p.  82. 


220  J.    D.   H.    FORD. 

Giovanni  Fiorentino's  Pecorone  (c.  1378 ;  cf.  ed.  of  Milan^ 
1804,  in  the  Classici  iUdiani,  i,  145-6).  There,  in  the 
Giomata  settima,  novella  seconda,  is  recounted  the  fate  of  a 
man  put  to  death  in  the  room  in  which  he  was  captured. 
Raising  his  hands  to  Heaven,  he  bent  down,  took  earth,  and 
put  it  into  his  mouth  : 

"  alzd  le  mani  al  cielo,  e  poi  si  chind  e  prese  della  terra  e  misela  in  booca, 
e  poi  si  mise  le  mani  agli  occhi  per  non  vedere  la  morte  sua  e  chind  n  capo 
alia  terra.'' 

The  writer  does  not  dwell  upon  the  reason  for  taking  the 
earth,  its  symbolical  significance;  but  this  was  probably 
dear  to  a  reader  of  Ser  Giovanni's  time. 

In  the  other  two  cases,  the  symbolical  value  of  the  pro- 
cess is  brought  out  distinctly.  The  first  occurs  in  the 
MorganU  of  Luigi  Pulci ;  the  second  is  in  a  very  realistic 
document,  the  autobiography  of  Benvenuto  Cellini,  and 
attests  the  survival  of  the  belief — ^perhaps  as  a  mere  soldier's 
superstition — ^as  late  as  the  16th  century. 

The  Morgante  passage  (Canto  xxvii,  stz.  147 ;  for  the 
preliminary  confession  cf.  stz.  116)  pictures  the  death  of 
Roland  in  the  pass  of  Roncesvalles.  He  has  made  his 
confession  to  Archbishop  Turpin,  and  it  is  this  prelate  who 
bids  him  take  earth  as  commimion  :  ^ 

147  (7) :  £  perchd  Iddio  nel  ciel  ti  benedica, 

Piglia  la  terra,  la  tua  madre  antica. 

148  (1) :   Perd  che  Iddio  Adam  plafimoe  di  questa, 

SI  che  e'  ti  basta  per  comunione. 

We  perceive  that  Turpin  advances  a  reason  why  earth  may 
su£Bce  for  this  symbolical  communion,  viz.,  '^God  made 
Adam  of  this  earth,"  i.  €.,  the  human  race  is  itself  of  earth. 

^  Cf.  the  instance  in  the  Spanish  Poema  de  Alfonso  XI  and  that  related 
by  Lingard. 


**T0  BITE  THE   DUST."  221 

Roland  follows  the  bidding  of  Turpin^  and,  partaking  of  the 
earth;  dies : 

153  (6)  :  E  finalmente,  la  testa  inclinata, 
Prese  la  terra,  come  gli  fu  detto, 
E  ranima  spird  del  casto  petto. 

Much  of  the  matter  treated  in  the  Morgante  is  of  ultimate 
Ftench  origin,  as  is  the  case  with  the  bulk  of  the  chival- 
rouS;  romantic  matter  found  in  Italy.  We  have  seen  that  in 
the  Old  French  redaction  of  the  Chanson  de  Roland  and 
in  the  Old  French  GalieUy  Oliver  takes  three  bits  of  grass 
as  communion  before  dying.  If  the  Italian  tradition  in  the 
Morga/nie  is  at  all  connected  therewith,  why  the  change  from 
grtus  to  earth  f^  The  attaching  of  the  death  ceremony  to 
Roland;  rather  than  Oliver,  is  easily  intelligible  in  the  Italian 
poem,  in  which  Oliver  is  a   subordinate  figure. 

The  passage  in  the  Vita  di  Benvenvio  Cellini  appertains  to 
the  si^e  of  Rome  in  1527  (cf.  ed.  by  O.  Bacci,  Florence, 
1901,  section  xxxv).  Cellini  was  among  those  defending 
the  Castel  S.  Angelo  for  Pope  Clement,  and  one  day  he  was 
laid  low  by  a  portion  of  the  wall  which  a  cannon  ball  from 
without  caused  to  topple  over  upon  him.  Coming  to  his 
senses,  he  started  to  speak,  but  could  not,  as  he  tells  us, 
''  because  some  fools  of  soldiers  had  filled  my  mouth  with 
earth,  thinking  that  thereby  they  had  given  me  communion, 
whereas  they  had  rather  excommunicated  me,  because  I 
could  not  recover  myself,  for  this  earth  gave  me  much  more 
trouble  than  the  shock  of  the  blow  "  (  Volefndo  comindare  a 

^The  PuucUhTurpin  has  a  Boland  death-scene,  of  course,  but  one  in 
which  there  is  no  necessity  for  the  symbolical  communion.  Cf.  this 
poange :  "Orlando  had  that  morning  received  the  blessed  Eucharist  and 
oonfeased  his  sins  before  he  went  to  battle,  this  being  the  custom  with  all 
the  warriors  at  that  time,  for  which  purpose  many  bishops  and  monks 
attended  the  army  to  give  them  absolution''  (History  of  Charles  the  OreoU 
and  Orlando  Ascribed  to  Archbishop  Turpin  translated  from  the  LojUn,  etc, 
Loodon,  1S12,  i,  43-4). 


222  J.   D.    M.    FORD. 

parlare,  non  potevo,  perch^  certi  adocchi  soldateUi  mi  avevano 
jneno  la  bocca  di  terra,  parendo  hro  con  queUa  di  avermi  dato 
la  comunioney  con  la  quale  lore  piil  presto  mi  avevano  scomuni- 
catOy  perch^  non  mi  potevo  riaverCy  dandomi  qaesta  terra  piU 
noia  a^ai  che  la  percossa). 


It  is  now  meet  to  recur  to  the  subject  of  possible  relations 
between  the  mediaeval  custom  and  the  modern  sayings  m^rdre 
la  poudre  (poussitre),  ins  Gras  beiszen,  bite  the  dust  (grou/nd^, 
etc.  It  is  surely  a  striking  coincidence  that  dust  (ground) 
and  grass  should  figure  in  these  expressions,  which  in  their 
strong  sense  mean  to  die,  and  should  figure,  likewise,  in  the 
symbolical  form  of  communion  which  we  have  been  investi- 
gating, a  ceremony  to  which  resort  was  had  only  when  death 
seemed  imminent.  But  in  so  far  as  our  researches  permit  us 
to  pronounce  a  judgment,  we  can  only  say  that  the  case  is 
one  of  pure  coincidence.  Certainly  it  seems  well-nigh  im- 
possible to  establish  any  direct  connection  between  the 
sayings  and  the  custom.  J.  W.  Wolf  and  Zingerle  doubted 
the  connection,  and  Zingerle  pointed  out  analogous  sayings 
in  Greek  and  Latin,  which,  of  course,  antedate  the  mediaeval 
custom,  and,  furthermore,  seem  themselves  not  to  have  had 
any  symbolical  significance. 

On  the  whole,  it  seems  probable  that  to  bite  the  dust, 
mordre  la  poudre  (poussi^re),  ins  Gras  beiszen,  and  kindred 
expressions  are  of  rather  recent  origin  within  the  modem 
languages,  and  arose  through  literary  imitation  of  the  Greek 
and  Latin  use  of  similar  terms. 

For  French,  Littr6  (Dictionnaire  de  la  langue  frangaise, 
Paris,  1883)  gives  mordre  la  poudrcy  la  poussih^e,  la  terre  as 
meaning  ^^  6tre  tu6  dans  un  combat.'^  He  illustrates  mordre 
la  teiTe  by  Comeille,  Mid^e,  rv,  3 : 


"TO   BITE  THE   DUST."  223 

Dont  la  main  .... 

Met  Eg4e  en  prison  et  son  orgueil  k  bas, 

Et  fait  mardre  la  terre  k  ses  meillears  soldats. 

Mordrehpcmdre  by  Kacine,  Th&>a%de,  i,  3  : 

J'ai  fait  mordre  la  poudre  k  oes  audacieux. 

^oi^re  la  pouasih-e  by  Malherbe  : 

L*  orgueil  k  qoi  tu  fis  mordre  la  pouasih^  de  Coutras. 

^<*rdre  la  poumtrt  by  Voltaire,  Henriadtj  vn  : 

Nesle,  Clermont,  d'Angenne  ont  mordu  lapoumtre. 

J^i'oin  Montaigne  he  quotes  this  example  of  mordre  la  terre: 
"^<^  JauJt  leur  /aire  baisser  la  tMe  et  mordre  la  terre  aoubs 
^<iUctorUi/^  which  seems  to  signify  submission  to  authority 
sinaply,  and  not  necessarily  meeting  with  death.  Moreover, 
^ne  Darmesteter,  Hatzfeld  and  Thomas,  Dictionnaire  generale 
^«  la  langue  frangaiae  (Paris,  1890—1900)  glosses  mordre  la 
^Tf,  la  poiis8ih*e  by  "  6tre  terrass6,"  and  adduces  therefore 
^he  example  from  Comeille's  Midie  already  quoted  by  Littr6 
^  implying  the  fatal  outcome.  There  can  be  little  doubt 
^at  the  idea  of  "being  brought  to  the  ground,"  "defeated," 
"humiliated"  is  as  easily  associated  with  the  French  expres- 

• 

810118  as  the  stronger  sense  of  "  meeting  death."  It  is  likely 
^t  the  latter  was  the  earlier  force  of  the  French  expression, 
^d  that  the  other  sense  represents  a  natural  weakening  of, 
^\  or  one  brought  about  by  the  influence  of  such  other 
phrases  as  baiser  la  terre  or  l^her  la  poussihre.  The  first  of 
^ese  is  interpreted  by  Littr6  as  meaning  "adorer  et  se 
^^ettre,"  and  illustrated  by  passages  from  Athalie,  Esther, 
^^  Delille's  Paradis  perdu:  the  second,  he  says,  is  equiva- 
lent to  "s'humilier  extr^mement"  as  used  by  Voltaire,  Dial., 
^iv,  14 :  On  a  regarde  en  face  Pidole  devant  laquelle  on 
^^t  Uch^  la  poussih'e. 

Like  phrases   occur   in    the   other   Romance   languages. 
Thus  the  Spanish  morder  la  tierra  is  explained  by  Tolhausen 


224  J.   D.    M.   FOBD. 

{Nuevo  IHccionario  Espaftol-alemdn,  1888-9)  as  signifying 
'^ins  Gras  beiszen^  sterben^  auf  dem  Platze  bleiben/'  and 
Zerolo  {Diceionario  encidopidico  de  la  lengua  cadeUanOj 
Paris,  1900)  glosses  hacer  morder  la  iierra  (d  polvo)  d  uno 
with  "  rendirle,  vencerle  en  la  pelea,  mat&ndole  6  derribdn- 
dole."  It  is  to  be  remarked  that  Zerolo  indicates  by  the 
side  of  the  stronger  sense  "to  kill/'  the  weaker  one  "to 
overthrow." 

For  Portuguese,  Vieira  {Grande  IHccionario  Portuguez^ 
1871—4)  quotes  morder  a  terra,  "succumbir  em  uma  luta, 
calr  morto  em  batalha,''  and  Michaelis  {A  New  IHctionary  oj 
the  Portuguese  and  English  Languages,  Leipzig,  1893)  has 
morder  a  terra  (a  areia),  "  to  bite  the  ground  or  dust,  to  lick 
the  dust,  to  die,  to  be  killed."  Whether  the  expressions  are 
old  or  new  is  not  apparent  from  the  Spanish  and  Portuguese 
dictionaries;  nor  do  the  Italian  dictionaries  bring  the  fact 
out  clearly.  Tommaseo  (Dizionario  deUa  lingua  itaUana, 
1869)  gives /ar  mordere  la  polvere,  il  terrenOy  "Stendere  a 
terra  morto  o  quasi  morto,"  and  illustrates  with  a  passage 
from  a  translation  of  the  ^Eneid,  xi,  747 :  GfiacquC'  morendo, 
e  coUa  bocca  ima  voUa  morse  la  terra;  and  Petroochi  {Novo 
Dizionario  Universale  deUa  lingua  italiana,  Milan,  1903)  has 
Far  morder  la  polvere,  "Vincere,  Abbatter  il  nemico:" 
Morder  la  polvere  (e  poetic,  la  polve),  "  Esser  vinti." 

Before  passing  away  from  the  Eomance  examples  of  the 
sayings,  we  should  note  that  French,  which  offers  no  instance 
of  the  partaking  of  earth  by  way  of  communion,  makes  use 
only  of  words  for  earth  or  dust  {terrey  poudre^  poussih'e)  in 
the  metaphorical  expressions. 

For  German,  J.  Grimm  and  W.  Grimm  (Deutsches  Worter- 
buchy  Leipzig,  1854)  give  sub  verbo  "beiszen  :"  in  das  graSy 
in  (sic)  die  erde  beiszen,  "mordre  la  poussi^re,  von  menschen 
gesagt,  sterben  muszen,  wie  kraut,  erde  und  staub  oft  einander 


"TO   BITE  THE   DUST."  225 

^v^oi-tareten."     The  earliest  example  that  they  quote  is  from 
Opitz  (of  the  first  half  of  the  17th  century)  : 

Solt  ich,  O  Manpiter,  ins  gn8  gebiasen  haben  ( ''  todt  sein '' ). 

^eiszen  die  erde  they  attest  by  an  example  from  Friedrich 
Stolberg  (latter  part  of  the  18th  century) : 

Sinken  nieder  in  staub  und  sterbend  beiszen  die  erde. 

The  Grimms  also  list,  «.  v.  erde  and  kdueii  {kauen)  the  phrase 
die  erde  kauen,  "sterben/^  but  with  no  illustrations.     There 
^>  to  be  sure,  another  German  phrase  of  similar  import,  die 
Erde  kusaen.     To  this  the  Grimms  (s.  v.  kussen)  assign  both 
^e  strong  sense  of  "  meeting  death  "  and  the  weaker  one  of 
"falling  wounded,  whether  so  or  not."    They  illustrate  both 
senses,  but  with  nothing  earlier  than  the  17th  century.    That 
^e  translations  of  Homer  and  other  ancient  classics,  such  as 
Aose  made  by  Voss  (1751-1826),  have  rendered  "to  bite 
Ae  dust"  (den  Staub  kniracheny  cf.  Voss,  Iliad,  xix,  61) 
^d  like  phrases  common  in  literary  German  since  the  18th 
^tury  need  hardly  be  said.    But  the  rise  of  ins  Gras  beiszen 
^inains  shrouded  in  darkness.     It  is  apparently  a  popular 
^tber  than  a  literary  expression.    Does  it  antedate  all  possi- 
ble humanistic  and  classic  influence  ? 

Murray's  New  English  Dictionary  quotes,  «.  v,  biie,  To  bile 
^  dvst,  ground,  sand,  etc.,  and  these  are  glossed  "  to  fall  in 
^^th,  to  die."  The  earliest  instance  cited  is  of  1771,  and 
^urs  in  Gray's  Poems,  Ode  viii,  "  Soon  a  king  shall  bite 
^€  ground,"     To  bite  the  dust  is  illustrated  from  Bryant's 

**May  his  fellow  warriors 

Fall  round  him  to  the  earth  and  bite  the  dust" 

^'  tJ.  dust,  Murray  records  the  weaker  sense,  "  to  fall  to  the 
pound;  especially  to  fall  wounded  or  slain.''  Of  course 
^^  illustrations  given  by  Murray  are  not  the  earliest ;  they 


226  J.    D.    M.    FORD. 

are  later  than  the  instances  which  we  might  quote  from 
Chapman's  Hosiery  and  Dryden's  Vergil;  cf.,  for  example, 
Dryden's  Aeneidy  xi,  527-8  : 

The  plains  of  Latium  run  with  blood  around. 
So  many  valiant  heroes  bite  the  ground. 

The  ChUury  Dictionary  has  to  bite  the  dust  or  the  ground, 
"to  fall,  be  thrown  or  struck  down,  be  vanquished  or 
hiunbled,"  which  brings  out  only  the  weaker  force  of  the 
terms  :  the  Standard  Dictionary  cites  bite  the  dust  and  bite  the 
ground  with  both  the  strong  and  the  weak  sense,  "to  fall 
prostrate ;  be  vanquished  or  slain."  The  development  from 
a  stronger  to  a  weaker  force  might  have  been  aided  in 
English,  as  we  assumed  it  might  have  been  in  French,  by 
the  existence  of  certain  other  phrases  in  which  dust  or 
ground  occurs.  In  this  connection  one  thinks  of  the  Bibli- 
cal "to  lick  the  dust"  (cf.  "I6cher  la  poussi^re"),  as  found 
in  Psalms  72,  9,  "and  his  enemies  shall  lick  the  dust;" 
Isaiah  49,  23,  "  they  shall  lick  up  the  dust  of  thy  feet "  (cf. 
Vulgate  "vultu  in  terram  demisso  odorabunt  te,  et  pulverem 
pedum  tuorum  lingent");  and  in  Micah  7,  17,  "they  shall 
lick  the  dust  like  a  serpent "  (Vulgate  "  lingent  pulverem 
sicut  serpentes  ").  The  Isaiah  passage  is  particularly  clear 
as  to  the  weak  sense  for  this  phrase.  Ground  occurs  in 
phrases  susceptible  of  a  weak  sense,  such  as  to  bring  to  the 
ground  (Murray,  "  to  cast  down,  overthrow,  overcome,  sub- 
due") or  to  cmne  (go)  to  the  ground  (Murray,  "  to  be  overcome, 
to  perish  "). 

As  we  have  assumed  that  the  modern  expressions  started 
as  conscious  echos  of  the  terms  used  by  writers  of  classic 
antiquity,  it  may  not  be  amiss  here  to  examine  some  of  the 
classic  Latin  examples  of  the  phrases. 

Forcellini  {Totiu4i  Latinitatis  Lexncon,  Prato,  1868),  «,  v. 
mordeoy  has  the  following  note :  "  mordere  terram  dicuntur, 


"TO   BITE  THE   DUST."  227 

graviter  icti,  in  &ciem  procumbunt  morituri,"  and  «.  v. 
^'"^i^at^ndo ;  "Ut  mordere  hv/mwm  sic  et  mandere  dicuntur,  qui 
^^''•^Inere  prostrati,  proni  moriuntur."     To  the  cases  quoted 
liim,  we  add  others  here. 

kianum :  j^ineid^  xi,  418, 

Procabuit  moriens,  et  humum  semel  ore  momordiL 

'€  {h)arena8  or  arenam:  Ovid,  MettL,  ix,  60-61, 

Turn  denique  tellus 
Preflsa  genu  noBtro  est ;  et  curenas  momordi, 

Claudianos,  De  bello  Oetieo,  588  f . , 
Ille  tamen  mandante  procul  Stilichone  citatis 
Aocelerant  equis,  Italamque  momordit  arenam. 

In  Artaud's  Paris  (1824)  ed.  of  Claudianus,  there  is  a  note  on  this 
passage  which  tallies  with  the  idea  of  Wolf  and  Zingerle  that  the 
expression  to  bite  ike  dust^  etc.,  indicates  the  convulsive  agonies  of 
death.  The  editor  glosses  IkUamqxte  momordit  arenam  ¥iith  *  *  in  Italia 
ocdsns  momordit  terram,''  and  continues:  *'id  faciebant  antiqui,  ne 
sibi  morientibus  ora  prave  contorta  viderentur."  He  applies  the  same 
explanation  to  .Mneid,  xi,  418. 

'"^^'^nd^rt  kvanwn:  JEneid,  xi,  668  f.. 

Sanguinis  ille  vomens  rivos  cadit,  atque  cruentam 
Mandii  hvmum,  moriensque  suo  se  in  volnere  versat. 

•*^*»»<iere  aequora:  Valerius  Flaccus,  Argonauticon  Libriy  ni,  106, 

compressaque  mandens 
Aequora  purpuream  singultibus  exspuit  auram. 

Cf.  this  note  of  the  Paris  ed.   of  1824:    **  oompresaaque  mandena 
Aeqaora,  campi  glebas  in  quo  jacebat  mordens.'' 

^  all  these  cases  the  verb  to  bite  or  to  eat  \s  used  with  an 
^^ject  noun  denoting  grov/nd,  sand,  or  surface  of  the  earth 
V^Urnus,  arena,  aequor).  Although  the  dictionaries  speak  of 
^  phrase  mordere  terram  (cf.  Forcellini,  Harper's,  etc.),  no 
^^istration  of  it  is  given  by  them,  and  it  has  not  come  to 
^ht  in  the  present  search. 

No  symbolical  force  seems  to  attach  itself  to  the  Latin 
^^^ses  mentioned ;  and  the  meaning  of  mordere  humum,  etc., 


228  J.   B.    M.   FORD. 

may  be  just  what  the  glossator  of  the  passage  m  Clandianus 
said^  VIZ.,  that  the  dying  man  clutches  the  ground  with  his 
teeth  as  a  means  of  hiding  his  facial  contortions.  Or,  if  we 
do  not  care  for  this  explanation  based  on  the  supposed  stoical 
nature  of  the  soldier,  we  may  adopt  the  general  one,  that  the 
dying  man  was  writhing  and  contorting  his  mouth  in  the 
agonies  of  death  and  biting  at  what  was  near  him. 

Instead  of  the  verbs  to  bite,  to  eat  (mordere,  mandere)^ 
there  occur  also  the  verbs  to  go  to,  to  seek  (^petere,  appetere), 
to  catch  (apprendere),  taking  as  their  object  a  noun  denoting 
earth  {terram,  teUurerriy  arva).  With  such  verbs  the  sense  is 
not  necessarily  that  of  meeting  death : 

petere  taram:  Seneca,  (Edipua  480, 

ore  deiecto  petiere  terram. 
The  persons  on  the  scene  simply  prostrate  themselves  as  suppliants 
at  the  feet  of  Bacchus. 

Vergil,  uiWid,  m,  93, 

Submissi  petmus  terram. 

However,  petere  (appetere,  apprendere)  terram  (teUuremy  arva) 
may  have  the  strong  sense,  if  accompanied  by  words  involv- 
ing the  tragic  outcome : 

petere  terram :  Vergil,  .Mneidj  ix,  489, 

£t  terram  hoetilem  moriens  petit  ore  cniento. 

appetere  tellurem :  Silius  Italicus,  Punicorum  liber  qambu,  526-7, 

Labitor  infelix,  atque  appetii  ore  cruento 
Tellvrem  exepirans. 

Ibid,,  liber  nonuSf  383  f., 
Volvitur  ille  ruens,  atque  arva  hostilia  moreu 
Appetitf  et  mortis  premit  in  tellure  dolores, 

apprendere  tdlurem:  Ibid.,  xvu,  264, 

Ausoniam  extremo  tellurem  apprendere  morau. 

As  these  verbs  are  accompanied  by  morsu  or  ore^  they  are, 
after  all,  equivalent  to  mordere;  and,  of  course,  they  realize 
in  Latin  the  oSit^  eXop  and  similar  Greek  phrases. 


"TO  BTTB  THE   DUST.  229 

JPdere  terram  withoat  ore  or  morgu  is  seen  in 

Seneca :  (EeUpua  340, 

terram  vulnere  afflicti  petwU, 

the   tragic   sense   is    conveyed    by   other    modifiers, 
y,  we  may  cite  an  instance  of  tavgere  solum  mento,  in 

Horace's  Oden  (Cbnmtio,  n,  vii,  11-12),  where  the  poet  speaks  of 
the  destrucdoa  of  his  brothers  in  arms  at  Philippi : — 

Qnnm  fracta  virtus,  et  minaces 
Turpe  iolum  tetigere  menlo. 

^  solum  tetigere  of  this  passage  has  been  likened  to  the 
orneric  \d^ofAcu  yaiap. 
It  must  be  obvious  that  the  strong  or  tragic  sense  is  the 
^^^ual  one  for  these  Latin  phrases,  although  some  of  them 
^^^^^casionally  have  a  weaker  force. 

Now  to  recapitulate,  at  the  risk  of  irksome  iteration,  we 
*^^^ay  assert  that  the  symbolical  communion  by  means  of 
^^rth  or  grass  (leaves)  is  referred  to  in  the  literatures  of  at 
*^«8t  four  great  lands,  France,  Germany,  Italy  and  Spain. 
■Earth  is  used  for  the  ceremony  in  Germany  (apart  from  one 
^^^se  of  the  employment  of  bread),  in  Italy,  and  in  Spain ;  in 
France  use  is  made  of  grass  (leaves).     Metaphorical  expres- 
sions involving  the  use  of  words  for  dud,  earthy  and  ground 
^^t  in  French,  Spanish,  Italian  and  English ;  in  German 
^e  customary — and  apparently  a  popular — expression  is  ins 
^as  beiszeriy  although  die  Erde  kauen  (kusaerty  etc.)  is  found 
^so.     Thus  the  metaphorical  expressions  contain  terms  de- 
noting the  same  objects  that  figure  in  the  symbolical  com- 
munion;  geographically,  however,  the   equivalence  is   not 
exact,  since  German  employs  chiefly  the  word  for  grass  in 
the  metaphor,  and  shows  normally  the  word  for  earth  in  the 
gyBabolical  communion ;  whereas  France  knows  only  grass 
(leaves)  for  the  symbolical   communion  and  employs  only 
earth  {dust,  etc.)  in  the  metaphor. 
3 


230  J.   B.   H.    FORD. 

Despite  the  ooncordanoe  of  the  terms  of  the  metaphor 
and  the  elements  of  the  symbolical  commimion,  it  seems 
impossible  to  connect  the  modem  expressions  with  the 
mediaeval  custom.  It  looks  as  though  the  expressions  are 
of  relatively  recent  origin  in  the  modern  languages^  and 
came  into  being  through  literary  imitation  of  phrases  in  the 
Greek  and  Latin  classics,  for  Greek  and  Latin  used  terms 
signifying  "to  bite  the  ground,  earth,  or  sand,"  generally 
with  the  meaning  "to  meet  death."  There  appears,  never- 
theless, to  be  no  Greek  or  Latin  analogue  for  the  German 
phrase,  "ins  Gras  beiszen."  This  may  have  arisen  as  a 
very  natural  term  for  describing  a  fact  often  witnessed,  the 
convulsive  death  agony  of  a  wounded  soldier,  biting  at 
the  object  nearest  him  in  the  field,  i.  e.,  grass.  It  is  as  such 
a  descriptive  term  that  the  expressions  in  Greek  and  Latin 
may  have  arisen. 

There  is  a  certain  elasticity  of  sense  possible  in  the  modem 
phrases  to  bUe  the  dvsty  groundy  etc.  Perhaps  their  original 
force  was  that  which  the  ancient  classical  phrases  appear  to 
have  possessed  as  their  primary  one,  viz.,  "meeting  one's 
death ; "  the  subsidiary  sense,  "  to  be  brought  to  the  ground, 
to  be  overthrown,  to  be  humiliated,"  may  be  a  natural 
weakening  in  metaphorical  use  or  may  be  due  to  a  contami- 
nation with  other  phrases  containing  dust,  groundy  etc. 

No  attempt  has  been  made  here  to  determine  whether  in 
the  mediaeval  symbolical  commimion  by  means  of  earth  there 
survived  a  pagan  idea  of  the  mythological  importance  of 
earth.  Pulci,  in  obedience  to  the  introspective  and  rational- 
izing spirit  of  the  Renaissance,  suggested  an  explanation, 
which  may  or  may  not  be  original  with  him.  God  made 
man  of  earth ;  in  lieu  of  God's  body  man  can  partake  of 
nothing  better  in  the  hour  of  his  dire  need.  Man  came 
of  mother  Earth :  after  the  last  sad  scene  to  mother  Earth 
he  returns. 

J.  D.  M.  Ford. 


v.— THE  ROUND  TABLE. 

In  the  Arthurian  romances  the  term  Round  Table  is 
employed  in  three  significations.  Most  commonly  it  denotes 
a  brotherhood  of  knights;  very  rarely — though  of  course 
this  is  the  primary  meaning — it  is  used  actually  for  the  table 
itself;  and  finally  it  designates  a  courtly  festival  celebrated 
by  Arthur  on  some  great  feast  day,  usually  Pentecost.  This 
last  meaning  of  the  expression  is  the  one  with  which  the 
present  paper  is  especially  concerned. 

A  few  preliminary  words,  however,  about  the  other  two. 

In  Waoe  the  knights   of  the   Round  Table  are  personal 

attendants  on  King  Arthur,  permanently  attached  to  his 

aervioe.*     Praised  through  all  the  world,^  they  appear  to  be 

sharply  distinguished  from  those  foreign  warriors  who  had 

been  attracted  to  the  court  by  its  reputation  for  courtesy, 

valor,  and  liberality.*    The  main  characteristic  emphasized 

by  both  Wace  and  Layamon  is  that  the  knights  sat  at  the 

Boond  Table  in  perfect  equality  and  were  served  alike.* 

Their  numbers,  in  the  later  stories,  vary ;  sometimes  there 

ue  fifty/  sometimes  one  hundred  and  fiRy,^  and  again  two 

hundred  and  fifty ,^  while  according  to  Layamon  the.  table 

^d  seat  sixteen  hundred.^    The  original  fifty  were  selected 

^LtBoman  de  Brut,  par  Le  Kouz  de  Lincy,  Kouen,  1836 ;  1.  10556. 

^H,  9982,  13676. 

*^f  9994,  10553,  13672 ;  in  Layamon  the  fight  preceding  the  establish- 
^"^  qI  the  Bound  Table  is  by  natives  against  foreigners,  UTicuthe  kempen 
i^fmnei  Brut,  by  Sir  Frederic  Madden,  London,  1847,  n,  p.  534). 

*Wice,  10,000  aeq. ;  Layamon,  ii,  539-540. 

^Bman  de  MerUn,  Sommer,  London,  1894,  p.  57 ;  Huth  Merlin,  Pans  et 
l^lid^  Ftois,  1836,  i,  p.  96. 

•fliiA,  n,  62.  '  Boman,  p.  152  et  al.  ^  P.  539. 

231 


232  LEWIS   F.   MOTT. 

by  Merlin ;  ^  the  forty-nine  (leaving  the  vacant  perilous  seat) 
added  to  the  hundred  sent  to  Arthur  by  Leodogran,  were  also 
selected  by  Merlin^  while  their  names  were  found  miracu- 
lously inscribed  on  their  seats.^  Eight,  to  replace  those 
killed  in  battle,  were  added  by  Arthur  on  the  advice  of 
Pellinore,  and  at  the  same  time  their  names  were  mysteri- 
ously substituted  for  those  of  the  dead.*  This  appearance 
of  the  name  was  essential  to  a  choice,  and  the  new  knight 
must  be  better  than  the  one  he  displaced.^  In  the  romances, 
though  there  are  occasional  inconsistencies,  the  general  atti- 
tude of  the  fellowship  is  represented  by  Tristan  who,  on 
becoming  a  member,  swears  to  increase  the  honor  of  the 
Bound  Table  and  never  to  fight  against  it,  except  in  sport.* 
To  use  Malory's  words,  "  ony  of  hem  will  be  loth  to  have 
adoo  with  other."  ^  This  attitude  suggests  the  wide-spread 
primitive  folk-custom  of  kinship  through  commensality.^ 
In  the  etymological  sense  of  the  word,  they  were  companions 
andj  as  brethren  of  one  blood,  they  were  "to  support  one 
another  in  life  and  avenge  one  another's  death."  After  the 
first  feast  at  the  Round  Table,  they  desire  to  remain  together 
permanently,  for  although  many  had  not  been  acquainted 
before,  they  now  love  one  another  as  a  son  loves  his  fether.* 
They  lived  in  peace  like  brothers  german.* 

According  to  one  account,  the  Table  was  made  by  Arthur,*® 

'  Roman,  57 ;  Huth,  i,  96.  For  the  importance  of  this  number  among 
the  Celts,  see  J.  Loth,  VannU  CkUique,  Paris,  1904,  p.  46. 

» Huth,  II,  65-67. 

»/(£.,  II,  169-170. 

♦Loeseth,  TrisUin,  Paris,  1890,  p.  149. 

*Lo€8eth,  Tristan,  p.  149,  §  206. 

'Sommer' 8  edition,  London,  1889,  Bk.  viii,  ch.  iv,  p.  279. 

^  Hartland,  Legend  of  Perseus,  London,  1894,  u,  248  seq,  and  277  8eq, 

^Huth,  I,  97 ;  Raman,  57. 

^JButh,  n,  67 :  ''Each  spake  with  other  as  it  were  his  brother. — Lajra- 
mon,  540. 

"  Wace,  9998. 


THE  BOUND  TABLE.  235 

The  Hound  Table  was  not  used  for  ordinary  meals^  but 
only  on  festive  occasions.^     Indeed  it  gave  its  name  to  the 
entertainment  itself;  we  often  read  that  Arthur  held  a  Table 
Hoimd.     Merlin  instructed  Utter  to  hold  these  feasts  three 
times  each  year^'  and  we  hear  of  such  at  Pentecost/  at 
Christmas/  at  All  Saints/  and  at  Mid- August.^     Pentecost^ 
it  is  well  known,  was  the  chief  festal  day  of  Arthur.     Ii: 
Wolfram's  ParzivcUy  Bound  Tables  are  held  to  celebrate  any 
happy  event/  but  this  is  probably  an  invention  of  the  poet. 
In  the  Vulgate  Merlin  the  vassals  are  ordered  by  Uther,  after 
the   first  festival,   to  attend  all  subsequent  feasts  without 
fiirther  summons.®     The  magnificence  of  these  entertain- 
ments, including  such  features  as  the  bestowal  of  gift;s  and 
the  presence  of  jongleurs,  may  be  simply  a  general  charac- 
teristic of  mediaeval  feasts  ascribed  by  the  poets  to  Arthur 
on  account  of  his  mythic  reputation  as  a  dispenser  of  plenty.* 

Uie  Emperor  Charles."  See  also  vol.  i,  p.  246.  This  is  prohahly  the 
object  exhibited  at  Hunscrit  at  the  marriage  of  Philip  II  to  Queen  Mary ; 
Wioe,  n,  note  to  pp.  166-7.  Camden  mentions  it  as  hanging  up  at 
Winchester,  BrUanMa^  London,  1695,  col.  120.  A  picture  of  it  is  given 
in  Hone's  Year  Booky  London,  1832,  p.  81.  With  its  rays  proceeding  out- 
nrd  from  the  centre,  it  has  all  the  appearance  of  a  sun-symbol. 

^Doring  the  Middle  Ages  dining  tables  were  brought  in  for  meals  and 
laKyved  afterwards  (Schultz,  Hof.  Leben^  i,  80,  432)  and  this  custom  is 
pnenpposed  in  seyeral  of  the  Arthurian  stories,  where  there  are  tables, 
iitber  than  one  table. 

'JBomoii,  68.  »/(t,  57.  *Jd.,  58.  */rf.,  60.         'M,  436. 

^When  Arthur  receives  news  from  (>awain,  he  holds  a  Bound  Table  ; 
iVn.,  St  654.  ^Bman,  40. 

*''Xa  Table  nmde  est  id  la  reunion  des  vassauz,  des  hommes  du  roi,  aux 
9PiUn  grandes  f^tos  de  Pann^,  Noel,  Pdques,  la  Penteo6te  et  la  Saint- 
Jeu ;  et  F  intention  manifeste  des  romanciers  est  encore  ici  de  rapporter  k 
Pandemie  oour  des  rois  bretons  Torigine  de  tons  les  usages  auxquels  se 
oooformaient  les  grands  souverains  du  douzidme  si^le,  Louis  VII,  Philippe- 
Aogoflte  et  Henry  d' Angleterre.  Tenir  cour  et  tenir  Table  ronde  ^tait  alors 
one  iii6me  chose,  dont  on  voulait  que  le  premier  example  remontAt  au 
proph^  Merlin,  et  au  roi  Uter-Pendragon,  comme  aussi  P  usage  de  dis- 
triboer  des  liTnto  et  de  taiie  prints  aux  dames  qui  venaient  embellir  de 


236  LEWIS   F.   MOTT. 

Other  traits  are  more  clearly  individual.  All  the  companions^ 
as  has  been  already  said,  have  equally  good  food  and  drink  ^ 
as  well  as  equally  honorable  places.*  While  the  fellowship 
is  composed  exclusively  of  men,  and  the  seats  at  the  table 
are  only  for  members,*  ladies  are  required  at  these  festivals* 
and  each  lady  must  have  her  knight/  Another  peculiarity 
was  Arthur's  custom  to  refrain  from  eating  until  he  had 
heard  of  some  adventure.^  The  duration  of  the  feast,  at  its 
foundation  by  Uther,  is  eight  days,  and  the  king  will  not  sit 
till  he  has  served  the  knights,^  or  till  he  has  seen  them 
served.®  The  Round  Table  banquet  described  by  Wolfnun 
in  the  fifteenth  book  of  Parzival  has  some  further  interesting 
details.  The  Table  is  a  cloth  laid  on  the  grass  in  the  open 
field,  and  it  is  measured  off  by  moonlight.*  The  knights 
wear  wreaths  on  their  heads  and  every  lady  has  her  ami^^ 

leur  prince  oes  grandes  reunions. — P.  Paris,  Romans  delaT.  R,,  n,  64. 
The  truth  of  this  statement  should  not  blind  us  to  the  fact  that  there  are 
also  folk  elements  in  these  stories. 

'Lajamon,  p.  539^. 

» lb.  and  Wace,  9994  seq. 

'See  above,  concerning  the  names  on  the  seats. 

*Huth,  I,  96 ;  Bomariy  56,  436 ;  Lai  du  Cor  (Wulff,  Lund,  1888)  open- 
ing lines.  In  this  last  case,  however,  the  presence  of  women  is  required 
for  the  chastity  test  The  great  feast  given  by  Arthur  on  his  coronation  at 
Pentecost,  as  it  is  described  hj  Geffrey,  Bk.  ix,  ch.  xii  seq,,  in  many 
respects  resembles  a  Bound  Table.  Both  sexes  are  present,  though  sepa- 
rated for  some  ceremonies,  and  we  have  the  religious  exercises,  banquet 
and  sports.  For  all  these  circumstances,  compare  the  feast  of  Garman  in 
Ireland.  ^Parz.,  st  216,  776. 

•See  Hertz,  Partly  p.  512,  n.  125.  ''Roman,  57.  ^ Huth,  r,  97. 

'St.  775.  See  Martin's  note  to  1.  21.  The  earlier  banquet  (st  309)  is 
also  in  an  open  field  : 

man  sprach  ir  reht  M  bluomen  velt : 
dane  irte  stdde  noch  gezelt 

''  Chrestien  sagt  nichts  davon,''  remarks  Herz,  Parz.,  p.  513,  n.  127. 
^^Parz,^  St,  776. 


THE  BOUND  TABLE.  237 

lE^jrcceding  the  festive  meal^  there  is  a  procession  and  a  dis- 
j>l.a.j  of  horsemanship.^ 

Throughout  the  Middle  Ages,  certain  knightly  exercises, 

<iistinguished  by  the  chroniclers  from  ordinary  tournaments, 

oon.  tinned  to  be  caUed  Round  Tables.    The  popularity  of  the 

lioxnances,  the  heroes  of  which  became  models  of  chivalry, 

^undoubtedly  had  a  leading  part  in  the  establishment  of  these 

limitations  of  Arthur's  court,*  yet  there  may  have  been  in 

"tlieir  origin  also  elements  derived  Grom  folk  custom.     "At 

'^His  feast,"  says  Schultz,'  "  the  knights  assumed  the  names 

^^f  Arthur's  heroes;  beyond  this  nothing  is  known  of  the 

^'^Tangements  of  the  sport ;  it  must,  however,  have  closely 

^"^"^sembled  the  tourney,  though  it  was  less  dangerous,  for  it 

"^^as  fought  on  horseback  and  with  blunt  lances.    At  any 

^^te  ladies  were  present  and  a  banquet  played  a  leading 

part."     That  such  contests  were  nevertheless  not  entirely 

^^Void  of  peril  is  shown  in  an  account  by  Matthew  Paris 

^^  one  held  at  Winchester,  wherein  a  distinguished  knight 

^^as  slain.*     It  is  furthermore  well  known  that  Edward  III 

^^nstructed  at  Windsor  a  building  called  the  Round  Table 

^^d  that  he  celebrated  these  feasts  with  great  magnificence.* 

*/d,  777. 

Toomaments  aie  said  to  have  been  a  late  importation  from  France. 
^  Cange,  Olossariumj  Paris,  1850,  Diss,  v,  voL  vn,  p.  24. 

Doa  Hofisehe  Leben  tur  Zeil  der  Minnesinger ^  2nd  ed.,  Leipzig,  1889,  n, 
P-  117. 

A.  D.  1252,  '^Anno  quoque  sub  eodem  milites  angliae,  ut  ezercitio  mili- 

^  peritiam  suam  et  strenoitatem  ezperirentor,  constituenint,  non  at  in 

°^iludio,  quod  Tomeamentum  dicitur,  sed  potius  in  iUo  ludo  militari, 

^^  Mensa  Botunda  didtur,  vires  suas  attemptarent.     Duo  igitur  milites 

^^fictisBimi,  Emaldus  scilicet  de  Munteinxii  et  Bogerus  de  Lenebume,  dum 

^  ^oeis  mutuo  impeterent,  Emaldus  letaliter  vulneratus,  praeoeps  cadens 

obiit  interfectus,  qui  in  militari  ezercitio  null!  in  Anglia  secundus  cense- 

^Qr." — Matthaei  Parisiensis  Historia  Angloruniy  Bolls  Series,  voL  in, 

p.  124, 

'Sir  Nicholas  Harris  Nicholas,  Observations  on  the  InstittUion  of  the  most 
noble  Order  of  the  Qarter^  ArchceolofficLy  xxxi ;  see  p.  104,  for  the  feasts  of 


238  LEWIS   p.   MOTT. 

Not  only  such  tournaments,  but  also  periodical  gathering 
of  bards  were  called  Round  Tables  and,  while  the  forme^^^ 
as  has  just  been  said,  are  in  all  probability  an  offspring 
the  literary  influence  of  Arthurian  romance,  the  latter 
by  tradition  directly  connected  with  Arthur  himself.    It 
said  that,  under  his  protection,  a  chair  of  poetry  was  estab- — 
lished  at  Caerleon  by  the  bard  Maelgyn  Hir  and  the  systei 
of  the  Round  Table  instituted.^    Another  tradition,  the 
of  which  is  not  known,^  but  which  Zimmer  calls  "  jungeres^ 
Fabelei  und  Combination,"  *  states  that  about  1077  Rhys  ab 
Tewdwr,  who  had  been  obliged  to  pass  some  time  in  Brittany, 
brought  back  with  him,  on  his  return  to  Wales,  the  institu- 
tion of  the  Round  Table,  which  had  there  been  forgotten, 
and  reestablished  it  for  the  bards  as  it  had  been  at  Caerleon 
on  Usk  in  the  days  of  Arthur.* 

In  this  sense  the  Round  Table  is  obviously  identical  with 
the  Eisteddfod.  And  here  we  come  to  a  very  interesting 
particular,  derived  from  the  manuscript  of  a  writer  who  died 

1344  and  1345 ;  pp.  108-9,  for  the  magnificence  of  the  entertainments ; 
p.  151,  '^domum  quae  rotunda  tabula  yocaretur/ '  Walsingham  ;  i6.,  **  Rex 
Angliae  Botundam  Tabulam  ccc  militum  tenuit  apud  Wyndesoure,  et 
totidem  dominarum,  pro  quk  ezcessivi  sumptus  facti  sunt,  Cotton  MS.  See 
further  Strutt,  Sports  and  Pastimes,  London,  1810,  p.  128,  who  recognizes 
that  the  Bound  Table  is  a  joust  rather  than  a  tournament.  An  intereisting 
Bound  Table  is  cited  by  San  Marte  in  a  note  to  Geoffrey,  p.  420  ( ad  ann. 
1284)  :  '^Item  convenerunt  Gomites,  Barones,  Milites  de  Begno  Angliae, 
ac  etiam  multi  proceres  transmarini,  circa  festum  Beati  Petri  quod  dicitur 
ad  yincula  ad  rotundam  tabulam  apud  Neubin,  juxta  Snowdon,  praeconiza- 
tum,  in  choreis  et  hastiludicis  adinvicem  coUudentibus,  in  signum  triumphi 
contra  Wallensium  proterviam  ezpediti.''  See  also  Bu  Oange,  Olossaritany 
8.  v.  Tabvla  Rotunda,  The  examples  include  Spain,  France,  Germany  and 
the  Netherlands,  as  well  as  England ;  sufficient  proof  that  these  knightly 
Bound  Tables  were  founded  on  the  Bomances,  and  not  viot  versa, 

» F.  Walther,  Das  alu  Wales,  Bonn,  1859,  p.  272. 

'Loth,  Mabinogion,  I,  p.  17. 

»  Oott,  geL  Am,,  1890,  p.  796,  note. 

^Loth  and  2iimmer,  he  cU,,  and  DasAUe  Wales,  p.  267. 


THE  BOUND   TABLE.  239 

in  1616.  It  ooncems  "the  gorsedd  or  court  under  the 
authorily  of  which  the  Eisteddfod  is  held  as  a  sort  of 
session^  as  its  name  indicates^  for  letters  and  music.  The 
gorsedd  is  held  in  the  open  air^  a  circle  of  stones  being 
formed,  with  a  stone  bigger  than  the  others  in  the  middle ; 
the  proceedings  are  opened  with  prayer  by  the  presiding 
dmid  as  he  is  called;  afterwards  he  goes  on  to  admit  to 
d^rees  the  candidates  recommended  by  persons  technically 
competent  to  do  so.  When  all  the  business  is  over,  the 
company  goes  in  a  procession  to  the  building  fixed  for  hold- 
ing the  Eisteddfod,  which  it  is  necessary  to  have  announced 
at  a  gorsedd  held  a  year  at  least  previously.  As  r^ards  the 
gorsedd  itself,  the  rule  is  ^  that  it  be  held  in  a  conspicuous 
place  within  sight  and  hearing  of  the  country  and  the  lord 
in  authority,  and  that  it  be  face  to  face  with  the  sun  and  the 
eye  of  light,  as  there  is  no  power  to  hold  a  gorsedd  under 
cover  or  at  night,  but  only  where  and  as  long  as  the  sun  is 
visible  in  the  heavens.' ''  ^     Can  there  be  the  slightest  doubt 

that  we  have  here  a  remnant  of  some  primitive  pagan  rite? 
The  ceremony  of  placing  the  stones  in  a  circle  suggests 

a  connection  with  the  roundness  of  Arthur's  Table.     "  It 

^  Khys,  Lectures  on  the  Origin  and  Growth  of  Beligion  cm  iUusirated  by  Otitic 
Heatkendomy  London,  1898,  pp.  208-9.  The  Oentury  Dictionary  derives 
KiUddfod  from  two  Welsh  words  meanmg  sitting  and  cireU,  For  the  circle 
of  stones  within  which  a  gorsedd  is  held,  see  Oambrian  Joumaly  1855,  p. 
155,  and  1857,  pp.  8  aeg.  On  p.  100  (1857) ,  it  is  stated  that  the  stones  or 
Uuf  of  the  circle  are  used  as  chairs ;  also  that  there  may  be  four  such  meet- 
ings in  a  year,  at  Christmas,  Easter,  Whitsuntide  and  St.  John's  Festival. 
On  p.  310  of  the  same  volume  occurs  the  following  account :  *'A  meeting 
^  the  Gorsedd  was  held  last  Alban  Elved  on  the  hill  of  Bryn  Castell  y 
Brenhiii,  near  St  Bride's  Major,  in  Glamorgan,  where  an  appropriate 
code  of  stones  had  been  constructed  for  the  occasion  by  the  joint  labor  of 
Kyeral  of  the  inhabitants.''  To  this  spot  the  company  marched  in  pro- 
casion ;  certain  persons  entered  the  bardic  enclosure  where  the  introductory 
ceremonies  prescribed  by  ancient  usage  were  held.  The  president  ascended 
the  Maen  Arch  and  took  his  station  in  the  ''eye  of  light,"  or  the  radial 
Kpretentation  of  the  Divine  Name,  etc 


240  LEWIS   F.   MOTT. 

would  be  interesting  to  understand  the  signification  of 
term  Round  Table,"  says  Rhys.^    "  On  the  whole  it  is 
table,  probably,  and  not  its  roundness  that  is  the  &ct 
which  to  call  attention,  as  it  possibly  means  that  Arthui 
court  was  the  first  early  court  where  those  present  sat  at 
table  at  all  in  Britain.     No  such  a  thing  as  a  common  tabh 
figures  at  Conchobar's  court  or  any  other  described  in  th^^ 
old  legends  of  Ireland,  and  the  same  applies,  we  believe,  tc^ 
those  of  the  old  Norsemen."     However  intently  we  fix  our^ 
attention  on  the  table,  we  must  still  remember  the  prevailing 
tendency  of  the   Celts  toward   circular  edifices.     The  old 
Irish  houses  were  round,^  as  were  also  the  ordinary  Welsh 
houses,'  and  the  Brochs  of  Scotland.*     The  palace  of  the 
Ulster  kings  near  Deny  is  a  circular  building  of  uncemented 
stones,*  and  the  only  structure  at  Tara  not  round  or  oval 
was  the  banqueting  hall.^     It  would,  indeed,  be  practically 
impossible  to  enumerate  the  stone  circles  and  oval  or  circular 
mounds  scattered  over  Great  Britain,  Ireland,  and  parts  of 
the  continent,  and  described  by  travelers  and  archseologists. 
While  roundness  is  not  exclusively  a  Celtic  feature,  it  is 
thoroughly  characteristic.     By  the  populace,  such  mounds 

^  Studies  in  the  Arthurian  Legend,  Oxford,  1891,  p.  9. 

*  P.  W.  Joyce,  A  Social  History  of  Ancient  Ireland,  New  York,  1903,  n, 
p.  20 ;  D*  Arbois  de  JubaiDville,  LiUh-aJture  GeUique,  i,  197. 

'Rhys  and  Brynmore  Jones,  The  Welsh  People,  New  York,  1900,  p.  200. 

*  Joseph  Anderson,  Scotland  in  Pagan  Times,  Edinburgh,  1883,  ch.  rv. 
See  p.  206,  ''The  circular  wall  ....  is  a  characteristic  feature  of  Celtic 
construction.'' 

*  Joyce,  Social  Hist.,  u,  37. 

^Id,,  85.  Tradition  assigns  a  circular  feasting  place  to  one  of  the  early 
Irish  kings.  ''On  montre  encore  aujourd'hui,  sur  la  montagne  de  Tara, 
r  emplacement  de  la  forteresse  ou  rath  de  Lo^air^  Cest  une  enoeinte 
circulaire  form^  par  deux  rangs  de  foss^  concentriques,  avec  rejet  de  terre 
en  dedans.  Le  roi  d'Irlande  se  fit  enterrer  pr^  de  1^  en  m^oire  des  bona 
festins  qu'il  y  avait  faits  avec  ses  fidMes  vassaux,''  LitL  Odiique,  i,  180. 
Moreover,  the  origin  of  the  rath  is  ascribed  to  the  mythical  Nemed.,  tci, 
II,  90. 


THE  ROUND  TABLE.  241 

and  stone  circles  are  in  Great  Britain  frequently  connected 
with  the  name  of  Arthur.  It  is  true  that  other  objects  also 
bear  his  name,  as  Arthur's  Grave,  Chair,  Cups  and  Saucers, 
Bed,  Oven,  Seat,  Hill,  Fountain,  Camp;^  and  monuments 
are  also  connected  with  other  popular  names,  such  as  Robin 
Hood  *  and  Fingal,*  but  Arthur  is  the  most  general  favorite, 
and  he  is  especially  associated  with  what  are  called  Round 
Tables. 

The  foUowmg  examples  may  be  cited :— "On  an  eminence 
adjoining  the  park  of  Mocras  Court,  in  Brecknockshire,  is  a 
la^  and  peculiar  kmd  of  British  cromlech,  called  Arthur's 
Table.    And  at  the  once  famous  city,  now  the  decayed  village 
of  Caerleon  upon  Usk, — ^the  Isca  Silurum  of  Antoninus, 
where  the   second  Augustan   Legion  was,  during   a   long 
period,  in  garrison, — are  the  remains  of  a  Roman  Amphi- 
theatre, in  a  bank  of  earth  heaped  up  in  an  oval  form 
fflxteoi  feet  high,  and  now  called  Arthur's  Round  Table."  ^ 
Between  Castle  Cary  and  Yeovil,  there  is  a  hill,  encircled 
by  four  trenches  and  walls,  containing  about  twenty  acres 
foil  of  ruins,  which  is  by  antique  report  one  of  the  places  of 
Arthur's  Bound  Table.*     "  Near  Denbigh  '  there  is,  in  the 

^K.  T.  Glennie,  Arthurian  Localities^  Edinburgh,  1869  ;  Chalmer*8  Oi/e- 
^otia^  London,  1810,  i,  244,  note  m.  There  are  also  the  Great  and  Little 
Aithur  among  the  Scilly  Isles,  interesting  for  their  barrows.  The  earliest 
Wwn  reference  to  an  Arthurian  locality  dates  from  the  year  1113  in 
Gominll,  ^'ubi  ostenderunt  nobis  cathedram  et  fumum  illius  famosi 
ncondom  iabaliig  Britannorum  regis  Arturi  ipsamque  terram  ejusdem 
^^itori  €886  dicebant" — Zimmer,  Za,  Jurfranz.  Sprache  und  Litt.f  xiu,  K)9. 

'£.  g.,  Bobin  Hood's  Pennystone.  ''It  is  fathered  upon  Bobin  Hood, 
(mose  that  noted  outlaw  was  much  in  these  parts,  and  the  country  people 
^  attribate  evexything  of  the  marvelous  to  him,  as  in  GomwaU  they  do 
to  King  Arthur." — Arehosoloffia,  n,  862.  It  is  interesting  to  note  that 
Bobin  Hood  became  Lord,  and  Maid  Marian  Lady,  of  the  May.  Strutt, 
8pom  and  PoafMies,  312. 

'Grcies  in  Boteshire,  New  Statistical  Account  of  Scotland^  v,  52. 

'B.  T.  Glennie,  Arthurian  Localitiesy  p.  9. 

*id,  p.  10^  citing  Selden's  note  on  Drayton's  Poly-Olbion,  Works,  n,  724. 


THE  BOUND  TABLE.  243 

and  'tis  possible  enough  that  it  might  be  a  Justing-place. . . . 
However,  that  it  was  never  designed  for  a  place  of  strength, 
appears  from  the  trenches  being  on  the  in-side.  Near  this, 
is  another  great  Fort  of  Stones,  heap'd  up  in  form  of  a 
horse-shoe,  and  opening  towards  it;  call'd  by  some  King 
Arthur's  Castle,  and  by  others  Mayburgh  (or  as  vulgarly 
Maybrough)  which  probably  is  but  a  modem  name."  ^  At 
Stirling  there  is  still  another  Round  Table  of  Arthur.  It  is 
mentioned  in  Barbour's  Bruce,  in  Sir  David  Lindsay's 
Cbmplaynt  of  the  Papingo,^  and  in  William  of  Worcester's 
Itinerary,^  but  it  is  now  called  the  King's  Knot.  "Within 
the  space  formerly  occupied  by  the  royal  gardens,  is  a  very 
remarkable  piece  of  antiquity,  known  by  the  name  of  the 
King's  Knot,  consisting  of  a  central  mound  in  the  form  of  a 
table,  surrounded  at  the  distance  of  a  few  feet  by  another  in 
the  form  of  a  bench,  of  nearly  equal  height,  and  again  at  a 
greater  distance  by  a  kind  of  low  esplanade,  and  this  once 
more  by  what  appear  to  have  been  canals  or  ditches."  ^ 

*  Qunden,  817-81S ;  see  also  Arth,  Loc,  74.  Scott  mentions  this  place  in 
tlie  Bridal  cf  IWermmn,  Oanto  i,  J  vii,  and  note.  Murray's  Guide  (1869) 
deicfibeB  Mayboroitgh  as  ''  a  drcolar  enclosore,  about  100  yards  in  diameter, 
lormed  by  a  broad  ridge  of  rounded  stones,  heaped  up  to  a  height  of  16 
feeL"  In  the  centre  is  a  large  roughly  hewn  ^ne.  Note  the  connection 
of  Arthur's  Bound  Table  with  May. 

'  JSmee,  ed.  John  Jamieson,  Glasgow,  1869,  Book  ix,  L  559 : 

"And  be  newth  the  castell  went  thai  sone, 
Bycht  by  the  Bound  Table  away." 

In  a  DoCe,  p.  438,  are  printed  Lyndsay's  lines : 

''Adieu,  fair  Snowdoun,  with  thy  towris  hie, 
Thy  chapell  royal,  park,  and  tabill  round ; 
May,  June,  and  July,  would  I  dwell  in  the.'' 

'Bex  Arthurus  custodiebat  le  round  table  in  castro  de  Styrlyng  aliter 
SoowdoQ  West  Castle.    Skene,  Four  Ancient  Books^  i,  57. 

*New  SiaL  Acet.,  vm,  406 ;  Arth,  Loc,  42.  Arthur's  Oven  is  also  at  this 
Bpot;  New  StaL  Aeet,,  vm,  357,  and  Oamden,  921 :  Camden  speaks  of  '*  a 
coofoa'd  appearance  of  a  little  antient  city  ....  (the  conmion  people)  call 
itGunelot." 


244  LEWIS   F.   MOTT. 

It  is  a  notable  fact  that  not  one  of  the  objects  thus 
oommonly  known  as  Arthur^s  Round  Table  could  possibly 
have  been  used  as  a  banqueting  board,  nor  do  they  often 
resemble  a  table  at  all.  In  some  cases  it  may  be  admitted 
that  the  holding  of  a  Round  Table  Tournament  could  have 
given  its  name  to  a  place ;  but,  on  the  other  hand,  in  these 
particular  spots  no  such  tournaments  are  known  to  have 
taken  place,  in  some  none  could  have  taken  place,  while  at 
the  castles  at  which  these  sports  were  actually  held,  there 
are  no  Round  Tables  known  to  the  peasantry.  Much  allow- 
ance may  also  be  made  for  the  exaggeration  of  popular 
fancy,  yet  it  is  difficult  to  understand  how  a  big  stone,  a 
mound,  a  wall,  and  a  druidical  circle,  should  each  and  all 
have  suggested  a  Round  Table.  Some  other  explanation 
appears  to  be  necessary. 

A  hint  is  ftimished  by  the  fact  that,  in  the  Merlin 
Romance,  the  erection  of  the  circle  at  Stonehenge  by  Uther 
as  a  monument  to  his  dead  brother  and  to  the  others  who 
fell  in  the  battle  of  Salisbury,  immediately  precedes  the 
founding  of  the  Round  Table.^  In  Geoffrey  the  erection  of 
this  Giants'  Dance  is  ascribed  to  Aurelius,  though  Uther  is 
the  one  who,  with  Merlin's  assistance,  brings  the  stones  from 
Ireland.^  When  they  are  ready,  Aurelius  summons  all  the 
people  at  Pentecost  tp  celebrate  the  erection  of  the  sepulchral 
monument  with  great  joy  and  honor.^  The  feast  is  regally 
held  for  four  days,  and  on  this  occasion  Aurelius  crowns 
himself,  fills  all  vacant  positions,  and  rewards  his  followers 
with  gifts,  all  of  which  circumstances  are  exactly  reproduced 
in  Arthur's  great  feast  at  Pentecost  described  ftirther  on.* 

While  many  circles  and  mounds  were  sepulchral,  it  is 
highly  probable  that  they  were  also  used  for  religious  rites 

^Boman,  53  ;  Huthy  92.  'Bk.  yiu,  ch.  x  acq, 

*I<L,  ch.  xn.  *I(Ly  Bk.  ix,  ch.  xn. 


THE  BOUND  TABLE.  246 

t 

^d  other  popular  gatherings.^     There  is,  indeed,  a  curious 

connection  between  tbe  abodes  of  the  dead  and  the  festivities 

^f  the  folk.     The  great  stated  assemblies  of  the  Irish  took 

pUoe  at  well  known  pagan  cemeteries,'  and  in  England, 

even  late  in  the  Middle  Ages,  fiiirs  were  held  in  church- 

jards,  till  the  scandal  of  it  drove  them  to  less  sacred  spots.' 

It  is  certain  that  local  tradition  and  nomenclature  frequently 

point  out  these  sepulchral  monuments  as  places  of  assembly 

and  of  worship.*    At  some  of  them,  indeed,  ceremonials  of 

ancient  origin  have,  till  quite  recently,  continued  to  be  held. 

£mile  Souvestre  writes :  *  "  Cfitait  encore  le  temps  des 

anciens  usages;   tous  les  jeunes  gens  et  toutes  les  jeunes 

filles,  non  mari6s,  depuis  seize  ans  jusqu'^  trente,  se  r6nuis- 

saient  ce  jour-Ul  sur  une  lande,  pr^s  d'une  ville  de  Korigana,^ 

pour  danser  librement  loin  des  yeux  de  leurs  parents.     Les 

jeunes  filles  portaient  k  leurs  justins  du  lin  en  fleurs,  et  les 

jeunes  gar9ons  h  leurs  chapeaux,  des  6pis  verts.    Au  moment 

d'^itrer  en  danse,  chaque  amoureux  prenait  son  amoureuse 

par  le  main,  il  la  conduisait  au  grand  dolmen,  tous  deux  y 

• 

^  Forbes  Leslie,  Early  Races  cf  Scotland,  Edinbuigh,  1866,  ch.  v  and  ch. 
IX ;  James  FraBer,  Transae,  Inverness  SdenHf,  Soc  and  Field  Clubf  vol.  n, 
1880-83,  p.  379. 

'Joyce,  Social HisLy  u,  434. 

'  Hampson,  Medii  Aevi  Kaiendariumy  i,  355. 

*Jour,  Anthropol.  Inst.,  vol.  30,  pp.  61-69  ;  ArchcBologiay  xxi,  460,  *'The 
Kirk,"  a  circle;  New  Siai.  AceLy  m,  61,  Tumulus,  by  tradition  the  site  of 
a  pagan  altar :  the  road  leading  to  it  is  called  the  £[azalgate,  £[axa  mean- 
ing high-priesteaB.  id.,  451,  at  Morebottle  and  Mow,  a  circle  named  the 
Trysting  Stones,  and  another  the  Tryst  Chalmer's  Caledonia,  i,  81,  Beton 
HUl,  a  tumulus  in  Dumfriesshire  ;  AreJuzologia,  xxn,  410,  ^'  In  the  High- 
lands dadum  signifies  both  a  circle  of  stones  and  a  place  of  worship."  See 
also  Rhys,  CeUic  Heathendom,  194-5,  remarks  on  the  circular  shrine  to 
Apollo  in  the  island  of  the  Hyperboreans  with  the  harping  and  chanting 
of  the  citizens  in  honor  of  the  Sun-god  ;  and  p.  204,  on  sacred  mounds. 

^Le  Foyer  BreUm,  Paris,  1864,  n,  25-26.  In  a  note,  it  is  stated  that 
this  usage  still  exists  in  the  mountains  of  Gomouailles  and  in  Vannes. 

*  A  dmidical  circle. 

4 


246  LEWIS   F.    MOTT. 

d^posaient  fleurs  et  ^pis^  et  ils  4taient  s(irs  de  les  retrouver 
aussi  frais  k  Pheure  du  depart  sMls  avaient  6t6  fidMes.^' 

In  the  Pyrenees  near  Bielle,  at  a  large  stone  circle,  there 
are  great  festivities  in  the  month  of  May  among  the 
peasantry,  who  dance  and  amuse  themselves  under  the  ti'ees.* 
At  St.  Wconards  in  Herefordshire,  the  platform  of  a  round 
tumulus  was  tlie  usual  scene  of  village  fttes,  the  spot 
generally  chosen  for  morris-dancing,  and  a  poplar  tree  stand- 
ing in  the  middle  was  used  as  the  village  May  pole.^  On 
Whiteborough  (a  large  tumulus  witli  a  fosse  round  it)  on 
St.  Stephen^s  Do^vn,  near  Launceston,  in  Cornwall,  there 
was  formerly  a  great  bonfire  on  Midsummer  Eve,  round 
which  parties  of  wrestlers  contended  for  small  prizes.*  At 
the  Kirk,  a  circle  in  Scotland,  "  upon  the  afternoon  of  every 
Easter  Monday,  the  lord  of  the  manor  of  Kirkby  resorted 
to  the  circle,  where  all  his  tenants  met  him,  and  games  of 
wrestling,  dancing,  hurling,  and  leaping  ensued.''  The  last 
lord  who  attended  broke  his  thigh  in  one  of  the  games,  and 
from  that  time  it  was  discontinued.*  Further  examples 
of  rites  at  stone  circles  on  Beltane  day  are  recorded  in 
Jamieson's  Scotiuih  Dictionary^  Enough  has  probably  been 
prasented  to  establisli  a  connection  between  these  ancient 
relics  and  certain  popular  agricultural  festivals. 

If,  then,  Arthur  were  a  patron  of  agriculture,  and  if  his 
Round  Table  were  originally  one  of  these  festivals,  we  could 
readily  understand  how  so  many  circles  and  mounds  came  to 
be  known  by  his  name.  They  were  the  spots  at  which 
rustic  Round  Tables  were  held. 

To  find  this  great  monarch  of  romance  the  central  figure 

'  Archaolog,  Joum.f  xxvii,  225  seq.^  Megalithic  Itemains  in  the  Department 
of  the  Ba88es-PyrSn£e8. 

'  Wright,  The  Oclty  the  Romany  and  tl^e  Saxon,  London,  1875,  p.  89. 

'  Brand,  Popular  Antiquitieaj  London,  1853,  i,  318. 

*  ArchcEologia,  xxxi,  450.    Note  the  apparent  equality  of  lord  and  tenants. 

^  S.  V.  Beltane,  see  also  Frazer,  Golden  Bough,  in,  262. 


THE   ROUND   TABLE.  247 

<>f  a  group  of  farmers   and  herdsmen  should  occasion  no 

^^irprise.     It  is  the  habit  of  aetiological  myths  to  take  on 

"^e  form  of  heroic  adventures.^     Even  in  the  brilliant  court, 

^^veloped  by  the  later  writers,  we  are  occasionally  startled 

"y  some  trace  of  primitive  barbarism  or  of  the  struggle  of 

"^civilized  man  for  subsistence.     Poetic  lovers  hardly  like 

^o    think  of  Tristan  caring  for  his  uncle's  pigs.     Yet  the 

°^ore  authentic  the  tale,  the  nearer  we  get  to  the  corn-field, 

the  pasture,  and  the  forest.     Pagan  Britain  was  a  savage 

l^d.     "  In  the  centuries  with  which  we  are  dealing,"  says 

"•hys,  speaking  of  early  historic  times,  "  Wales  presented  a 

pliysical  aspect  very  different  from  that  which  it  does  to-day. 

The  greater  part  was  waste  land  on  which  the  foot  of  man 

r^ly  trod,  mere  boulder-strewn  moorland,  or  boggy  tract. 

•  .  .     The  social  and  domestic  life  of  the  Welsh  centred 

round  the  timber-built  houses  of  the  kings,  princes,  lords  or 

uchelwyr  which  were  scattered  in  the  valleys  and  on   the 

lower  slopes  of  the  hills."  ^    At  every  such  centre  would 

naturally  be  held  the  May,  Mid-summer  and  autumn  festivals 

universal  among  primitive  peoples.     There  may  have  been 

in  very  early  times  a  priest-king  to  perform  the  sacred  rites,^ 

and  just  as  at  Rome  this  priest-king  took  the  place  of  the 

individual  farm-owner,*  so  here   the   separate   agricultural 

festivals   might   readily  have   been    merged    into   a   single 

general  one. 

However  this  may  be,  the  May  gatherings  of  Arthurian 
legend  are,  as  Zimmer  has  pointed  out,  founded  upon  the 
general  customs  of  Celtic  antiquity.*  At  Conchobar's  feasts 
thirty  heroes  were  assembled,  and  women  were  also  present, 

'  See,  for  example,  Mannhardt,  Myth,  Forsch,,  p.  12  aeq.  For  agricultural 
stories  becoming  romantic,  Nutt,  Fairy  Mythology  of  Shakegpeare^  London, 
1900. 

'  Welsh  People,  p.  247.  '  Frazer,  Oolden  Bough,  i,  7. 

♦Mannhardt,  Myth.  Forseh,,  195-6.  *  GoU.  gd.  Am,,  1890,  p.  518. 


248  LEWIS   F.   MOTT. 

as  was  usual  at  such  gatherings.  During  the  year  there 
were  in  ancient  Ireland  three  great  public  festivals :  on 
May  Ist  (beltene)  annually  at  Tara;  at  Midsummer  (August 
Ist)  annually  at  Tailtin,  and  every  three  years  at  Carman 
and  at  Cruachan ;  and  at  the  end  of  summer,  from  three 
days  before  to  three  days  after  November  1st,  at  Emain. 
The  court  of  the  prince  was  the  centre  to  which  the  heroes 
came  and  from  which  many  of  the  adventures  of  the  old 
heroic  tales  took  their  start.* 

The  fair  at  Carman  included  races  and  sports,  law-mak- 
ing, music,  story-telling,  and  the  exchange  of  merchandise, 
as  well  as  feasting  and  religious  exercises.  In  origin  it  is 
evidently  agricultural,  the  legend  being  that  it  was  held  in 
honor  of  Carman,  whose  magic  charms  had  blighted  the  land 
of  the  Tuatha  De  Danaan,  and  who  lay  buried  under  a 
mound  upon  the  plain.  "  Com  and  milk  (were  promised) 
to  them  for  holding  it,  and  that  the  sway  of  no  province  in 
Erin  should  be  upon  them,  and  brave  kingly  heroes  with 
them,  and  prosperity  in  every  household,  and  every  fruit  in 
great  abundance,  and  plentiful  supplies  from  their  waters. 
And  failure  and  early  grayness  of  their  young  kings,  if  they 
did  not  hold  it.^^ » 

*0*  Curry,  Marmen  and  Customs  of  the  Ancient  JrisA,  in,  529.     There  ia 
also  a  mortuary  significance  : 

Twenty  one  raths  of  enduring  fame, 
In  which  hosts  are  under  earth  confined  : 
A  conspicuous  cemetery  of  high  renown, 
By  the  side  of  delightful  noble  Carman. 
Seven  mounds  without  touching  each  other, 
Where  the  dead  have  often  been  lamented  ; 
Seven  plains,  sacred  without  a  house. 
For  the  funeral  games  of  Carman. 

See  also  the  account  of  these  festivities  in  Joyce,  /Socio/  HisLf  n,  434  m^., 
and  Rhys,  Celtic  Heathendom,  4G9  8eq.  The  importance  of  keeping  "early 
grayness"  from  their  young  kings  is  fully  explained  in  Frazer's  CMden 
Bough,  KiUing  the  Chd,  n,  6  teq. 


THE   BOUND   TABLE.  249 

In  many  of  his  characteristics  Arthur  is  distinctly  con- 
nected with  agriculture.^     Myths  of  the  sun,  of  dawn,  day 
and    night,   of  summer  and   winter,  seem  to   be  vaguely 
intermingled  with  the  adventures  of  his  knights.     He  is, 
in  Wolfram^s  phrase,  the  May  man,*  and  his  Round  Table 
IS  properly  held  at  Pentecost,  which  is  identical  according  to 
*i^e  old  style  with  May  day  or  Beltane.*    This  fsLct  is  signifi- 
^^^nt.    We  know  that  aetiological  myths  have  been  invented 
^o  explain  customs  which  have  ceased  to  be  understood  and 
^*^t  this  process  has  been  noted  particularly  in  connection 
^th   agricultural    ceremonial.*     Under    favorable    circum- 
^^ces,    the   primitive   rites   of  the   ancient    Celts,    dimly 
^'irviving  in  the   tradition   of  a  warlike   age,   must   have 
originated  just  such  explanations.    We  are  led,  therefore,  to 
^k  for  the  features  of  the  Round  Table  in  the  mass  of 
folk  custom  concerned  with  May  day  festivities. 

We  may  b^in  with  the  general  description  given  by 
Stabbs  in  his  Anatomie  of  Abuses  of  a  jollification  that  took 
place  "against  Maie-day,  Whitsimday,  or  some  other  time 
of  the  year :  *^  "  They  have  twentie  or  fourtie  yoke  of  oxen, 
every  oxe  havying  a  sweete  nosegaie  of  flowers  tyed  on  the 
tippe  of  his  homes,  and  these  oxen  draw  home  this  Maie 
poole  (this  stinckyng  idoU  rather),  which  is  covered  all  over 
with  flowers  and  hearbes,  bounde  rounde  aboute  with  stringes, 
from  the  top  to  the  bottome,  and  somtyme  painted  with 
variable  colours,  with  twoo  or  three  himdred  men,  women 
and  children  foUowyng  it  with  great  devotion.  And  thus 
beyng  reared  up,  with  handkerchiefes  and  flagges  streamyng 
on  the  toppe,  they  strawe  the  grounde  aboute,  binde  greene 

^  Bhys,  Arth,  Leg,,  ch.  ii. 
'  "Artus  der  meienboere  man/'  st  281,  1.  16. 
'See  ^eu;  Eng.  Did,  and  Jamieson's  Scottish  Diet,,  s.  v.  BeUaiie, 
*  Mannhaidt,  Wcdd-  und  Fddkultej  Berlin,   1877,  p.   229  seq, ;  Frazer, 
OMm  Bough,  treatment  of  myths  of  Adonis,  Dionysus,  Attis,  etc. 


250  LEAVI8   F.    MOTT. 

boughes  about  it,  sett  up  sommer  haules,  bowers,  and  arbours, 
hard  by  it.  And  then  fall  they  to  banquet  and  feast,  to  leap 
and  daunce  aboute  it,  as  the  heathen  people  did  at  the  dedi- 
cation of  their  idoUes,  whereof  this  is  a  perfect  patterne,  or 
rather  the  thyng  itself."  ^  That  such  festivities  were  held 
all  over  Europe  is  a  fact  so  well  known  that  it  is  useless  to 
exemplify  them  further  or  to  dwell  upon  the  character  of  the 
ceremonial.  Certain  features  from  Celtic  Britain,  however, 
bring  us  very  close  to  the  fragmentary  records  preserved  in 
the  Romances  concerning  Arthur's  Round  Table. 

I  quote  from  Frazer : '  "In  the  central  Highlands  of 
Scotland  bonfires,  known  as  the  Beltane  fires,  were  formerly 
kindled  with  great  ceremony  on  the  first  of  May,  and  the 
traces  of  human  sacrifices  at  them  were  particularly  clear 
and  unequivocal.  The  custom  of  lighting  the  bonfires  lasted 
in  many  places  far  into  the  eighteenth  century,  and  the 
descriptions  of  the  ceremony  by  writers  of  that  period 
present  such  a  curious  and  interesting  picture  of  primitive 
heathendom  surviving  in  our  own  country  that  I  will  repro- 
duce them  in  the  words  of  their  authors.  The  fullest  of 
the  descriptions,  so  far  as  I  know,  is  the  one  bequeathed  to 
us  by  John  Ramsay,  laird  of  Ochtcrtyre,  near  Stirlini):,  the 
patron  of  Bums  and  the  friend  of  Sir  Walter  Scott.  From 
his  voluminous  manuscripts,  written  in  the  last  quarter  of 
the  eighteenth  century,  a  selection  has  been  publisht*d  in 
recent  years.  The  follo\ving  account  of  Beltane  is  extracted 
from  a  chapter  dealing  with  Highland  superstitions.  Rirasay 
says  :  '  But  the  most  considerable  of  the  Druidical  festivals 
is  that  of  Beltane  or  May-day,  which  was  lately  observed  in 
some  parts  of  the  Highlands  with  extraordinary  ceremonies. 
Of  later  years  it  is  chiefly  attended  to  by  young  people, 
persons  advanced  in  years  considering  it  as  inconsistent  with 

*  Frazer,  O.  B.,  i,  203  ;  Strutt,  Sports  and  Pastimes,  310. 
^G,B.,  m,  259-261. 


THE   BOUND   TABLE.  251 

their  gravity  to  give  it  any  countenance.  Yet  a  number  of 
drcumstances  relative  to  it  may  be  collected  from  tradition^ 
or  the  conversation  of  very  old  people,  who  witnessed  this 
feast  in  their  youth,  when  the  ancient  rites  were  better 
observed. 

*  This  festival  is  called  in  Gaelic  BeaJrtene — i.  e.,  the  fire 

of  Bel.  .  .  .     Like  the  other  public  worship  of  the  Druids, 

^e  Beltane  feast  seems  to  have  been  performed  on  hills  or 

eminences.     They  thought  it  degrading  to  him  whose  temple 

18  the  universe  to  suppose  that  he  would  dwell  in  any  house 

n^de  with  hands.     Their  sacrifices  were  therefore  offered  in 

^te  open  air,  frequently  upon  the  tops  of  hills,  where  they 

^ere  presented  with  the  grandest  views  of  nature,  and  were 

nearest  the  seat  of  warmth  and  order.     And,  according  to 

tradition,  such  was  the  manner  of  celebrating  this  festival  in 

the  Highlands  within  the  last  hundred  years.     But  since  the 

decline  of  superstition,  it  has  been  celebrated  by  the  people 

of  each  hamlet  on  some  hill  or  rising  ground  around  which 

their  cattle  were  pasturing.    Thither  the  young  folks  repaired 

in  the  morning  and  cut  a  trench,  on  the  summit  of  which  a 

seat  of  turf  was  formed  for  the  company.    And  in  the  middle 

a  pile  of  wood  or  other  fuel  was  placed,  which  of  old  they 

kindled  with  iem-eigin — L  e.,  forced  fire  or  need  fire,  .  .  . 

'After  kindling  the  bonfire  with  the  teinr-eigin  the  company 
prepared  their  victuals.  And  as  soon  as  they  had  finished 
their  meal  they  amused  themselves  a  while  in  singing  and 
dancing  round  the  fire.  Towards  the  close  of  the  entertain- 
ment, the  person  who  officiated  as  master  of  the  feast 
produced  a  large  cake  baked  with  ^gs  and  scalloped  round 
the  edge,  called  am  bonnach  bealMne — L  e.,  the  Beltane  cake. 
It  was  divided  into  a  number  of  pieces,  and  distributed  in 
great  form  to  the  company.  There  was  one  particular  piece 
which  whoever  got  was  called  cailledch  beoMne — i,  6.,  the 
Beltane  carlincy  a  term  of  great  reproach.    Upon  his  being 


252  LEWIS   F.    MOTT. 

known,  part  of  the  company  laid  hold  of  him  and  made  a 
show  of  putting  him  into  the  fire ;  but  the  majority  inter- 
posing, he  was  rescued.  And  in  some  places  they  laid  him 
flat  on  the  groimd,  making  as  if  they  would  quarter  him. 
Afterwards,  he  was  pelted  with  egg-shells,  and  retained  the 
odious  appellation  during  the  whole  year.  And  while  the 
feast  was  fresh  in  people^s  memory,  they  affected  to  speak 
of  the  cailleach  beaJr-tine  as  dead.'  " 

From  the  parish  of  Anstruther,  Wester,  the  following  is 
reported : — "  On  the  1st  of  May,  O.  S.  a  festival  called 
Beltan  is  annually  held  here.  It  is  chiefly  celebrated  by  the 
cow-herds,  who  assemble  by  scores  in  the  fields,  to  dress  a 
dinner  for  themselves,  of  boiled  milk  and  ^gs.  These 
dishes  they  eat  with  a  sort  of  cakes  baked  for  the  occasion, 
and  having  small  lumps  in  the  form  of  nipples  raised  all 
over  the  surface.''  *  To  return  to  Frazer : — "In  the  northern 
part  of  Wales,  that  other  great  Celtic  region  of  Britain,  it 
used  to  be  customary  for  every  family  to  make  a  great 
bonfire  called  Cod  Ooeth  on  Hallowe'en.  The  fire  was 
kindled  on  the  most  conspicuous  spot  near  the  house ;  and 
when  it  had  nearly  gone  out  every  one  threw  into  the  ashes 
a  white  stone,  which  he  had  first  marked.  Then  having 
said  their  prayers  roiind  the  fire,  they  went  to  bed.  Next 
morning,  as  soon  as  they  were  up,  they  came  to  search  out 
the  stones,  and  if  any  one  of  them  was  found  to  be  missing, 
they  had  a  notion  that  the  person  who  threw  it  would  die 
before  he  saw  another  Hallowe'en.  A  writer  on  Wales  says 
'  that  the  autumnal  fire  is  still  kindled  in  North  Wales,  being 
on  the  eve  of  the  first  day  of  November,  and  is  attended  by 
many  ceremonies ;  such  as  running  through  the  fire  and 
smoke,  each  casting  a  stone  into  the  fire,  and  all  running  off 
at  the  conclusion  to  escape  from  the  black  short-tailed  sow. 

^Sinclair,  StaL  AccL,  v,  84. 


THE  BOUND  TABLE.  253 

...     On  the  following  morning  the  stones  are  searched  for 

in  llie  fire,  and  if  any  be  missings  they  betide  ill  to  those 

who   threw  them   in.^    According  to  Professor  Rhys,  the 

habit   of  celebrating   Hallowe'en   by   lighting   bonfires   on 

the  hills  is  perhaps  not  yet  extinct  in  Wales,  and  men  still 

living  can  remember  how  the  people  who  assisted  at  the 

bonfires  would  wait  till  the  last  spark  was  out  and  then. 

would  suddenly  take  to  their  heels,  shouting  at  the  top  of 

their  voices,  *  The  cropped  black  sow  seize  the  hindmost ! ' 

The  saying,  as  Professor  Rhys  justly  remarks,  implies  that 

originally  one  of  the  company  became  a  victim  in  dead 

earnest .  . .    We  can  now  understand  why  in  Lower  Brittany 

every  person  throws  a  pebble  into  the  midsummer  bon-fire. 

Doubtless  here,  as  in  Wales  and  the  Highlands  of  Scotland, 

omens  of  life  and  death  have  at  one  time  or  other  been 

drawn  from  the  position  and  state  of  the  pebbles  on  the 

morning  of  All  Saints'  Day.    The  custom,  thus  found  among 

three  separate  branches  of  the  Celtic  stock,  probably  dates 

from  a  period  before  their  dispersion,  or  at  least  from  a  time 

when  alien  races  had  not  yet  driven  home  the  wedges  of 

separation  between  them.^'  ^ 

Again : — "  Far  more  important  in  Scotland,  however, 
Hum  the  midsummer  fires  were  the  bonfires  kindled  on 
Allhallow  Even  or  Hallowe'en,  that  is  on  the  thirty-first 
of  October,  the  day  preceding  All  Saints'  or  AUhallows' 
Day.  .  .  .  Like  the  Beltane  fires  on  the  first  of  May,  they 
seem  to  have  prevailed  most  commonly  in  the  Perthshire 
Hi^lands.  On  the  evening  of  Hallowe'en  'the  young 
people  of  every  hamlet  assembled  upon  some  eminence  near 
the  houses.  There  they  made  a  bonfire  of  ferns  or  other 
fuel,  cut  the  same  day,  which  from  the  feast  was  called 
Samhrwig  or  Savnag,  a  fire  of  rest  and  pleasure.     Around  it 

*  CMden  Bough,  m,  295-297. 


254  LEWIS   F.    MOTT. 

was  placed  a  circle  of  stones^  one  for  each  person  of  the 
£miilies  to  whom  they  belonged.  And  when  it  grew  dark 
the  bonfire  was  kindled,  at  which  a  loud  shout  was  set  up. 
Then  each  person  taking  a  torch  of  ferns  or  sticks  in  his 
hand,  ran  round  the  fire  exulting ;  and  sometimes  they  went 
into  the  adjacent  fields,  where,  if  there  was  another  com- 
pany, they  visited  the  bonfire,  taunting  the  others  if  inferior 
in  any  respect  to  themselves.  After  the  fire  was  burned  out 
they  returned  home,  where  a  feast  was  prepared,  and  the 
remainder  of  the  evening  was  spent  in  mirth  and  diversions 
of  various  kinds.  Next  morning  they  repaired  betimes  to 
the  bonfire,  where  the  situation  of  the  stones  was  examined 
with  much  attention.  If  any  of  them  were  misplaced,  or  if 
the  print  of  a  foot  could  be  discerned  near  any  particular 
stone,  it  was  imagined  that  the  person  for  whom  it  was  set 
would  not  live  out  the  year.  Of  late  years  this  is  less 
attended  to,  but  about  the  beginning  of  the  present  century 
it  was  regarded  as  a  sure  prediction.  The  Hallowe'en  fire 
is  still  kept  up  in  some  parts  of  the  Low  Country ;  but  on 
the  western  coast  and  in  the  isles  it  is  never  kindled,  though 
the  night  is  spent  in  merriment  and  entertainments.' "  ^ 

From  Callander,  Perthshire,  the  Rev.  James  Robertson 
reports  a  similar  custom  on  All  Saints'  Even :  "  They  set 
up  bonfires  in  every  village.  When  the  bonfire  is  consumed, 
die  ashes  are  carefully  collected  in  the  form  of  a  circle. 
There  is  a  stone  put  in,  near  the  circumference,  for  every 
person  of  the  several  families  interested  in  the  bonfire ;  and 
whatever  stone  is  moved  out  of  its  place,  or  injured  befijre 
the  next  morning,  the  person  represented  by  the  stone  is 
devoted  or  fey ;  and  is  supposed  not  to  live  twelve  months 
from  that  day."  * 

^  Oolden  Bought  m,  293-4,  quoting  John  Ramsay. 
'Sinclair^  StaL  Acct,^  xi,  621 ;  also  Chlden  Bough,  in,  294. 


THE   ROUND   TABLE.  255 

In  this  case  we  have  a  circle  of  stones,  each  stone  repre- 
senting a  person  who  takes  part  in  the  ceremony.     Can  we 
not    equate  this  circumstance  with  the  feet  that  the  name  of 
e^very  Bound  Table  knight  appears  on  the  seat  provided 
for  him? 

A  still  closer  parallel  from  Callender  remains  to  be  cited. 
"  The  people  of  this  district  have  two  customs,  which  are 
&st  wearing  out,  not  only  here,  but  all  over  the  Highlands, 
^lid  therefore  ought  to  be  taken  notice  of,  while  they  remain. 
Upon  the  first  of  May,  which  is  called  Bel-tan  or  Bal-tcin 
^y,  all  the  boys  in  a  township  or  hamlet,  meet  on  the 
^oors.     They  cut   a  table  in   the  green  sod,   of  a  round 
figure,  by  casting  a  trench  in  the  ground,  of  such  circum- 
ference as  to  hold  the  whole  company.     They  kindle  a  fire, 
and  dress  a  repast  of  eggs  and  milk  in  the  consistence  of  a 
custard.     They  knead  a  cake  of  oatmeal  which  is  toasted  at 
the  embers  against  a  stone.    After  the  custard  is  eaten  up, 
they  divide  the  cake  into  so  many  portions,  as  similar  as 
possible  to  one  another  in   size   and   shape,  as   there   are 
persons  in  the  company.     They  daub  one  of  these  portions 
all  over  with  charcoal,  until  it  is  perfectly  black.     They  put 
all  the  bits  of  cake  into  a  bonnet.     Every  one,  blindfolded, 
draws  out  a  portion.     He  who  holds  the  bonnet  is  entitled 
to  the  last  bit.    Whoever  draws  the  black  bit  is  the  devoted 
person  who  is  to  be  sacrificed  to  Baalj  whose  fevour  they 
mean  to  implore,  in  rendering  the  year  productive  of  the 
sustenance  of  man  and  beast.     There  is  little  doubt  of  these 
inhuman  sacrifices  having  been  once  offered  in  this  country, 
as  well  as  in  the  east,  although  they  now  pass  from  the  act 
of  sacrificing,  and  only  compel  the  devoted  person  to  leap 
three  times  through  the  flames ;  with  which  the  ceremonies 
of  this  festival  are  closed."  ^ 


1  Sinclair,  StoL  Acd,,  xi,  620;  also  OcHden  Bough,  m,  262;  Brand,  i, 
224-5. 


256  LEWIS   F.    MOTT. 

Here  at  last  we  have  for  the  repast  an  actual  round  table. 
It  is  crude  and  primitive,  it  is  true,  but  the  analogy  of 
classic  fable  leads  us  to  look  for  just  such  an  object.  From 
a  hint  of  this  sort  tlie  aetiological  fancy  passes  readily  to 
the  splendid  out-door  feast  on  the  meadow  which  Wolfram 
records. 

We  found  that  the  establishment  of  the  Roimd  Table  had 
a  rather  unintelligible  Christian  religious  significance.  This 
is  exactly  what  we  should  expect  if  the  account  dealt  with 
an  original  heathen  ceremonial.  There  are  many  parallels 
in  the  legends  of  saints  invented  to  explain  local  customs 
and  in  the  adaptation  of  primitive  rites  to  churchly  uses. 
In  harmony  with  this  view  is  the  close  connection  of  the 
Round  Table  with  the  Grail,  in  which,  whatever  its  source, 
a  plenty  talisman  may  easily  be  discerned.*  Moreover, 
according  to  Wolfram,  the  Table  was  measured  by  moon- 
light on  the  grass,  a  circumstance  which  suggests  some 
magical  significance.  While  Wace  ascribes  the  establishment 
of  it  to  Arthur,  the  Merlin  versions  ascribe  this  to  Uther, 
in  whom  we  recognize,  according  to  Rhys,^  one  of  the  names 
of  the  God  of  the  Underworld,  a  region  the  divinities  of 
which  are  very  generally  connected  with  agricidtural  observ- 
ances. Leodogran,  too,  though  we  know  little  about  him, 
may  well  have  had,  as  the  father  of  Guinevere,  a  mythological 
import.  That  Arthur,  on  a  high  feastday,  refrains  from 
eating  until  he  has  heard  of  some  adventure,  is  possibly 
connected  with  primitive  rites.^  But,  above  all,  the  fisict 
that  Qther  serves  the  knights  before  himself  eating,  is  hard 
to  explain  unless  it  be  a  reminiscence  of  the  ceremonial 
action  of  the  priest-king  who  has  taken  the  place  of  the 

^  Hertz,  Parz,f  pp.  430-432.  For  heathen  customs  transformed  into 
Christian,  see  Grimm,  Teutonic  Mythology^  tr.  Stallybrass,  London,  1883- 
1900,  I,  11 :  64 ;  n,  xxxiv  seq, 

*Arih.  Legend,  p.  9.  •HerU,  Part,,  512,  n.  126. 


THE  ROUND   TABLE.  267 

ordinal  head  of  the  fiunily/  while  the  partakers  of  the  common 
ntoal  meal  form  a  brotherhood  with  all  the  ties  of  blood 
I'^lationship. 

Ihe  presence  of  women  is  also  in  accord  with  the  usages 

of*  agricultural  festivals.     Indeed,  the  absolute  necessity  that 

eaoh  should  be  accompanied  by  her  knight  recalls  a  feature 

of    sympathetic   magic  frequently  indicated  by  worn-down 

fittrrivals.^     The  wreathed  heads,  the  procession,^  the  games, 

and  the  songs  of  the  jongleurs,  are  all  paralleled  in  the 

May  day  festivities.     Even   the   magnificence  of  Arthur's 

entertainments  is  a  natural  growth  from  the  idea  of  that 

plenty  for  the  obtaining  of  which  these  rites  were  held,  rites 

which  would   end   the   king's   grief  and  procure  for  him 

Mysterious  benefits  and  joys.*     The  three  usual  occasions 

^A  parallel  custom  is  preserved  by  Appian,  Bell.  Milhr.f  66 ;  ^'Mithra- 

^tes  offered  sacrifice  to  Zeus  Stratius  on  a  lofty  pile  of  wood  on  a  high  hill 

scooiding  to  the  fashion  of  his  country,  which  is  as  follows.     First  the 

bngB  themselves  cany  wood  to  the  heap.     Then  they  make  a  smaller  pile 

encircling  the  other  one,  on  which  (the  larger  one)  they  pour  milk,  honey, 

wine,  oil,  and  various  kinds  of  incense.    A  banquet  is  spread  on  the  ground 

for  those  present,  in  the  same  manner  as  was  the  custom  at  Pasargada  in 

the  solemn  sacrifices  of  the  Persian  kings.''    See  Folk-Lorey  xv,  3,  p.  306. 

*  The  intercourse  of  the  sexes  has  often  been  resorted  to  as  a  sympathetic 
charm  to  promote  the  growth  of  the  crops,  Golden  Bough,  n,  204-209. 
For  the  relation  of  the  marriage  of  the  May  pair  to  vegetation,  see  Mann- 
hardt)  BaumkuUus,  ch.  v.  Mock  marriage  on  May  day,  CMden  Bough,  ni, 
240.  Marriages  were  a  special  feature  of  the  fair  at  Tailltenn,  Joyce, 
Social  HisL,  n,  439.  This  notion  will  perhaps  explain  the  men's  refusal 
to  come  to  Eochaid  Airem's  feast  at  Tara  on  the  ground  that  he  had  no 
wife,  and  no  man  came  to  Tara  without  a  wife. — Bhys,  Studies  in  Arth, 
Leg.,  p.  24  ;  Zimmer,  OotL  gel.  Anz.,  1890,  p.  519. 

*  Only  in  Wolfram. 

*  See  p.  234,  above.  The  object  of  agricultural  rites,  as  Mannhardt  and 
Frazer  have  shown,  was  to  ward  off  evils  and  to  procure  benefits.  A  curious 
expression  of  this  idea  of  plenty  is  found  in  Layamon,  p.  544 ;  Merlin 
prophesied  that  '^a  king  should  come  of  Uther  Pendragon,  that  gleemen 
should  make  a  board  of  this  king's  breast,  and  thereto  sit  poets  very  good 
and  eat  their  will,  ere  they  should  thence  go,  and  wine-draughts  outdraw 
from  this  king's  tongue,  and  drink  and  revel  day  and  night ;  this  game 
ahdild  last  them  to  the  world's  end." 


258  LEWIS   F.   MOTT. 

for  the  holding  of  Round  Tables  are  to  be  identified  with 
the  folk  festivals  of  May,  Midsummer,  and  November, 
common  among  Celtic,  as  well  as  other  peoples.  That  they 
recurred  with  perfect  regularity  is  indicated  by  Utlier's  rule 
commanding  the  vassals  to  attend  without  fiirther  summons. 
Even  the  duration  of  the  feasts,  either  four  or  eight  days,  is 
repeated  in  the  Irish  fairs  and  the  Welsh  Eisteddfodau.* 
The  names  of  the  knights  on  the  seats  suggests  a  comparison 
with  the  circles  of  stones  representing  the  participants  in 
Scotch  and  Welsh  ceremonies,  and  the  siege  perilous,  which 
destroys  its  occupant  until  the  Grail  hero  shall  achieve  the 
adventure,  may  be  explained  as  a  survival  of  tlie  original 
human  sacrifice  which  we  find  preserved  to  the  present  day 
under  such  a  variety  of  forms  in  the  peasant  observances 
of  Europe.* 

There  is,  it  is  true,  no  mention  of  a  fire  at  Arthur's 
Round  Table,  a  feature  present  universally  in  beltane  festi- 
vals. But,  as  tlie  ancient  practices  were  transformed  to  fit 
them  for  representation  in  terms  of  courtly  manners,  it  is 
difficult  to  see  how  this  element  could  have  been  retained. 
San-jNIarte  perceives  in  the  fires  of  tlie  giant  of  Mt.  St. 
Michael,^  and  in  that  of  Kai  and  Bedwyr  on  the  summit 
of  Plinlimmon,*  a  hint  of  the  druidical  practice.*  A  more 
definite  hint  is  perhaps  conveyed  by  the  monuments  bearing 
the  name  of  Arthur's  Oven,  at  least  one  of  which  we  know 

'  Possibly  Ihb  was  originally  four  or  eight  nights,  the  Celtic  half  week 
or  week. 

*  For  the  mock  human  sacrifice  substituted  for  a  real  one,  see  Golden 
Boughy  II,  Ql  seq, 

'  Geoffrey,  Bk.  x,  ch.  iii.  *  Kilhwch  and  01  wen  in  Mabinogion. 

^*'£s  scheint  auf  druidischen  Feuerdienst  zu  deuten,  dessen  Andcnken 
jedoch  im  MJirchen  schon  vens'ischt  und  verblichen  ist"  Beitrdqe  zur 
brelonischen  wnd  celHach-germanischen  Heldenrnge^  Quedlingen,  1847,  p.  65.  Ig 
it  too  fanciful  to  imagine  that  the  attempted  burning  of  Guinevere,  of  Iseut, 
and  of  Lunet  might  have  originated  in  an  ancient  sacrifice  by  fire  ? 


THE   ROUND   TABLE.  259 

to   liave  been  thus  called  as  early  as  the  year  1113.^     It  is, 
l^o'wever,  perfectly  legitimate  to  presume  that  such  a  feature 
as     this  might  readily  vanish  from  an  Arthurian  tradition 
^w-liich  has  preserved  so  few  fragments  of  information  con- 
cerning the  Round  Table  feasts. 

A  more  important  objection  to  the  theory  presented  in  this 

paper   is  the  distinct  statement  of  Wace  that  the  Round 

Table  was  established  for  the  express  purpose  of  preventing 

qiiarrels  for  precedence   among  Arthur's  knights,  each  of 

whom  thought  himself  the  best,  and  Layamon's  repetition 

of  this  statement,  coupled  with  a  circumstantial  account  of  a 

bloody  fight  at  a  banquet,  the  very  fight  which  furnished 

the  reason   for  the    construction  of  a  table  of  this   form. 

Fights  on  such  occasions  were,  as  Dr.  Brown  has  shown,^ 

^ot  infrequent  in  Celtic  antiquity,  and  Layamon's  story  is  in 

^  probability  based  on  a  Welsh  folk-tale.     The  importance 

assigned  to  rank  and  the  pains  taken  to  arrange  banqueters 

• 

^  the  proper  order  were,  moreover,  notably  characteristic 
^f  both  Irish  and  Welsh  custom.  Each  detail  of  position 
^*  table  and  right  to  certain  portions  of  food  is  provided  for 
^'^  the  ancient  laws.^  A  deviation  from  such  custom  would, 
^^erefore,  undoubtedly  make  an  extraordinary  impression, 
^hich  would  naturally  be  preserved  in  legend. 

"Yet,  we  are  tempted  to  ask,  how  could  a  round  table 
®^^iire  equality  in  greater  degree  than  one  of  any  other 
^^^pe.  Proximity  to  the  royal  seat  would  in  this  case 
^^cate  degree  of  honor  just  as  fully  as  at  a  long  table. 
^^  this  point  we  are  fortunately  not  left  to  mere  hypothesis. 
^*^e  actual  fact  is  established  for  us  on  the  evidence  of 


Zi.f,franz,  Spr.  und  LiU.,  xui,  p.  109. 

The  Round  Table  be/ore  Wace,  Harvard  Studies  and  Notes  in  PhUology  and 
literature  y  vol,  vn. 

'Joyce,  Social  Uisl.j  n,  106 ;  Rhys  and  Brynmor- Jones,  Wekh  People^ 


260  LEWIS   F.    MOTT. 

Posidoniiis  :  ^ — "  The  Celtae  place  food  before  their  guests^ 
putting  grass  for  their  seats,  and  they  serve  it  upon  wooden 
tables  raised  a  very  little  above  the  ground.  .  .  .  But  when 
many  of  them  sup  together,  they  all  sit  in  a  circle ;  and  the 
bravest  sits  in  the  middle,  like  the  coryphaeus  of  a  chorus ; 
because  he  is  superior  to  the  rest  either  in  his  military  skill, 
or  in  birth,  or  in  riches :  and  the  man  who  gives  the  enter- 
tainment sits  next  to  him ;  and  then  on  each  side  the  rest 
of  the  guests  sit  in  regular  order,  according  as  each  is 
eminent  or  distinguished  for  anything."  In  this  case  there 
is  a  Round  Table  of  warriors,  closely  resembling  Arthur's 
feasts,  yet  each  is  tenaciously  observant  of  the  rights  belong- 
ing to  his  rank. 

Wace's  statement,  however,  is  definite,  and  could  hardly 
have  been  his  own  invention.  On  the  other  hand,  experi- 
ence teaches  us  to  be  suspicious  of  explanations  provided 
to  account  for  customs  the  real  origin  of  which  has  been 
forgotten.  This  equality  predicated  by  Wace  is  particularly 
open  to  question,  and  Layamon's  folk-tale,  which  bears  on 
the  face  of  it  the  appearance  of  having  been  added  for 
aetiological  purposes,  may  originally  have  had  no  connection 
whatever  with  the  Round  Table.^  In  the  Arthurian  stories 
there  is  no  consistent  evidence  of  such  equality,  and  the  very 
strictness  of  the  rules  of  precedence  at  Celtic  courts  makes  it 
impossible  that  any  body  of  real  vassals  could  have  stood 
permanently  in  such  a  relation  to  one  another.  But,  as  we 
have  seen,  the  Round  Table  feasts  were  not  of  every  day 
occurrence;  they  were  ceremonial  functions  and,  according 
to  the  theory  advanced,  they  were  agricultural  festivals. 
Now   this  very  feature   of  inversion  of  ranks,   the   social 

^  Athenaeus,  DeipnoaophistSy  translated  by  C.  D.  Yonge,  London,  1854, 
YoL  I,  p.  245,  Bk.  rv,  ch.  36.  The  passing  of  the  wine  deisiol  suggests  that 
the  feast  here  described  may  have  been  ceremonial. 

'See  quotation  from  Ten  Brink,  Bound  Table  before  Wace^  p.  190,  n.  3. 


THE  BOUND  TABLE.  261 

ec^nality  for  a  brief  period  of  masters  with  their  servants^  or 
er^^en  slaves,  is  found  in  many  rustic  celebrations. 

Every  one  will  recall  at  once  the  Saturnalia  at  Borne. 

^^   The  distinction  between  the  free  and  the  servile  classes 

temporarily  abolished.     The  slave  might  rail   at  his 

',  intoxicate  himself  like  his  betters,  sit  down  at  table 

ith   them,  and   not  even   a  word   of  reproof  would  be 

gfcj^ministered  to  him  for  conduct  which  at  any  other  season 

Eoight  have  been  punished  with  stripes,  imprisonment,  or 

ith.     Nay,  more,  masters  actually  changed  places  wiih 

leir  slaves  and  waited  on  them  at  table ;  and  not  till  the 

trf  had  done  eating  and  drinking  was  the  board  cleared 

id  dinner  set  for  his  master.''  ^    Precisely  this  trait  appears 

Uther's  reftisal  to  eat  until  he  has  served  the  knights  of 

Round  Table. 

The  same  custom  prevailed  in  Great  Britain.     It  is  thus 
described  by  Bobert  Bloomfield  :  * — 

''Now,  ere  sweet  Summer  bids  its  long  adieu, 
And  winds  blow  keen  where  late  the  blossom  grew, 
The  bustling  day  and  jovial  night  must  come, 
The  long  accustomed  feast  of  harvest^home  .... 
Behold  the  sound  oak  table's  massy  frame 
Beside  the  kitchen  floor  I  nor  careful  dame 
And  generous  host  invite  their  friends  around, 
For  all  that  cleared  the  crop,  or  till'd  the  ground 
Are  guests  by  right  of  custom  : — old  and  young ;  .  .  . 
Here  once  a  year  distinction  lowers  its  crest, 
The  master,  servant,  and  the  meny  guest. 
Are  equal  all ;  and  round  the  happy  ring 
The  reaper's  eyes  exulting  glances  fling, 
And,  warm'd  with  gratitude,  he  quits  his  place. 
With  sun-burnt  hands  and  ale-enliven' d  face, 
BefiUs  the  jug,  his  honor'd  host  to  tend. 
To  serve  at  once  the  master  and  the  friend ; 
Proud  thus  to  meet  his  smiles,  to  share  his  tale. 
His  nuts,  his  conversation,  and  his  ale." 

^  Oolden  Bough,  m,  139. 
'  Thi  Farmei^B  Boy,  Summer* 

5 


262  LEWIS  F.  icon. 

Among  others  Stmtt  also  records  this  custom :  ^^  The  harvest- 
supper  in  some  places  is  called  a  mell  supper,  and  a  chum 
supper;  at  which.  Bourne  tells  us,  ^the  servant  and  his 
master  are  alike,  and  everything  is  done  with  equal  freedom : 
they  sit  at  the  same  table,  converse  freely  together,  and 
spend  the  remaining  part  of  the  night  in  dancing  and  sing- 
ing, without  any  difference  or  distinction/^'^  "I  once 
thought,''  says  Brand,  "that  the  northern  name  of  the 
entertainment  given  on  this  occasion,  i.  e.,  Mell-supper,  was 
derived  firom  the  French  word  mesler,  to  mingle  or  mix 
together,  the  master  and  servant  sitting  promiscuously  at  the 
same  table.  .  .  .  All  being  upon  an  equal  footing,  or,  as 
the  northern  vulgar  idiom  has  it,  *  Hail  fellow  well  met.' "  * 
The  equality  ascribed  to  Arthur's  knights  need  not,  then, 
have  grown  out  of  any  such  incident  as  that  narrated  by 
Layamon.  Yet  we  may  be  sure  that  some  sort  of  a  contest 
was  a  feature  of  the  popular  festival.  The  Round  Table 
tournaments,*  so  frequently  described  in  the  romances  and 
which  subsisted  to  the  close  of  the  Middle  Ages,  had  their 
parallels  in  primitive  custom.  "  Posidonius  in  the  third  and 
also  in  the  twentieth  book  of  his  Histories,  says — *The 
Celtae  sometimes  have  single  combats  at  their  entertain- 
ments. For  being  collected  in  arms,  they  go  through  the 
exercise,  and  make  feints  at,  and  sometimes  they  even  go  so 
far  as  to  wound  one  another.  And  being  irritated  by  this, 
if  the  bystanders  do  not  stop  them,  they  will  proceed  even 

^Sports  and  PastimeSj  London,  1810,  p.  321 :  Brand  refers  to  this  equality 
at  the  harvest-supper  as  general)  n,  16. 

'  Brand,  PopiUar  AnHquiHettf  n,  27,  note.  For  the  word  mdl,  see  Englisk 
Dialed  Dictionary  of  Wright. 

*  An  interesting  example  is  offered  even  in  the  reign  of  Henry  VTII, 
though  it  is  not  called  a  Kound  Table.  '  The  king  and  his  followers  rode  to 
the  wood  to  fetch  the  May,  and  after  this  held  a  three  days'  tournament. 
Hall's  Chronicle,  London,  1809,  p.  520.  For  connection  between  May  and 
jousts,  see  Dii  Cange,  s.  v.  Maium,  ^'Eodem  Maii  nomine  designari  videtur 
hastiludii  species,  in  charta  ann.  1346." 


THE  BOUND   TABLE.  263 

^     kill   one   another.     But  in  olden  times/  he  continues, 

'  tliere  was  a  costom  that  a  hind  quarter  of  pork  was  put  on 

^e  table,  and  the  bravest  man  took  it ;  and  if  anyone  else 

^d  claim  to  it,  then  the  two  rose  up  to  fight  till  one  of 

^em  was   slain.' "^    An   incident   of  the  former  kind  is 

^^rrated  in  Geoffrey's  chronicle ;  * — In  honor  of  his  second 

^ctory  over  Csesar,  Cassebelaunus  assembles  his  nobles  and 

^eir  wives  and  offers  an  immense  sacrifice,  after  which  a 

S^^^t  feast  is  held.     In  the  games  that  ensue,  his  nephew 

^^<1  another  young  nobleman  fight  in  earnest  and  the  nephew 

^^    filain.    We  seem  to  have  here  the  remains  of  such  a  contest 

*^    the  pretended  battle  between  companies  of  herdsmen  on 

''^^  Lupercal,'  the  struggle  between  summer  and  winter,*  and 

^^^  attack  and  defence  of  Hallowe'en  fires.* 

The  aetiological  myth  originates  as  an  explanation  of  rude 
P^*imitive  rites.    With  the  development  of  the  story,  the 
P^'t^y  chiefs  of  shepherds,  herdsmen  and  farmers  grow  into 
*^^xoic  demi-gods  and  mighty  kings,  and  the  manners  and 
P^^Bctices  of  a  more  civilized  age  clothe  and  almost  hide  the 
^^x*ly  customs.    Yet,  while  these  tales  acquire  literary  form 
^^d  poetic  coloring,  the  ancient  ritual  subsists  almost  un- 
altered among  the  peasantry,  and  by  comparing  the  tale  and 
fte  ritual   we  can,  in  the  identity  of  incident  and  usage, 
discern   their   mutual    relationship.      In   the   present   case, 
though  the  investigation  deals,  not  with  a  narrative,  but 
with  an  institution,  the  same  principles  are  operative.    All 
the  known  features  of  Arthur's  Kound  Table  are  found  in 
primitive  agricultural  celebrations.     It  is  true  that  no  one 

^  Athenaeus,  Deipnowphists,  vol.  i,  p.  248,  Bk.  iv,  c  40.     See  also  LUL 
CeUique,  vi,  53. 

*  rv,  viii.    Waoe,  with  greater  detail,  4407-4459. 
'  Mannhardt,  Myth,  Forwh^y  77. 

^  Oolden  Bought  n,  99  seq,  ;  Brand,  i,  246. 

*  Brand,  i,  389. 


264  LEWIS   F.   MOTT. 

festival^  as  recently  practised,  contains  them  all,  yet  this 
&ct  furnishes  no  valid  ground  for  objection,  since  the  details 
of  these  observances  exhibit  a  certain  fluidity  and  the  traits 
of  one  pass  readily  into  any  of  the  others.  "  The  Whitson- 
tide  Holydays,"  says  Strutt/  "were  celebrated  by  various 
pastimes  commonly  practised  upon  other  festivals/'  and  the 
same  remark  may  be  applied  to  any  one  of  tiiis  group. 
Bonfires,  fighting,  inversion  of  ranks,  together  with  feasting, 
dancing  and  singing,  are  found  equally  at  May,  Midsummer 
and  Autumn.  Every  observance  mentioned  is  attested  on 
Celtic  ground,  while  the  most  essential  feature  of  the  whole, 
an  actual  round  table  in  the  grassy  field,  survived  even  in 
the  eighteenth  century  folk-custom  of  Scotland  to  indicate 
the  original  character  of  Arthur's  feasts.  Voyaging  back 
through  the  ages,  we  can  imagine  a  band  of  ancient  Celts, 
all  of  the  same  clan,  gathering  to  perform  their  sacrificial 
rites  around  what  was,  perhaps,  their  symbol  of  the  sun,  a 
circular  table  cut  in  the  sod.  As  the  clan  is  included  in  the 
nation,  the  festival  of  the  king  acquires  greater  prominence 
than  the  local  observances,  yet  still  preserves  the  essential 
features  of  its  prototypes.*  Arthur,  whether  agricultural 
god  or  semi-historical  leader,  naturally  attracts  these  cere- 
monies to  his  court,  and  then  the  French  poets,  transforming 
the  Celtic  hero  into  a  magnificent  emperor,  conceive  of  the 
Round  Table  as  the  centre  around  which  his  peerless  knights 
gather  for  feasts  and  tournaments  which  reflect  the  courtly 
etiquette  of  mediaeval  society. 

Lewis  F.  Mott. 


^  Sports  and  Pastimes^  p.  316.  For  confusion  of  festivals  see  Ghamber's 
Mediceval  Stage,  Oxford,  1903,  I,  266. 

'The  fact,  mentioned  above,  p.  233,  that  tradition  has  preserved  tlie 
record  of  at  least  three  Bound  Tables  confirms  the  theory  of  such  a 
development. 


VI.— PARKE  GODWIN  AND  THE  TRANSLATION 

OP  ZSCHOKKE'S  TALES.* 

Within  the  last  decade  students  of  Grerman  in  America 

l^ve  been  brought  to  a  fiiller  consciousness  of  the  great  debt 

which  American  culture  owes  to  the  German  Fatherland. 

^  this  side  of  the  water  the  Americana  Germanioa  and  its 

successor,  the  German  American  Annals,  edited   by  Prof. 

I^eamed,  have  not  only  thrown  much  light  on  the  linguistic, 

uterary  and  cultural  relations  of  the  two  countries  in  the 

P^  but  have  also  served  as  a  stimulus  in  calling  the  atten- 

^on  of  scholars  to  many  points  of  contact  hitherto  overlooked. 

^  the  other  side  of  the  ocean,  Ludwig  Viereck,  in  his  book 

Z<cei  Jahrhufulerte  deutsch^  UrUerricfUs  in  dm  Verdnigten 

^Wfen,  has  given  German  scholars  a  clear  historical  account 

^f  the  part  which  German  instruction  has  played  and  is  still 

playing  in  American  education. 

In  the  light  of  these  efforts  to  trace  the  various  channels 
^^»^rough  which  German  influence  has  flowed  into  American 
^^e,  it  may  not  be  amiss  here  to  call  attention  to  the  less  ambi- 
^OQs,  though,  measured  by  its  popular  influence,  by  no  means 
important  work  of  translation ;  and  in  a  brief  sketch  to 
^^ecall  the  modest  services  of  a  man  who  was  one  of  the  first 
to  be  inspired  by  German  idealism  and  one  of  the  pioneers 
iQ  making  German  literature  known  in  America  and  appre- 
ciated by  the  American  public.     I  refer  to  the  late  Parke 

^The  author  desires  here  to  express  his  obligations  to  Mr.  William 
Warner  Bishop,  of  the  Princeton  Uniyereitj  Librarji  for  his  invaluable 
senrioes  in  securing  access  to  the  files  of  rare  magazines ;  to  Mr.  Geo. 
Haven  Putnam,  of  New  York,  for  his  kindness  in  lending  the  author  a 
copy  of  the  original  Zeehokke  TaUSf  now  a  very  rare  book ;  and  to  Mr. 
Wm.  P.  Prentice,  of  New  York,  one  of  the  Zschokke  translators,  for  his 
reminiscences  of  Parke  Gk)dwin  and  the  first  edition  of  Zschokke  Tola, 

265 


266  JOHN   PRESTON   H08KINS. 

Grodwin,  best  known  through  his  connection  with  the  Evening 
Pody  and  for  ahnost  three-quarters  of  a  century  one  of  the 
most  familiar  figures  in  the  literary^  artistic^  and  social  life 
of  New  York  City. 

When  and  where  Gk)dwin  first  began  the  study  of  German 
I  have  not  been  able  to  ascertain  with  certainty.  The  fact 
that  his  mother  was  Dutch  may  have  given  him  an  heredi- 
tary predilection  for  things  Teutonic.  He  spent  his  youth 
in  his  native  place,  Paterson,  N.  J.  Here,  as  well  as  after 
his  college  course,  while  studying  law  in  St.  Louis,  he  may 
have  come  in  contact  with  German  settlers.  But  the  fact 
that  he  could  never  speak  German  seems  to  preclude  the 
probability  that  his  interest  in  Grerman  literature  could  have 
been  awakened  in  either  of  these  places.  More  probable — 
but  still  uncertain — is  the  supposition  that  he  began  the 
study  of  German  while  in  college.  Godwin  was  a  member 
of  the  Princeton  class  of  1834.  From  1832  to  1842  an 
Austrian,  Benedict  Jaeger,  performed  a  threefold  function  in 
Princeton,  as  professor  of  Natural  History,  German,  and 
Italian.  Of  course  modem  languages  were  not  a  part  of  the 
curriculum  at  this  time.  But  they  were  taught  at  hours 
outside  the  regular  schedule,  without  extra  charge,  to  those 
students  who  desired  them.  It  is,  therefore,  not  impossible 
that  Godwin  began  the  study  of  German  during  his  student 
days. 

But  whether  his  interest  in  Grerman  was  aroused  at  this 
time  or  after  1837,  when  he  settled  permanently  in  New 
York,  his  translations  were  really  a  part  of  that  wave  of 
German  influence  which  about  1840,  as  Learned  has  shown 
{Pddagog,  Monatshefty  February,  1901),  became  the  leading 
and  in  some  respects  the  transforming  force  in  American 
culture.  This  German  influence,  it  will  be  recalled,  mani- 
fested itself  not  only  in  the  reform,  after  the  Prussian  model, 
of  the  common  school  system  in  Ohio  by  Calvin  O.  Stowe, 


PARKE   GODWIN   AND   ZSCHOKKE^S   TALES. 


267 


and  in  Massachufietts  by  Horace  Mann ;  in  the  establishment 
w    a  university  on  the  Grerman  plan — ^the  University  of 
Michigan  in  1837 ;  but  it  also  became  for  a  decade  or  more 
^e  chief  &ctor  in  philosophy  and  letters.     Kant's  idealism ; 
Fas  the  dominant  element  in   the   thinking   of  Emerson, 
P^arker,  Hedge,  and  the  other  so-called  transcendentalists ; 
wiiile  Longfellow  and  that  group  of  idealists  gathered   at 
Brook  Farm  not  only  paid  homage  to  transcendental  phi- 
losophy,  but   drew  their   literary  inspiration  largely  fix)m 
Creiman  sources.     It  is  this  little  group  of  idealists  known 
Hs    the  Brook  Farmers  that  forms  the  link  between  the  new 
pliilosophical  and  literary  movement  about  Boston  and  the 
^3^axislations  of  Parke  Grodwin. 

Xn  his  political  views  Godwin  was  an  enthusiastic  advo- 
cate of  free  trade  and  had  strong  sympathies  with  the  ideas 
of  voluntary  association  advocated  by  Fourier.  He  was 
f^^ifi  led  to  take  part  with  Bipley,  Emerson,  Hawthorne, 
M^Ligaret  Fuller,  Horace  Greeley,  Charles  A.  Dana,  John  S. 
I^^vight,  and  George  William  Curtis  in  the  socialistic  experi- 
D^^ot  to  realize  the  ideals  of  equality  and  fraternity  at  Brook 
faiin.  He  was  never  a  member  of  the  conmiunity,  but 
"^J^  earnestly  firom  the  outside.  He  it  was  who  wrote 
^^  first  address  on  behalf  of  the  "Association ''  and  edited 
^^  official  organ.  The  Harbinger,  after  it  was  removed  to 
•^^'^  York  in  1847.  His  first  book  too  was  A  Papular  View 
^f  «^  Doctrines  of  Charles  Fourier  (1844). 

-l^he  platform  of  the  Brook  Farm  reformers  contained, 
®^^<iretely  stated,  three  propositions : — In  philosophy  it 
**^*^«[  to  introduce  a  current  of  thought  which  would  lift 
™^^x  above  the  reiteration,  in  varied  forms,  of  accepted  dogmas 
ot  oxeeds  and,  in  the  language  of  the  Dial  (vol.  i,  1840),  be 
ft  ^  cheerftd  rationalistic  voice  amid  the  din  of  mourners  and 
polemics."  In  its  scheme  of  social  reform  its  purpose  was 
U>  ^tumish  an  example  of  a  self-supporting  conmiunity  living 


..^ 


268  JOHN  PRESTON   HOSKINS. 

according  to  its  ideal  of  eqoaliiy  and  fraternity  among  men. 
And  finally,  in  behalf  of  popular  culture,  its  aim  was  to 
bring  a  knowledge  of  art  imd  literature  to  a  people  which 
for  a  century  and  a  half  had  been  aesthetically  starved. 

As  &r  as  the  origin  of  these  propositions  is  concerned^ 
its  scheme  of  social  reform  was  mostly  French,  while  in  its 
philosophical  and  literary  aspect  it  received  its  inspiration 
from  German  sources.  The  Dialy  m  its  openmg  number, 
points  to  that  "  current  of  thought  and  feeling  which  [ema- 
nating firom  Grermany]  had  led  many  ...  in  New  England  to 
make  new  demands  upon  literature.^'  And  in  an  article  on 
German  literature  in  the  same  periodical  (January,  1841) 
Parker  characterizes  it  as  "  the  fairest,  the  richest,  the  most 
original,  fresh  and  religious  literature  of  all  modem  times.'' 
He  predicts  the  happiest  results  firom  a  knowledge  of  it, 
^^the  diligence  which  shuns  superficial  study,  the  boldness 
which  looks  for  the  causes  of  things  and  the  desire  to  fall 
back  on  what  alone  is  elementary  and  eternal  in  criticism 
and  philosophy ;  '*  while  the  translator  of  Goethe's  Hermann 
vmd  Dorothea  writes  in  the  Democratie  Review  (September, 
1848) :  "Many  have  felt  that  the  strong  Teutonic  intellect 
and  its  rich  and  varied  productions  have  hitherto  been  too 
imperfectly  known  and  appreciated  among  us,  that  indeed 
any  adequate  knowledge  of  them  has  been  confined  to  a 
circle  quite  too  narrow  and  exclusive ;  and  consequently, 
that  one  of  the  most  original,  thoughtfiil  and  indefatigable 
of  the  European  races  has  not  exercised  its  due  influence 
upon  our  minds ; "  and  he  concludes  this  pan^raph  with  th^ 
words:  "It  is  certain  that  no  book  or  author  can  exert  a 
wide  and  pervading  influence  until  translated  into  the  living 
language  of  the  people  by  whom  it  is  read." 

This  group  of  idealists  was  convinced,  as  Ticknor  had 
been  before  them,  that  if  they  could  bring  the  American 
public  into  contact  with  translations  of  good  literature,  the 


PABKE  OODWIK   AND   ZSCHOKKE's   TALES.  269 

g^eml  taste  for  reading  would  grow  and  the  general  intelli- 
gence and  consequent  civilization  improve.   They  would  b^in 
'*  by  translation,"  as  one  of  the  contributors  to  the  Dial  writes, 
^^d  then  pass  on  to  ^'original  creation  as  other  nations  had 
done,"  or,  as  Ripley  says  in  his  introduction  to  Specimens  of 
-^^dgn  lAtercUure:  "  In  this  enterprise  of  a  very  unambitious 
ctxaracter  the  editors  are  content  with  the  humble  task  of 
'^^presenting  the  views  of  other  minds  if  thereby  they  may 
ffi^ve  fresh  impulses  to  thought,  enlarge  the  treasures  of  our 
J^outhful  literature  or  contribute  to  a  small  degree  to  the 
S^i^tification  of  a  liberal  curiosity." 

The  members  of  the  Brook  Farm  Association  were  not 
^^c  first  to  translate  works  from  the  Grerman,  for,  as  we  shall 
s^^e  in  the  case  of  Zschokke,  translations  were  made  inde- 
pendent  of  this   movement.     Ever   since   the   days   when 
Carlyle  and  Coleridge  b^an  to  preach  German  metaphysics 
^nd  romanticism  in  England,  and  American  students  {drca 
1820)  such  as  Everett,  Bancroft,  and  Motley  began  to  attend 
Grerman  Universities,  scattering  translations  from  the  German 
Wd  appeared  in  the  British  and  American  magazines.    Here 
^d  there,  too,  English  translations  of  longer  works  had 
Wn  republished  in  America.     But  it  was  nevertheless  the 
Brook  Farm  movement  which  let  in  the  full  tide  of  German 
^fluence  into  American  life. 

Before  1830  the  interest  in  German  may  be  characterized 
as  sporadic.^  A  number  of  translations  appear  in  this  country, 
iiiostly  as  American  editions  of  English  publications.  They 
d^  ¥dth  different  subjects,  and  in  most  cases  serve  other 
than  purely  literary  purposes.*    As  early  as  1820  Otto  von 

^For  translations  from  the  German  previous  to  1825,  see  Frederick  H. 
Wilkens,  Early  Iriftuenoe  of  Oerman  Literature  in  America^  in  Amerieana 
Gemaanca,  1899-1900,  pp.  103-206. 

'For  pnblications  up  to  1840  the  author  has  followed  mainly  the 
qoarterlj  announcements  of  new  books  in  the  North  American  Review  and 
Boorbach's  Bibliotheca  Americana :  American  Publicationa  between  ISiBO  and 


270  JOHN  PRESTON   H06KINB. 

Kotzebue's  Jowmey  into  Persia  was  published  in  Philadelphia. 
Scholarly  interest  accounts  for  Bancroft's  translation  of  some 
of  Heeren's  Historical  Works  in  1824  and  1828  (North 
Hampton  and  New  York) ;  and  religious  interests  for  the 
appearance  of  the  sacred  drama,  The  Resurrection  of  Jesus 
Christy  translated  from  the  German  (Boston,  1826),  and 
Prince  Alexander  von  Hohenlohe's  Prayer  Book  (1827),  a 
Roman  Catholic  work,  which  appeared  the  next  year. 

Translations  from  the  Grerman  also  helped  to  meet  the 
demand  for  juvenile  reading  before  1830.  Fouqu^'s  Undine 
was  published  in  Philadelphia  in  1824,^  and  from  the  number 
of  times  it  was  repeated  I  conclude  that  it  was  one  of  the 
most  popular  German  translations  in  America  about  1840. 
From  a  book  notice  {North  American  Review,  1839)  of  a  new 
translation  of  this  story  we  learn  that  it  was  already  well 
known,  and  the  Eev.  Thomas  Tracy,  the  translator  of  this 
story  together  with  Sintram  and  his  Companions  (New  York, 
1845),  tells  us  that  it  was  then  being  printed  for  the  fifth 
time.  This  statement,  combined  with  the  &ct  that  it  was 
copyrighted  this  year,  probably  to  prevent  pirating,  points  to 
a  wide  circulation.  In  the  same  line  of  juvenile  literature 
an  English  version  of  Grimm's  Popular  Stories  appeared  in 
Boston  in  1826,  to  be  repeated  two  years  later;  and  faint 
echoes  of  Joachim  Heinrich  Campe's  theories  of  pedagogical 
reform  reached  America  in  Elizabeth  Helmes's  (English) 
translations  of  his  Columbus  and  Pizarro,^  which  were  pub- 
lished in  the  same  city  in  1829. 

In  the  domain  of  pure  literature  we  may  mention  Fouqu^'s 

^Aooording  to  Wilkens  (p.  142),  two  editions  were  published  this  same 
year,  and  also  Chamisso's  Peier  SchUmihL 

'  Wilkens  (p.  1S4)  cites  Oampe's  New  Bobinaon  Onuoe  before  1803.  He 
thinks  the  Oolumbu8j  Oortez  and  Pizarro  were  republished  in  America  before 
1826.  The  date  here,  1829,  is  taken  from  the  North  American  JUview^ 
October,  1829.    These  maj  be  new  editions. 


PAJEIKE  GODWIN   AND   ZSCHOKKE's  TALES.  271 

Hngtrd  LovCj^  an  English  version  of  which  was  put  upon 

'•iie  market  in  1824 ;  M.  G.  Lewis's  (English)  translation  of 

^Zschokke's  romance  AbeUino  (Boston,  1826) ;  and  James  S. 

IKnowles's  adaptation  of  Schiller's  WiOielm  TeUy  which  was 

3)ublished  the  same  year  (1826)  in  New  York,  in  connection 

ninth  the  performance  of  that  play  at  the  Park  Theatre. 

Toward  the  end  of  this  decade  (1829)  two  German  Tales 

^probably  of  a  juvenile  character,  entitled  Homg^a  Owl  Tower 

^Tid  Marjfa  Journey y  also  appeared  in  Boston,  but  whether 

^ese  were  actual  translations  or  original  productions  whose 

was  laid  in  Germany,  the  announcement  does  not  state. 


fn  conclusion  it  is  worthy  of  note  that  the  North  American 
Jieview  for  1823  contains  articles  on  Grillparzer's  Das  Ooldene 

liata  with  a  translation  of  some  passages,  and  on  Schiller's 
ife^  (April,  1823)  and  minor  poems  (October,  1823);  while 

le  German  edition  of  Herder's  complete  works  is  reviewed' 

td  two  of  his  minor  poems  are  translated  in  the  same 
loumal  for  January,  1825. 

Between   1830   and   1839,  the  year   in  which  John  S. 

^i)wight's   Select  Minor  Poems   of  Goethe   and  Schiller  and 

^iargaret  Fuller's  Trandationa  of  Eckermann's  Conversations 

vnth  Goethe  appeared  as  vols.  3  and  4  of  Ripley's  Specimens 

of  Foreign  Literature^  the  increasing  number  of  translations 

of  literary  Works  bears  witness  to  the  growing  interest  in 

Grerman  Literature.     This  result  was  due,  at  least  in  part, 

to  Professor  Charles  Follen's  activity  at  Harvard,  but  Calvert's 

work  in  Baltimore  during  this   decade  is  also  worthy  of 

mention,  and  the  half  dozen  Grerman  grammars,  readers,  and 

dictionaries    which  were   published   during   these  years   in 

Boston,  Andover,  and  Philadelphia  show  that  the  desire  to 

learn  Grerman  was  not  confined  to  a  single  locality. 

^  In  1822  a  reprint  of  the  London  translation  by  George  Soane  was  pub- 
lished in  New  York.    Wilkens,  p.  142  (No.  173,  in  Appendix). 
'Attributed  to  A.  H.  Everett 
'Attributed  to  Bancroft. 


272  JOHN   PBESTON   H06KIN8. 

Omitting  miDor  poems  published  in  magazines^  and  pass- 
ing over  such  works  as  Johann  von  MuUer^s  Universal  Hidory 
(1832),  Puckler-Muskau's  TutiinFruta  (1834),  F.  V.  Rein- 
hard's  Memoirs  and  Oonfeasions  (1832),  and  a  book  of  German 
Parables  (1834),  all  of  which  were  American  editions  of 
translations  made  in  England  and  owed  their  publication  to 
other  than  literary  interests,  I  find  during  this  period  some 
dozen  other  translations  firom  Herder,  GU)ethe,  Schiller,  A. 
W.  Schl^el,  Tieck,  Zschokke,  Heine,  and  others,  done  in 
part  by  Americans. 

Eeserving  the  five  or  six  Zschokke  tales  for  separate 
consideration,  the  year  1833  brought  an  American  edition 
of  Black's  (English)  translation  of  A.  W.  Schl^ePs  Lectures 
on  Dramatic  Art  a/nd  Literature  (Philadelphia)  and  of  Smith's 
(English)  version  of  Tieck's  tale,  The  Lover  of  Nature, 
Herder's  Spirit  of  Hebrew  Poetry  was  translated  by  James 
Marsh  and  published  in  Burlington,  Vermont,  in  1834—35. 
From  Goethe  I  have  discovered  only  one  work,  Obtz  von 
Berlichingen  ^  (Philadelphia,  1837),  but  Schiller,  as  one  would 
naturally  expect,  received  particular  attention.  In  1833 
Carlyle's  (?)  Life  of  SchiUer,  with  a  preface  by  FoUen,  was 
published  in  Boston ;  two  years  later  the  Diver  appeared  in 
the  Democratic  Review ;  in  1837  his  Song  of  The  Bell  was 
translated  by  S.  A.  Eliot  for  the  Boston  Academy  of  Music, 
and  WaUertstein^ s  Camp  by  Greorge  E.  Moir,  with  a  memoir  of 
Albert  Wallenstein  by  G.  W.  Havens,  appeared  in  the  same 
city.  The  year  1837  also  witnessed  the  appearance  of  Tfi/- 
helm  Tell,  translated  by  C.  T.  Brooks,  in  Providencie,  R.  I. 
In  Baltimore,  Calvert  published  in  1836  a  Lecture  on  German 
Literature  (being  a  sketch  of  its  history  from  its  origin  to 
the  present  day)  and  the  announcement  of  this  publication 
in  the  North  American  Review  (October,  1836)  informs  us 
that  he  had  already  translated  two  acts  of  Don  Carlos,     G. 

1  Probablj  Walter  Scott's  tnmslation.    See  Wilkens,  p.  135. 


PABKE  OODWIK   AND  ZSGHOKKE's  TAXES.  273 

^.  Havens's  English  translation  of  Heine's  Letiera  Auxiliary 

^  iht  JHigtory  of  Modem  Polite  lAieraJture  in  Germany  was 

published   in   Boston   in   1836;  and  of  a  miscellaneous 

<^haracter  we  may  mention  Henrys  or  the  PUgrim  Hoi  on  the 

^^^senMeiny  translated  by  a  clergyman  (1335),  and  two  publi- 

^tions  by  Herman  Bokum,  German  Instructor  at  Harvard : 

^^  Chime  of  the  Bells  fix)m  the  German  of  Frederick  Strause 

(Boston,  1836)  and  The  German  Wreath^  or  Tranelations  in 

Poetry  and  Prose  from  Oelebraied  Writers^  with  Biographical 

^'^c?  Explanatory  Notes.     The  last  noteworthy  book  before 

1^39  was  Nathaniel  Greene's  Tales  from  the  Germany  in  two 

volumes,  containing  Van   der  Velde's  Arwed  GyUenstiema, 

^'^  LichtensteinSy  The  Anabaptisty  and  The  Sorceress  (Boston, 

1838). 

fiy  1840  translations  from  the  Grerman  had  become  quite 
^^  literary  fisushion.  A  reviewer  of  Mrs.  Jameson's  Dramas 
9f  J^rincess  Amelia  in  the  North  American  Review  (April, 
1841)  makes  the  statement:  "It  cannot  be  denied  that 
German  Literature  has  come  to  exercise  a  great  influence 
^pon  the  intellectual  character  of  Europe  and  America.  We 
^^y  lament  over  this  fiwt  or  rejoice  at  it,  according  to  our 
^^exal  points  of  view ;  but  we  cannot  disguise  from  our- 
^'ves  its  existence.  It  is  thrust  upon  our  notice  at  every 
^'^er  of  the  street,  it  stares  us  in  the  face  from  the  pages 
01  every  literary  periodical.  All  the  sciences  own  the  power 
^^  tliat  influence,  on  poetry  and  criticism  it  acts  still  more 
*aaibly,  etcJ' 

^Hien  we  recall  that  the  Dial  hegan  in  1840  to  make 
op^O  propaganda  for  German  philosophy  and  German  litera- 
*^^  ;  that  Ripley's  Specimens  contain,  besides  the  works 
^^l^f^ady  mentioned,  Felton's  translation  of  MenzePs  His- 
^  of  German  Literature  (Bostoi^  1840)  and  C.  T. 
Brooks's  Songs  and  Ballads  from  Uhlandy  Komery  Burger 
and  Other  Lyric  Poets  (1842);  that  Hedge's  Prose  Writers 

of  Oermany  (Philadelphia,  1845)  and  Longfellow's  Poets  amd 


274  JOHN   PRESTON   HOSKINS. 

Poetry  of  Efwrope  (Philadelphia,  1845)  all  emanated  from 
transcendentalists  about  Boston ;  we  cannot  doubt  that  it  was 
the  Brook  Fann  movement  which  gave  the  strongest  impulse 
to  the  study  of  German  literature  and  laid  the  broad  founda- 
tion for  a  popular  appreciation  of  Grerman  prose  and  poetry. 
But  nevertheless  the  interest  in  Grerman  was  not  confined  to 
Boston  alone.  While  Philadelphia  had  always  been  a  centre 
for  the  publication  of  translations  from  the  German,  owing 
probably  to  the  large  German  population  in  Pennsylvania, 
it  is  worthy  of  note  that  at  this  time  the  most  prominent 
translator  in  that  city,  Rev.  W.  H.  Fumess,  a  Harvard 
graduate,  was  pastor  of  the  First  Unitarian  Church  and 
must  have  kept  in  intimate  touch  with  the  transcendental 
movement  about  Boston.  This  may  possibly  have  had  some- 
thing to  do  with  the  publication  of  LongfelloVs  and  Hedge's 
comprehensive  works  in  the  Quaker  City. 

New  York,  which  previous  to  1840  had  had  little  share 
in  the  publication  of  translations  from  the  Grerman,  through 
the  efforts  of  Godwin  and  other  Brook  Farm  sympathizers 
now  followed  the  general  fashion.  All  her  leading  publishers 
after  1840  put  English  versions  of  German  works  on  the 
market  in  rapid  succession.  But  the  movement  spread  still 
further.  Longer  poems,  short  stories,  and  articles  on  German 
life  and  literature  appear  frequently  in  tlie  Southern  periodi- 
cals. As  early  as  1836  the  Denwcraiic  Review  (Washington, 
D.  C.)  began  to  publish  short  poems  from  the  German,  and 
the  Southern  Literary  Messenger  (Richmond,  Va.)  for  1843, 
besides  two  of  Zschokke's  tales,  contains  stories  from  the 
German  translated  by  a  "Lady  of  Virginia"  and  a  Jane 

Tayloe  W of  Chilicothe,  Ohio,  showing  that  the   new 

literary  movement  had  attained  wide  geographic  extent. 
The  fi^uent  translation  of  German  prose  and  poetry  in  the 
Southern  periodicals  raises  the  question  also  whether  Dr. 
Blattermann's  activity  as  professor  of  German  at  the  Uni- 


PARKE  GODWIN   AND  ZSCHOKKE's  TALES.  275 

versity  of  Virginia  between  1825  and  1840  may  not  have 
i^^  some  share  in  creating  this  widespread  interest  in  German 
Wteratore. 

In  fisu;t,  my  researches^  as  yet  by  no  means  exhaustive^ 
lead   me  to  the  belief  that  more  translations  of  German 
literary  works,  firom  a  wider  range  of  authors,  were  pub- 
lished between  the  years  1840  and  1850  than  in  any  other 
decade  of  our  history.     It  seems  that  almost  every  German 
author  mentioned  in  Longfellow's  Poets  and  Poetry  of  Europe 
and  Hedge's  Prose  Writers  of  Germany  now  found  a  special 
*^"anslator.     Of  the  older  writers,  I  find  Lessing's  Minna 
^on    Bamhelm   and    Emilia    Gahtti    as    well    as    Moses 
Mendelssohn's  Phaedon,  in  the  Democratic  Review  for  1848 
^^d  1849.     Herder's  Outlines  of  a  Philosophy  of  the  History 
^nf  Man  translated  by  Thomas  Churchill  was  reprinted  in 
-^^w  York  (1841),  and  at  least  a  portion  of  Winckelmann's 
^^^istory  of  Ancient  Art  was  done  into  English  by  G.  Henry 
■'^'^^Ige  (Boston,  1849). 

Of  Goethe's   works  I  have   noted :   the  first  American 

^^ition  of  Hayward's  prose  translation  of  Faust  (Lowell, 

^  ^40),  repeated  m  Boston  (1851) ;  Egm^ont  (Boston,  1841); 

^       reissue  of  the  wretched  Memoirs  of  Goethe  (New  York, 

"^44)  which  had  appeared  in  New  York  first  in  1825; 


^ud's  translation  of  the  Essays  on  Art  (1845);  theAtito- 

'aphy  by  Parke  Godwin  (New  York,  1846);  Hermann 

^'^^-ci  Dorothea  ^  (Democratic  Review^  1848) ;  Alexis  and  Dora 

y-^^emocratic  Review^  1849) ;  the  first  three  acts  of  Iphigenia 

"^^    Tauris  (Democratic  Review,  1849) ;  G.  J.  Adler's  com- 

^*ete  translation  of  the  same  (New  York,  1851);  and,  cited 

^^  Roorbach  before  1852,  The  Sorrows  of  Werther^  (Ithaca, 

>^ew  York)  and  WiUiebn  Meister^s  Apprenticeship  and  Travels^ 

'A  reprint  of  Holcroft's  (London)  translation  was  printed  and  published 
in  Richmond  in  1805.    Wilkens,  p.  147  (No.  108). 
'  Four  editions  of  this  before  1810,  cited  hj  Wilkens,  p.  136,  note. 
•Oarlyle's  probably. 


276  JOHN   PBESTON   H06KIN8. 

(Boston);  not  to  mention  numerons  shorter  poems,  whicfac: 
were  published  in  ahnost  all  the  periodicals  of  the  time. 

Judged  by  the  number  of  translations,  Schiller  is  again^ : 
as  in  the  previous  decade,  the  most  popular  of  the  GrermanD 
poets.     The  Democratic  Review  for  1839  contains  transla — ^ 
tions  of  his  Ideal  and  Diver,  by  the  author  of  PocaJwrdas^^ 
The  same  year  Mrs.  EUet  published  her  Characters  ofScfuUerK 
(Boston)  with   translations,  and  this  book  went  through  as 
second  edition  in  1842.     The  years  1840,  1841  and  1843^ 
brought  respectively  William  Peter^s  (English)  translation  oft:* 
Wilhelm  TeU  and  Other  Poems  (Philadelphia),  Mary  Stuart^ 
(Philadelphia,  1841)  and  the  Maid  of  Orleans^  (Cambridge,^^ 
1843).     Cassandra  appeared  in  the  Democratic  Revieiu)  fom 
1843  ;  and  the  next  year  saw  Bulwer^s  lAfe,  with  the  Ballads'^ 
and  Poems  (New  York),  The  Fight  with  the  Dragon  (Demo — 
erotic  Beview)  and  The  Ghost-Seer  *  [(New  York  Swn  Office).  - 
In  1845  Calvert  published  his  translation  of  the  SchUler-  - 
Goethe  CorrespondencCj  and  J.  Weiss,  The  Aesthetic  Letters, 
Essays,  and  Philosophic  Letters  (Boston  and  London,  1846), 
while  the  Democratic  Review  for  this  same  year  (January, 
1845)  offered  the  Song  of  The  Bell,     Morrison's  version  of 
the  Revolt  of  the  Nethet'lands  (New  York,  1846)  and  a  new 
edition  of  Carlyle's  Life  (New  York,  1846)  followed  in  the 
next  year ;  and  in  1847,  C.  T.  Brooks's  Homage  of  the  Arts, 
with  Miscellaneous  Pieces  from  Ruckert,  Freiligrath  and  Other 
German  Poets   (Boston) ;   while   the  Histot^  of  the   Thirty 
Years*  War  translated  by  A.  J.  W.  Morrison  (New  York) 
closes  the  list  in  1847.     If  we  add  to  this  comitiess  repeti- 
tions of  his  minor  poems  in  the  magazines,  we  realize  that 
Schiller  outranks  his  greater  contemporary  in  popular  fistvor. 

In  passing  to  the  Komantic  School,  H.  Grates  translated 

» By  C.  T.  Brooks. 

'  Wilkens  (p.  137)  cites  two  translations  of  this  tale  in  America  before 
1803. 


PABKE  GODWIN  AlO)  ZSCHOKKE'S  TALES.     277 

burger's  Song  of  the  Oalbmt  Man  (Democratio  Review,  1842) ; 
and  according  to  Allibone  (Dictionary  of  AtUhors)  C.  T. 
Brooks,  Kichter's  TUan,  about  1840.  The  same  author's 
Beminiacenoea  of  the  Beet  Hours  of  lift  for  the  H&ur  of 
Death  appeared  in  Boston  in  1841,  and  Eliza  B.  Lea  pub- 
lished a  Life  of  Jea/n  Paul  Bichter  with  his  Autobiography 
translated  (Boston,  1842)  and  Walt  and  VuU,  or  The  Tmns 
(in  the  same  city  four  years  later).  Noel  was  responsible  for 
Flower  J  Fruit  and  Thorn  .  ...  or  the  History  of  Siebenkds 
(Boston,  1845);  and  if  we  add  an  article  on  Bichter  by 
Calvert  in  the  New  York  Review  some  time  before  1848,  we 
realize  that  Jean  Paul,  too,  must  have  been  a  popular 
&vorite. 

The  productions  of  the  Romantic  School  proper  also 
enjoyed  a  wide  circulation,  both  as  separate  publications 
and  as  magazine  articles.  A.  W.  Schlegel's  Lectures  on 
Dramatic  Art  and  Literature  (1833)  we  have  already  men- 
tioned. Friedrich  Schl^ePs  Lectures  on  the  History  of 
JAterature — probably  Lockhart's  translation — (New  York)  ^ 
and  his  Philosophy  of  Hidory,  translated  by  J.  B.  Bobert- 
fion  (Philadelphia,  1841^)  both  appeared  in  1841,  to 
be  followed  six  years  later  by  the  Rev.  A.  J.  W.  Morri- 
son's translation  of  his  Philosophy  of  lAfe  a/nd  Philosophy  of 
Language  (New  York,  1847). 

The  Democratic  Review  for  1845  contained  Tieck^s  The 
Friends  and  the  Klausenburg,  the  latter  an  adaptation  by 
Mrs.  £.  F.  EUet,  while  Puss  in  Boots,  with  the  illustrations 
of  Otto  Speckler,  was  published  in  New  York  in  1841. 
Novalis's  Henry  of  Ofterdingeny  with  Weiss's  translation  of 
the  poetry,  appeared  in  Cambridge  in  1842 ;  and  the  London 
translation  of  his  Christianity  or  Efarope  (1844)  was  familiar 

^  Pablished  first  in  Philadelphia,  as  a  reprint  of  the  Edinburgh  edition, 
in  1818.    WOkens,  No.  166. 

'  The  fourth  edition  appeared  in  1845. 

6 


278  JOHN   PRESTON   H08KIN8. 

to  theologians  on  this  side  of  the  ocean.  The  Democratic 
Beview  published  Brentano's  The  Three  Nuts  (May,  1849), 
translated  by  Mrs.  St.  Simons ;  E.  T.  A.  Hofiinann's  Astrolo" 
ger^a  Tower  (March,  1845),  translated  by  Mrs.  Ellet,  and  The 
Faro  Table  (June,  1845) ;  Hauff's  Sheik  of  Alexandria 
(1 845),  translated  by  S.  Gardiner  Spring,  Jr. ;  Johanna 
Schopenhauer's  The  Favorite  (May,  1846),  translated  by 
Nathaniel  Greene ;  and  Auerbach's  The  Profeason^a  Lady 
(July,  1850),  translated  by  Mary  Howitt;  while  parts  of 
Hauff 's  Lichtenstein  were  translated  in  the  SovJthem  Quarterly 
Review  for  1845  and  his  Tme  Loverif  Fortuney  or  the  Beggar 
Girl  of  the  Pont  dee  Arts  appeared  separately  in  Boston  in 
1842,  and  the  American  Beview  (August,  1846)  contained 
Lyser's  JaUettay  by  Mrs.  St.  Simons,  and  Auerbach's  A 
Battle  for  lAfe  and  Death  (March,  1849). 

If  we  add  now  titles  like  Heinrich  Stilling's  Theobald  the 
Fanatic^  (Philadelphia,  1846),  StoUe's  The  Birthday  Tree, 
translated  by  Mary  L.  Plumb  (Democratic  Beview ,  1839), 
Spindler's  The  Jew  (New  York,  1844),  Stiefter's  The  Condor 
(^Democratic  Beview,  1850);  stories  of  anonymous  authorship 
like  Chrigtmaa  Eve  (Boston,  1841),  Gunderode  (Boston,  1842),* 
Mary  Schwddler,  the  Awber  Witch  (London  and  New  York, 
1 844),'  and  at  least  seven  others  that  I  have  counted  in  the  pages 
of  the  Democratic  Beview  and  the  Southern  Literal^  Messenger; 
collections  like  Mrs.  FoUen's  Gammer  Grethd,  or  German 
Fairy  Tales  (Boston,  1840),  Little  Stories  from  (he  German 
(Boston,  1841),  Miniature  Bomancesfrom  the  German  (Boston, 
1841),  Tales  and  Sketches  from  the  French  and  German 
(Boston,  1843)  by  Nathaniel  Greene,  Bemarkable  Vieions 
(Boston,  1844),  a  tale  of  somnambulism,  ^hmidi^s  Interesting 
Stories,  Chiefly  in  lUustration  of  Providence.  (Boston,  1841), 

^  H.  J.  Stilling^  8  SeeTies  in  the  World  of  Spirits  was  translated  by  Gottlieb 
Shober  in  Salem,  N.  C,  about  1816.    Wilkens,  No.  163. 
*  Translated  by  Margaret  Fuller.  *  Dr.  Meinhold's. 


PASKE  GODWIN  AND   ZSCHOKKE's  TALES.  279 

^Sacred  Allegories  (Boston,  1841),  and  vol.  1  of  Sara  Austin's 
fragments  of  German  Prose  Writers  (New  York,   1842); 
short  poems  in  the  periodicals  from  Amdt,  Claudius,  Fre- 
ligrath,    Heine,   Herw^fa,    K5mer,    Mahlmann,    Matthi- 
8on,    Miiller,    Novalis,    Smets,    and   Ufaland;    miscellane- 
ous works  like  von  Kaumer's  America  and  the  America/n 
People  (New  York,  1846),  F.  Gerstaecker's  Wanderings  and 
Fortwnes  of  Some  German  Emigrants   (New  York,  1848), 
Lavater  on  Physiognomy^  (Hartford,  before  1852),  and  a 
book  on  Student  Life  in  Germany  (Philadelphia,  1842)  with 
^^bout  forty  of  the  most  famous  songs ;  and  finally  magaadne 
^=articles  on  actors  like  Devrient  and  his  wife  (^Democratic  iJe- 
--^ew,  1845)  and  on  musicians  like  Gluck  (Democratic  Review^ 
~I1846),  Handel  (American  Review ^  February,  1849),  Haydn 
Democratic  Review j   1846),   Beethoven   (American  Review^ 
une,  1846),  and  Mozart  (Democrati^^  Review,  1847) — ^we  gain 
^3ome  conception  of  the  wide  range  as  well  as  the  popularity 
T3f  translation  from  the  Grerman  at  this  period.    And  when 
"Ve  remember  that  there  was  no  international  copyright  law, 
and  uncopyrighted  translations  in  the  periodicals  could  be 
repeated  without  let  or  hindrance  in  weeklies  and  dailies,  the 
wide  pubUcity  given   to  German  literary  works  is  really 
surprising. 

During  this  period  no  German  writer  was  more  popular 
than  Heinrich  Zschokke.  In  an  article  on  German  novelists 
in  the  Southern  Quarterly  Review  the  writer  tells  us  that  "no 
German  author  of  fiction  had  been  so  extensively  trans- 
lated ; ''  and  a  writer  in  the  Democratic  Review  (July,  1845), 
in  all  probability  Godwin  himself,  for  he  was  a  frequent 
contributor  to  this  magazine,  in  a  sketch  entitled  The  Life 
and  Writings  of  Heinrich  Zschokke,  makes  the  statement : 
<'  Hardly  a  day  passes  that  we  do  not  see  in  one  periodical 

^According  to  Wilkens  (p.  149)  an  abridged  edition  of  Holcroft's  (Eng- 
lish) translation  was  pablished  in  Boston  not  later  than  1803. 


280  JOHN   PRESTON   H06KINS. 

or  another  a  selection  from  the  almost  inexhaustible  source 
which  Zschokke  supplies." 

The  reasons  for  Zschokke's  popularity  are  not  &r  to  seek. 
This  teacher,  lecturer,  dramatist,  poet,  historian,  traveler, 
diplomatist,  stadtholder,  newspaper  editor,  popular  instructor, 
and  above  all  social  reformer  and  philosopher  enjoyed  a 
popularity  at  home  which  had  never  been  equaled  by  any 
previous  German  author.  This  is  clear  &om  the  fact  that 
his  Auagewdhlie  Dichtangeriy  Erzdhlwngen  und  Novellen  ran 
through  nine  editions  up  to  1851,  and  his  GesammeUe  ScJiriftenf 
first  published  between  1851  and  1854,  lived  through  a 
second  edition  in  1865,  not  to  mention  the  frequent  reprints 
of  individual  publications. 

Moreover  we  learn  from  his  autobiography  (SdbsUchaUf 
Aarau,  1842)  that  he  was  already  known  and  read  by  the 
Germans  in  America.  Wm.  Radde,  a  New  York  publisher 
of  German  books  who  flourished  about  1850,  found  it 
profitable  to  publish  some  of  the  Aarau  editions  here  in 
America.  The  Library  of  Congress  possesses  a  copy  of  the 
seventh  edition  of  his  Novellen  und  Dichtungen  (Aarau  and 
New  York).  If  this  corresponds  to  the  seventh  Swiss  edi- 
tion, the  date  would  be  1845,  and  in  the  same  library  there 
is  also  to  be  found  a  copy  of  the  ^^llte  Vermehrte  Aus- 
gabe  in  Commission  bei  Wm.  Radde,''  with  the  date  1859. 
Besides  these,  the  Catalogue  of  American  Publications  of 
1876  cites — alas!  without  date — a.  paper  edition  of  his  Werke 
in  forty-six  volumes  at  ten  and  twenty  cents  per  number,  by  F. 
W.  Thomas  in  Philadelphia,  and  a  three-volume  edition  of 
his  Novellen  und  Dichtungen,  likewise  without  date,  was 
published  by  the  same  house.  These  different  editions  show 
that  Zschokke  was  well  known  as  a  "  Volksdichter  "  by  the 
Germans  in  America  and  must  have  enjoyed  a  wide  popu- 
larity. His  strong  democratic  sympathies,  his  indirect 
criticisms  of  social  conditions  in  Grermany,  and  his  tolerant 


PARKE  GODWIN   AND   ZSCHOKKE's  TALES.  281 

iligious  views  were  aU  sure  to  find  a  cordial  response  in  the 
^esrt  of  those  Grermans  who  had  qaitted  the  &therland  as 
sixfierers  from  social  or  religious  oppression. 

Moreover  Zschokke  had  been  long  favorably  known  to 
bo-fii  English  and  Americans  as  a  historian.  His  History  of 
*^-e  Invasion  of  Switzerland  by  the  French  appeared  in  an 
^Ei^nglish  version  in  London  as  early  as  1803,  and  hisPopi^far 
-^^^i^iory  of  Switzerland  (original  edition,  Aarau,  1822),  first 
"^^^■Jfinislated  by  an  Englishman  in  1833,  was  a  popular  book 
^^^=^  America,  being  either  reprinted  or  republished  as  early  as 
^  S34,  and  running  through  two  more  editions  in  1855  and 
^875  (New  York). 

£ut  most  of  all,  perhaps,  Zschokke's  Religious  Meditations 
P^"ved  the  way  for  a  ready  acceptance  of  his  literary  pro- 
ductions.    The  years  1830-1860  were  probably  the  most 
^ligious  in  our  history.    Eighteenth  century  rationalism  had 
^pent  itB  force,  the  higher  criticism  had  not  yet  appeared  to 
^!^  doubt  on  the  inspired  Word  of  Grod,   evolution   was 
Wdly  bom,  and  the  scientific  spirit  had  made  little  or  no 
beadway.     The  pulpit  still  dominated  the  thinking  and  feel- 
ing of  the  middle  classes.    When  we  recall  the  opposition 
which  transcendentalism  met  with  both  within  and  outside 
of  New  England,   Bancroft's   criticism   of  Groethe  for  his 
irreligion  and  inmiorality,  and  the  misgivings  with  which 
the  works  of  the  great  poet  were  received  by  the  orthodox 
everywhere,  the  advantage  enjoyed  by  a  thoroughly  Christian 
believer  in  gaining  public  approbation  is  at  once  apparent, 
though  that  believer,  as  Godwin  says,  "  passed  from  the  dark 
and  tempestuous  abyss  in  which  he  floated  into  the  serene 
heaven   of  living   faith — not   through    the  gate  way  of  a 
wretehed  logic,  but  along  the  long  and  beautifiil  road  of 
actual  work." 

Zschokke's /Si^Tuien  derAndacht  (1809-1816)  ran  through 
twenty-nine  editions  in  Germany  up  to  1852.     In  1835  a 


282  JOHN  PRESTON   H0SKIN8. 

second  American  edition.  Hours  of  DevotioUy  translated  by 
Morris  Mattson,  wss  published  in  Philadelphia.  The  trans- 
lator omits  the  name  of  the  author,  but  the  fact  that  his 
version  was  made  &om  the  13th  German  edition  leaves  us 
no  room  to  doubt  that  it  was  Zschokke.  The  book  was 
translated  once  more  in  London  by  Burrows  in  1838,  and 
again  by  J.  D.  Haas  in  1843.  The  Haas  edition,  under  the 
title  Hours  of  Meditation  and  Reflection  was  republished  by 
Sedfield  in  New  York  (1844).  To  this  was  added  Zschokke's 
Thoughts  on  the  Religious,  Moral  and  Social  Duties  of  lAft^ 
by  the  same  publisher  in  the  same  year,  and  the  popularity 
of  these  books  of  devotion  among  the  middle  classes  caused 
them  to  reappear  under  varying  titles  until  the  year  1863. 

However  glaring  his  deficiencies  as  a  writer,  however 
humble  the  place  that  must  be  assigned  him  in  the  German 
literary  hierarchy,  Zschokke,  nevertheless,  from  the  point  of 
view  of  the  social  forces  then  at  work  both  in  Germany  and 
America,  possessed  those  qualities  which  were  bound  to 
make  him  a  power  in  the  struggle  for  the  elevation  of  the 
masses.  The  man  who  had  made  the  native  land  of  Bousseau 
and  Pestalozzi  the  scene  of  his  multifarious  activity  could 
hardly  feil  to  become  a  social  and  political  reformer.  In 
Germany  his  significance  lies  in  the  fact  that  his  works  gave 
voice  to  the  discontent  at  the  frivolity  and  the  worthlessness 
of  the  ruling  aristocracy,  and  made  a  plea,  on  behalf  of  the 
people,  for  a  share  in  the  government.  Though  never 
radical  in  tone,  they  are  none  the  less  manifestations  of  that 
democratic  movement  in  Germany  which  culminated  in  the 
popular  uprisings  of  1848. 

In  America  his  strong  democratic  sympathies,  his  religious 
orthodoxy,  the  fact  that  the  purpose  of  his  writing  was  to 
produce  healthier  reading  for  the  public  and  often  to  teach 
some  lesson  in  social  ethics,  made  his  works  admirable 
instruments    in   the    hands    of  those   who   were    eager   to 


PABKE  GODWIN  AND  ZSCHOKKE'S  TALES.  283 

improve  the  tone  of  culture  among  the  people.  Though  he 
had  no  literary  or  sosthetic  mission  to  fulfil  and  lacked  both 
the  sustaining  power  of  imagination  and  deep  emotional 
draught,  his  simple  and  natural  style,  combined  with  the 
qualities  of  easy  sentimentality  and  folk>humour,  was  such 
as  to  secure  for  his  tales  a  &r  greater  popularity  than  was 
won  by  works  of  a  much  more  enduring  character.  It 
was  therefore  most  natural  that  his  writing  should  take  a 
strong  hold  on  such  men  as  Godwin  and  other  advocates  of 
social  and  political  regeneration. 

The  first  American  version  (and  probably  also  the  first 
translation  into  English)  of  any  of  Zschokke's  works  takes 
us  back  to  the  year  1800.^     In  his  history  of  the  American 
stage  (New  York,  1 834)  Wm.  Dunlap,  manager  of  the  Park 
Theatre,  tells  us  that,  without  knowing  until  years  after- 
wards who  the  author  was,  he  translated  from  the  German 
and  adapted  to  the  New  York  Theatre  AbaelUno,  the  Ghreat 
Banditf   a  grand  Dramatic  Romance  in  Five  Acta.     This 
lather  lurid  melodrama  of  blood  and  braggadocio,  which  is 
not  to  be  confused  with  the  Zschokke  romance  of  the  year 
previous  bearing  the  same  title,  was  written  in  1795,  and 
belongs  to  Sischokke's  period  of  Storm  and  Stress.     In  the 
words  of  the  author's  autobiography,  ^^  It  flew  on  th^  wings 
of  the  press  into  almost  all  the  theatres  of  Germany.''     He 
might  have  said  more,  for  it  was  translated  into  almost  all 
European  languages — French,  Spanish,  Danish,  Polish,  and^ 
under  various  disguises,  was  brought  forward  on  most  of  the 
European  stages.    The  play  was  performed,  as  the  translator 
lays,  for  the  first  time  in  the  English  language  on  February 
11, 1801,  and  was  a  success.    Dunlap's  comment  is  interest- 
ing.     He  remarks  :  "  Never  was  a  play  more  successful  or  a 
SQooessful  play  less  productive  to  its  author  or  translator." 

^See  Wilkens,  in  the  article  cited  above,  pp.  119, 128  and  130  (note). 


284  JOHN   PRESTON   HOSKINS. 

AbcdKno  must  have  kept  the  boards  for  almost  a  quarter 
of  a  century.  The  only  copy  that  I  have  yet  discovered  is 
.  a  little  16mo  exemplar  of  the  fourth  edition  preserved  in 
the  Lenox  library  in  New  York,  which  was  published  by 
Thomas  Longworth  at  the  dramatic  repository,  Shakespeare 
Gallery,  New  York,  January,  1820.  The  names  of  the 
actors  with  their  respective  rdles  are  printed  on  the  first  page, 
showing  that  the  play  must  have  been  performed  that 
winter.^  In  conclusion,  it  is  worth  noting  that  this  play* 
also  found  its  way  into  English  through  the  French.  In 
the  catalogue  of  the  British  Museum  three  editions  of  such  a 
translation  are  recorded  for  the  years  1805,  1806,  and  1820. 

Turning  now  to  the  history  of  the  Zschokke  Tales  in 
America,  it  would  be  a  wellnigh  impossible  task  to  trace 
them  through  all  their  manifold  repetitions  and  adaptations. 
They  were  published  mostly  in  periodicals  of  a  popular 
character,  and  it  is  exactly  periodicals  of  this  kind  which 
are  least  likely  to  be  preserved  in  complete  sets  and  are 
almost  never  properly  indexed.  Further  difficulty  arises 
from  the  fact  that  the  same  tale  is  sometimes  published 
under  different  titles.  At  times  even  the  fact  that  it  is  a 
translation  from  the  German  is  not  mentioned.  Never- 
theless ♦the  data  that  I  have  been  able  to  gather  from  many 
different  sources  will  serve  to  demonstrate  the  popularity  of 
this  prolific  writer  and  show  how  his  stories  passed  from 
one  magazine  to  another. 

The  first  Zschokke  translations  to  reach  America  came  by 

^  Since  completing  this  article,  the  author  has  discovered  a  copy  of  the 
2nd  edition,  1807  ;  of  the  3rd  edition,  1814  ;  and  a  second  copy  of  the  4th 
edition,  1820,  in  the  C.  Fiske  Harris  Collection  of  American  Poetry  aind 
Plays,  Brown  University  Library. 

'According  to  a  note  of  Wilkens  (p.  120)  this  adaptation  was  made  by 
B.  W.  Elliston  for  the  English  stage  and  reprinted  in  New  York  in  1800. 
See  Wilkens,  No.  146,  for  Lewis's  dramatization  of  this  same  play  under 
the  title,  Eugantino;  or  the  Bravo  of  Venice,    Beprinted  in  New  York,  1810. 


PABKE  GODWIN   AND   ZSCHOKKE's   TALES.  285 

^ay  of  England.    We  have  already  mentioned  M.  G.  Lewis's 

v^^glish)  translation  of  the  romance -46effino,^  made  in  1805. 

J^^Us  bandit  story,  like  the  drama  which  was  based  on  it  a 

^^uine  "blood  and  thunder"  production,  ran  through  six 

^tions  in  England  up  to  1809,  and  continued  to  be  repub- 

^^W  there  until  1857.     In  1809  an  American  edition  of 

^^^  English  one  was  published  in  Baltimore  and  Boston,  a 

^^oond  in  1826,  and  a  third  in  1844,  showing  that  the  book 

^'^Ust  have  had  a  considerable  sale  on  this  side  of  the  Atlantic. 

In  1833  a  Miss  M.  Montgomery  published  a  book  in 

-t-K>ndon  and  Philadelphia  entitled  Lights  and  Shadows  of 

G^crman  lAfe  (Philadelphia,   1833).     This  book   contained 

Zschokke  translations :  The  AKlitary  Campaigns  of  a 

<xn  of  Pecuce^  The  Fugitive  of  the  Jura  (sometimes  known 

-Florian),  and  It  is  very  Possible!    This  Miss  Montgomery, 

"^^lio  afterwards  gained  some  reputation  as  a  novelist,*  was  a 

^^^elsh  lady  and  the  wife  of  Baron  Tautphoeus,  Chamberlain 

^  the  King  of  Bavaria.    With  her  literary  tastes,  she  no 

^oubt  was  &miliar  with  Zschokke's  Tales  in  Germany,  and 

^<H>k  advantage  of  the  growing  interest  in  things  Grerman  to 

g^ve  the  English-speaking  world  some  specimens  of  popular 

Oennan  literary  workmanship. 

One  of  these  stories,  Florian  or  the  Fugitive  of  the  Jura^ 
^as  translated  again  ten  years  later  by  L.  Strack  and  incor- 
porated into  his  Incidents  of  Social  Life  amid  the  European 
Alps  (New  York,   1844).     Both    Miss  Montgomery's  and 
Strack's  books  were  no  doubt  inspired  by  Zschokke's  collec- 
tion of  three  tales  entitled  BUder  aus  der  Schweiz  (Aarau, 
1824-26).     The  frequent  translation  of  the  same  story  by 
different  authors  is  one  of  the  common  discoveries  in  tracing 

^  See  Wilkeos  (p.  140 )  for  an  account  of  this  story.  Reprinted  in  Balti- 
more, 1809  (Wilkens,  No.  138),  and  Boston,  1809  (Wilkens,  No.  139). 

'She  is  the  author  of  the  IniUah  (1850),  Cyrilla  (1853),  Quits  (1857), 
and  At  Odds  (1863).  Two  of  these  novels  were  published  in  London  and 
Philadelphia  the  same  year. 


PABKE  GODWIN   AND   ZSCHOKKE's  TALES.  287 

^liich  all  rights  and  all  duties  stand  in  a  country  whose 
inhabitants  are  not  protected  by  a  free  constitution.  When 
we  remember  that  Grodwin  was  an  abolitionist  and  as  a 
member  of  the  Free  Soil  Convention  in  1848,  wrote  the 
brief  resolution  which  proclaimed  freedom  as  the  sole  object 
of  rational  government,  the  attraction  which  the  topic  of  this 
story  would  have  had  for  him  is  at  once  apparent.  At  any  rate 
we  are  certain  that  he  translated  The  Fool  of  the  Nineteenth 
Century y  a  tale  of  similar  import,  for  the  same  Demoeratio 
Review  two  years  later,  and  this  story,  together  with  The 
Sleep-WaJcer  (Boston,  1842),  led  up  to  Godwin's  collection 
of  Zschokke's  Tales  which  appeared  in  New  York  in  1845. 

About  the  year  1840  the  firm  of  Wiley  &  Putnam,  after 
the  fitshion  of  the  time,  decided  to  publish  a  '^  Library  of 
Choice  Beading."  E.  A.  Duykinck  was  the  supervising 
editor.  Grerman  literary  productions  were  then  the  &shion, 
and  Duykinck,  who  of  course  knew  of  Godwin's  transla- 
tions, chose  the  latter  to  prepare  a  collection  of  Zschokke's 
tales  for  the  "  Library.''  We  may  observe  in  passing  that 
the  English  translation  of  Mary  SchweUUery  the  Amber  Witch 
(1844)  and  Godwin's  translation  of  Goethe's  Dichtu/ng  und 
WahrheU  (1846)  were  also  published  in  this  serial. 

In  the  Introduction  to  Zschokke's  TaleSy  Grodwin  tells  us 
that  he  ''is  rather  the  editor  than  the  translator  of  these 
tales,  that  several  of  the  stories  were  furnished  by  friends 
whose  names  or  initials  are  attached  to  the  respective  transla- 
tions^ and  that  two  others  were  taken  from  magazines  or 
newspapers.  The  account  of  Zschokke's  Life  and  Works  in 
the  Democratic  Review  (July,  1845)  further  informs  us  that 
his  chief  co-translators  were  Christopher  Pearse  Cranch,  his 
own  wife  (Fanny  Bryant  Godwin),  and  Gustav  C.  Hebbe. 
The  collection  in  its  two  parts  contains  ten  stories  fairly 
representative  of  all  phases — ^historical,  satirical,  mystical, 
homoroos,  and  moral— of  Zschokke's  genius. 


288  JOHN   PRESTON   HOSKINS. 

In  the  first  two  stories  selected  we  at  onoe  recognize  the 
atmosphere  of  Brook  Farm.  The  Fool  of  the  Nineteenth 
Century,  which  Godwin  had  already  published  in  the  Demo- 
cratic Review  (1842),  reappears  with  very  slight  revision. 
The  story  tells  us  how  a  peasant  community,  reduced  through 
misgovemment  to  the  depths  of  poverty  and  wretchedness, 
was  socially  regenerated  within  the  space  of  five  years. 
While  Zschokke  at  the  end  does  not  fail  to  shrewdly  warn 
the  reformer  not  to  make  himself  too  conspicuous  by  trying 
to  be  different  from  other  people,  he  apparently  had  never 
heard  of  Carlyle's  wise  dictum  :  "  If  you  want  to  reform  a 
man,  you  must  begin  with  his  grandmother.''  However, 
the  story  harmonizes  with  the  idealistic  point  of  view,  and 
must  have  been  popular,  as  I  find  it  again  in  Strack's  Jnoi- 
dents  of  Social  life  amid  the  European  Alps  already  mentioned. 

The  second  story,  HarmoniuSy  is  from  the  pen  of  Christo- 
pher Pearse  Cranch ;  I  imagine  this  was  the  only  time  that- 
it  was  ever  translated  and  published,  for  it  is  too  visionary 
and  mystical  to  suit  the  average  reader.     To  a  very  slender 
thread  of  incident  surcharged  with  sentimentality,  Harmo- 
nius,  the  aged  philosopher,  attaches  a  discourse  which  contains 
elements  of  Pythagoras's  doctrine  of  the  transmigration  of 
souls,    Rousseau's    "  return   to   nature "    dictum,    Fichte's 
theory  of  the  finite,  and  Goethe's  elective  affinities.    Cranch, 
it  will  be  recalled,  was  a  frequent  visitor  at  Brook  Farm  and 
subsequently  became  an  artist.      In  1844  he  published  a 
volume  of  transcendental  poetry.    The  reviewer  of  this  book 
in   the  Southern  Quarterly  Review  (July,    1844)    remarks : 
"German  is  a  good  thing — ^the  language,  the  literature  and 
to  some  extent  the  philosophy — ^but  it  has  sadly  addled  some 
weak  minds  in  and  about  the  precincts  of  Boston."    How- 
ever, when  Cranch  died  in  1892,  Curtis  wrote,  "He  was  of 
that  choice  band  who  are  always  true  to  the  ideals  of  youth, 
and  whose  hearts  are  the  citadels  which  conquering  time 
assails  in  vain." 


PARKE  GODWIN  AND  ZSCHOKKE's  TALES.     289 

l^o  the  social  and  philogophical  character  of  the  first  two 

^^ries  Jack  Steam  stands  in  striking  contrast.     It  may  be 

defined  as  an  extravaganza   in   folk-humor,   satirizing  the 

^^^inx)wnes8  and  pedantry  of  the  citizen  in  small  towns  and 

"^e  frivolity  of  court  life  in  the  duodecimo  principality.     I 

^iijecture  from  its  character   that  this  is  the  story  which 

Godwin  took  from  a  newspaper.     I  have  not  discovered  it 

dacwhere,  and  hardly  think  that  it  can  come  from  Godwin's 

P^i3,  for  it  is  literally  honeycombed  with  inaccuracies  and 

'i^^ifitranslations.     (doming  fix)m   so  many  different  sources^ 

^e  versions  of    these    stories    naturally  differ    widely   in 

quality.     On  the  whole,  however,  it  may  be  said  that  the 

Sixwk  Farmers  are  not  model  translators.     Their  inability 

^    speak  Grerman  has  caused  them  to  miss  the  real  import 

^f    many  idiomatic  expressions.     On  the  other  hand,  they 

^ere  men  of  decided  literary  taste,  and  in  the  majority  of 

^^^fies  they  give  us  a  good  story  in  good  English,  although 

w^eir  works  cannot  always  pass  as  faithfrd  reproductions  of 

^e  original. 

Jack  Steam  is  followed  by  that  charming  historic  idyll, 
^loretta,  or  the  First  Love  of  Henry  IV.    This  story  touches 
0^  the  evil  consequences  of  social  inequality,  one  of  Zschokke's 
fcvorite  themes.    It  portrays  in  the  simplest  manner  the  love 
affair  of  Henry  IV  with  a  gardener's  daughter  and  its  fatal 
cx)D6equences  to  the  latter.    It  is  to  be  regretted  that  Grodwin 
did  not  republish  this  story  when  he  edited  a  second  edition 
of  the  Ihlea  in  1889.    This  translation,  I  conclude,  is  by  God- 
win himself,  although  another  version  of  it  by  G.  F.  Struve 
had  appeared  in  the  SotUhem  Literary  Messenger  in  1843. 
A  careAil   comparison  has  failed  to  reveal  any  connection 
between  the  two.     In  1846  this  story  appeared  again  in 
vol.   10  of  the  Parlor  Novelist,  a   Belfast  (Ireland)  serial 
which  was  published  in  1846-47. 

The  last  story  in  Part  I  is  the  Adventures  of  a  New  Yearns 


290  JOHN  PRESTON   HOSKINS. 

Eve^  the  tale  which  perhaps  will  prove  the  most  enduring 
of  the  Zsehokke  productions.  Godwin  did  not  translate 
this,  but  took  it  from  BUuskwood^s  Magazine  of  May,  1837. 
The  English  translator  shows  a  decided  tendency  to  lapse 
into  el^ance  of  diction,  which  is  relieved,  in  the  scenes 
between  the  police  and  night  watchmen,  by  a  dashv  of  "^ 
'cockney/  Grodwin  has  removed  the  latter  and  brought 
the  whole  nearer  to  the  simplicity  and  directness  of  the 
original.  From  the  article  on  Zsehokke  in  Tait's  Edinburgh 
Magaaine  (1846)  we  learn  that  this  story  was  very  popular 
in  England  and  Airnished  the  materials  for  a  farce  at  one 
of  the  London  theatres. 

lUuminatum,  or  the  Sleep-Wakery  a  tale  of  clairvoyancy, 
the  first  story  of  Part  II,  leads  us  into  the  region  of  the 
mysterious  and  supernatural.  An  age  which  lays  exclusive 
emphasis  on  the  psychical  or  spiritual  element  in  man's 
nature  is  very  prone  to  seek  for  supernatural  manifestations 
of  this  mysterious  element.  Transcendentalism  brought  a 
number  of  fads — such  as  spiritualism,  mesmerism,  aniniRl 
magnetism,  etc. — ^in  its  wake.  A  glance  at  the  literature  of 
this  period  reveals  tales  of  somnambulism,  wonderful  visions, 
mysticism,  witchcraft,  and  the  like.  Many  of  these  stories 
were  translated  and  published  in  America,  as  we  have 
noticed  above ;  and  Poe's  tales,  it  may  be  observed  in  passing, 
though  infinitely  superior  in  everything  that  pertains  to  artis- 
tic workmanship,  were  likewise  the  children  of  a  transcenden- 
tal age.  Zsehokke  himself  believed  that  he  possessed  the  power 
of  clairvoyancy,  and  in  his  Verkldrungen  (sometimes  known 
as  Hortensia)  he  has  wandered  into  the  misty  region  of  the 
supernatural. 

That  Godwin  and  his  wife  were  deeply  impressed  by  these 

^Ab  early  as  1821  Wilkens,  p.  142  and  Appendix,  172,  cites  a  transla- 
tion made  by  Tobias  Watkins  in  Baltimore,  in  Tcdea  of  a  Tripod;  or  a 
Ddphiotn  JEtfming. 


PASKE  GODWIN   AND   ZSCHOKKE's  TALES.  291 

gtories  appears  from  the  &ct  that  they  had  already  translated 
the  Verkldrtmgenf  under  the  title  of  The  Sleep- Wdker,  and 
publiabed  it  in  Boston  in  1842.    That  Godwin  was  the  trans- 
lator of  this  story  follows  from  a  book  notice  in  the  Democratic 
Bxxieu}  (February,  1843),  which  states  that  the  Sleep-Waker 
^JWfi  by  the  same  translator  as  the  Fool  of  the  Nineteenth 
Century  (^Democratic  Review,   1842),  the  text  of  which  is 
identical  with  that  of  the  same  story  in  Godwin's  collection. 
Godwin  himself  is  also  responsible  for  The  Broken  Cwp, 
^^i  as  it  is  more  correctly  translated  in  the  1889  edition^ 
■^  Broken  Pitcher,  unquestionably  the  best  of  Zschokke's 
"^^orous  pieces.     In  spite  of  some  lapses  from  the  simple 
into  a  literary  tone,  Grodwin  has  on  the  whole  well  pre- 
^'Ved  the  serio-comic  character  of  this  story  with  all  its 
^^Uness  and  crispness.     It  probably  deserves  to  rank  as 
the  best  of  his  own  translations. 

The  version  of  Jonathan  Frock  contained  in  this  collection 

^^  owe  to  Gustave  C.  Hebbe.     This  is  a  story  which  hinges 

on  the  ever  present  question  of  Jewish  social  disability.    As 

a  translation  it  is  by  far  the  best  in  the  whole  book.     Hebbe 

was  evidently  a  master  of  both  German  and  English,  and 

his  work  shows  no  signs  of  that  struggle  with  a  resistii^g 

medium  which  is  so  noticeable  in  many  of  the  others.     He 

IS  also  the  translator  of  The  Princess  of  Wolfenbuttel,  which 

was  published  in  the  Omnibus  of  Modern  Romance  (New 

York,  1844).    We  hear  of  him  later  also  as  the  aspiring 

author  of  a  Universal  History.     Jonathan  Frock  was  one  of 

the  popular  favorites.     In  1846  it  appears  in  Belfast  as  a 

contribution  to  the  Parlor  Novelist,  and  four  years  later  is  to 

be  found  in  vol.  vi  of  the  Peoples  Journal  (London,  1850). 

Fannie   Bryant   Godwin  contributed  the  next  tale.  The 

Involuntary  Journey.     This  story,  in  epistolary  form,  of  the 

misfortunes  of  a  count  who  leaves  a  ball-room  in  Moscow 

daring  the  Napoleonic  invasion  to  fetch  his  sister's   pearl 


292  JOHN   PB£STON   H06KIKS. 

necklace  and  through  the  vicissitudes  of  war  is  carried  off 
to  France  and  Spain,  is  one  of  Zschokke's  weakest  produc-       ^^ 
tions.     It  was  evidently  not  popular,  for  I  have  found  no      '  ^ 
mention  of  it  elsewhere. 

The  last  story  of  the  collection,  however,  is  one  whic^^ 
was  probably  translated  oflener  than  any  other.     It  is  T1~^ 
Vicar  of  WUtskire,  and  Zschokke's  pathetic  tale  is  said         "^ 
have  been  occasioned  by  the  same  Jowmal  of  a  Vicar  ^ 

Wiltshire,  published  in  the  British  Magazine  (1766),  whi-.^  ^^ 
led  Goldsmith  to  write  his  Vicar  of  Wak^ield.  In  a  nc^-^^^^ 
Grodwin  informs  us  that  his  version  is  based  on  two  previod^-BoiM 
translations,  that  of  Mrs.  EUet  in  a  New  York  magazine-^^-^— 
I  conjecture  the  New  York  Review — and  the  Reverend  W^  W, 
H.  Fumess's  translation,  which  first  appeared  in  The  GW-  ^^^Jl 
(1844),  one  of  those  "richly  embellished"  annuals  of  t^  tie 
period.  This  was  later  incorporated  into  Hedge's 
Writers  of  Germany. 

Still  another  translation   by  S.  A.    (Sara  Austen) 
printed  in  the  Southern  Literary  Messenger  for  October,  18- 
This  version  was  made  in  England,  if  my  conjecture  as 
the  translator  is  correct.     The  same  story  turns  up 
in  that  collection  of   Zschokke's  tales  already  mentiom 
Journal  of  a  Poor  Vicar,  The  Walpurgis  Night   and 
Stories  (Philadelphia,  1845),  which   probably  comes 
the  pen  of  W.  H.  Fumess.     Its  immense  popularity  is  fiirth.^^^ 
attested  by  the  book  announcement  of  The  Gift  in  the  Souiher*^^^ 
Quarterly  Review   for  1844,     The    writer   remarks:    "W^^ 
may  mention  to  the  editor,  however,  that  the  article  from 
Zschokke,   '  The   Journal   of  a  Poor  Vicar,'  though   very 
pleasant  reading,   has  been   too   frequently  translated   and 
republished  in  this  country  not  to  be  sufficiently  well  known 
to  the  reader." 

In  1889  Godwin  was  called  upon  to  reedit  a  little  volume 
of  Zschokke's  tales  for  the  ^'  Knickerbocker  Nugget "  series 


PABKE   GODWIN   AND   ZBCHOKKE'S  TALES.  293 

^liich  G.  p.  Patnam's  Sons  were  then  publishing.  Over 
forty  years  had  passed  since  the  first  edition  had  been  put 
into  the  hands  of  the  public.  Transcendentalism  had  com- 
pleted its  task  of  bridging  the  chasm  between  the  mechanical 
theories  of  the  18th  century  and  the  great  organic  conception 
of  tlie  universe  which  was  destined  to  control  the  thinking  of 
the  last  quarter  of  the  19th.  The  all-comprehensive  idea 
of  evolution  was  teaching  men  that  the  hope  of  transforming 
society  otherwise  than  by  the  slow  process  of  gradual  change 
was  vain.  Accordingly  Godwin  winnowed  the  chafi*  from 
the  wheat.  He  rejected  all  those  stories  which  smacked 
of  the  social  reforms  and  vagaries  of  transcendentalism^  and 
for  the  new  edition  chose  only  three  of  the  old  :  The  Advemn 
turea  of  a  New  Yearns  Eve,  The  Broken  Pitcher ,  and  Jonathan 
Frocky  stories  which  for  their  literary  merit  could  be  accepted 
as  classics. 

To  these  were  added  a  fourth  story,  Walpurgia  Nighty 
translated  by  William  P.  Prentice.  This  study  in  the 
oncanny  and  horrible,  which  reminds  us  of  Poe  or  Hoffinann, 
with  its  moral  lesson  on  the  blessings  of  a  pure  heart  and 
sound  conscience,  was  also  a  popular  story.  It  is  to  be 
found  in  the  collection,  Journal  of  a  Poor  Vicar y  etc.,  which 
has  just  been  mentioned.  In  1850  an  adaptation  of  the 
story,  under  the  title  Phantasies  of  Walpurgia  Nighty  was 
published  in  Tait's  Edinburgh  MagazinCy  and  still  another 
translation  is  to  be  found  as  late  as  1870  in  Temple  Bar. 
This  version  was  reprinted  in  the  Eclectic  Magazine  for  the 
same  year.  Mr.  Prentice,  the  translator  of  the  stoiy  in 
Godwin's  collection,  informs  me  that  his  version  was  made 
independently  of  these  others.  His  letter  throws  still  more 
light  on  the  Zschokke  vogue.  He  himself  translated  other 
Zschokke  stories  which  have  never  been  published,  and  he 
distinctly  remembers  that  George  W.  Curtis  also  turned  two  or 
three  into  English,  which  likewise  were  not  destined  to  see 
7 


294  JOHN    PRESTON   HOSKINS. 

the  light  of  publicity.  It  is  interesting  to  note  in  closing 
that  these  four  stories  seem  to  have  found  a  permanent  place 
in  American  literature.  At  the  beginning  of  the  20th 
century  they  had  been  republished  as  one  of  the  "Ariel 
Booklets"  by  the  Putnams. 

The  subsequent  history  of  the  Zschokke  Tales  can  be 
briefly  told.  My  researches  have  brought  to  light  at  least 
a  dozen  other  translations  besides  those  already  mentioned. 
Their  history  is  substantially  the  same  as  the  foregoing. 
The  dates  and  places  of  their  publication^  with  the  names 
of  the  translators  so  far  as  they  can  be  determined,  can  be 
seen  in  the  bibliography  which  mil  follow  this  paper  as  an 
appendix.  By  1850  Zschokke's  popularity  had  begun  to 
wane.  Between  1850  and  1860  new  editions  of  the  old 
translations  were  republished,  and  one  or  two  new  ones 
added.  Since  1860,  so  far  as  I  am  aware,  no  new  editions, 
except  that  of  Godwin,  have  appeared. 

It  would  be  useless  to  seek  for  any  great  literary  signifi- 
cance in  the  history  of  Zschokke's  Tales  in  America.  He 
was  not  artist  enough  to  inspire  other  men  with  new  literary 
ideals.  But  his  works,  conservative  and  healthy  in  tone, 
did  serve  to  increase  the  taste  for  good  reading  among  the 
people,  to  give  popularity  to  the  short  story,  and  to  break 
down  popular  prejudice  against  German  philosophy  and 
German  literature. 

In  conclusion  we  must  refer  to  another,  and  in  some 
respects  more  important,  translation  of  Grodwin's,  that  of 
Goethe's  Dichtung  tind  WahrheU,  published  iu  1846.  This 
book  brings  us  back  to  the  Brook  Farmers  again.  Only 
the  first  five  books  were  done  by  Godwin.  John  Henry 
Hopkins,  son  of  Bishop  Hopkins  of  Vermont,  was  responsi- 
ble for  the  second  five,  while  his  Brook  Farm  friends, 
Charles  A.  Dana  (who  had  taught  German  and  Greek  there) 
and  John  S.  Dwight,  completed  the  remaining  ten  books. 


PARKE  GODWIN   AND   ZSCHOKKE's  TALES.  295 

Tms  was  the  first  traiislation  of  Goethe's  autobiography  into 
the  English  language^  for  the  Memoirs  of  Goethe,  which  was 
ftJi  Slnglish  version  of  a  French  translation,  was  so  garbled 
thsLt  it  is  unworthy  of  the  name.  This  American  transla- 
tion, as  H,  S.  White  informs  us  in  his  article,  Goethe  in 
Anterica  {^Goethe  JahrbiLch,  1884),  was  subsequently  sold  to 
Bolin  in  London,  and  after  revision  by  Oxenford  now  holds 
its  place  as  the  standard  English  version  of  the  great  poet's 
autobiography. 

But  Godwin's   service   is  not   merely  to   have  added  a 

few  tales  and  a  celebrated  autobiography  to  the  store  of 

English   literature.     All   his   life   he   kept   in   touch  vdth 

(Jerinan  literary  and  philosophic  development,  and  through 

^views,  essays,  and  addresses  interpreted  its  significance  to 

*^  fellow  countrymen.     Before  Emerson's  famous  essay  on 

Goethe  was  published  (1850),  Godwin's  critical  insight  and 

s^nse  of  justice  had  already  assigned  to  the  great  poet  the 

P*^ce  in   modem   civilization   which   the  world   has   since 

^^^corded  him.    And  in  one  of  his  last  essays  on  the  Germans 

*^  America  {Liber  Scriptorum  of  the  Authors'  Club,  New 

^ork,  1893)  he  pays  a  noble  tribute  to  German  research, 

^^:nnan  criticism,  German  philosophy,  and  German  music. 

"^  *^«  enthusiasm  for  the  ideals  which  had  inspired  his  youth 

^^hes  out  again  in  the  opening  paragraph  of  this  essay,  and 

^ til  it  I  shall  close  this  paper:  "  Goethe  means  the  German 

'^^^j  and  as  Homer  meant  Greece,  Dante  meant  the  Middle 

&e8,   as    Shakespeare    meant    awakening,  world-exploring 

^^  gland,  so  the  German  race  means  the  highest  aspirations 

*^<i  attainments  of  the  modem  world." 

John  Preston  Hoskins. 


296  JOHN   PRESTON   H06KIN8. 


APPENDIX. 


The  folIowiDg  bibliography  of  Zschokke  translations  is 
based  on  a  consultation  of  the  follovdng : — 

Boorbach's  Bibliotheca  Americana:  Catalogue  of  American  Pablicatioii8| 

1820-1852. 
Gitalogae  of  the  Libraiy  Company,  Philadelphia,  1856. 
Catalogue  of  American  Publications,  1876. 
Printed  Catalogues  of : 

Library  of  Congress. 

Peabody  Museum,  Baltimore. 

Mercantile  Library,  Philadelphia. 

Astor  Library,  New  York. 

Lenox  Library,  New  York. 

Boston  Athensemn. 

British  Museum. 
Also  a  number  of  Private  Libraries,  such  as  Cambridge,  Mass.,  High  School. 
Indexes  and  Book  Announcements  in : 

North  American  JRevieWf  1820-1851. 

DemocnUic  Review,  1835-1852. 

Ameriean  RevieWf  1845-1851. 

SotUhem  Literary  Messenger,  1838-1851. 

Southern  Quarterly  BevieWf  1842-1851. 

Metropolitan  Magazine,  1836-41. 

Tait's  Edinburgh  Magazine  for  1834, 1835,  1838, 1840, 1844, 1845, 1847. 
(A  complete  file  of  this  magazine  could  not  be  found  in  New  York.    The 
volumes  consulted  belong  to  Princeton  University  Library. ) 

BlackwoocPs  Magazine,  up  to  1857. 

London  Quarterly  Review,  1830-1850. 

Peoples  Journal  (London),  1850. 
(Only  one  volume  attainable. ) 
Poole's  Index:  Of  value  where  the  title  of  the  story  is  known. 
Allibone's  Dictionary  of  Authors,  also  of  value  when  the  translator  is  known. 
The  Qerman  titles  of  the  Tales  are  taken  from  the  First  Edition  of 
Groedecke's  Grundriss,  and  only  the  date  of  the  first  appearance  is  given. 
Goedecke  is  not  particularly  full  in  regard  to  Zschokke. 

An  exhaustive  bibliography  of  Zschokke  translations  would  be  well-nigh 
an  impossibility  at  present  If  the  statements  of  book  reviewers  of  the 
time  are  correct,  his  stories  appeared  frequently  in  weeklies  and  even 
dailies.     Few  of  these  can  now  be  found,  and  none  of  them  are  indexed. 


PABKE   GODWIN   AND   ZSCHOKKE's  TALES.  297 

I,  some  of  the  magazines  mentioned  are  now  seldom  to  be  found 
^^^  oomplete  sets.  The  present  bibliography  is  therefore  as  complete  as  the 
Avx^lmor  can  hope  to  make  it  with  the  means  at  his  command.  Knglish 
dons  haye  been  given  because  their  presence  in  American  Libraries 
that  these  works  were  also  known  in  America. 

1.    Abticleb  on  Zbchokkz. 

's  Journal f  Edinburgh,  1845,  repeated  in  Edeetie  Maganne^  8, 299. 

Review,  1845,  by  Parke  Godwin  ? 
Quarterly  Bevimoy  21,  1. 
T&x^'s  Edinburgh  Maganne,  N.  a  12,  1845. 

A.     l>rief  account  of  some  instances  in  the  Life  of  Zschokke,  by  J.  Craw- 
ford Woods,  Adelaide,  Australia,  1863.    (British  Museum.) 

2.  Gebican  Editionb  ik  America. 

Zoclaokke's  Werke :  46  vols.     Pap.  at  10  and  20  cts.  per  voL    F.  W. 

Thomas,  Philadelphia.     No  date.     For  titles  of  sepa- 
rate volumes  see  Catalogue  of  American  Publications, 
1876. 
Novellen  und  Dichtungen:  3  vols.     F.  W.  Thomas,  Phila- 
delphia.    No  date. 
Novellen  und  Dichtungen  :  7  Auflage ;  Aarau  und  New  York. 
At  New  York  by  William  Kadde,     1845?    (Library 
of  Congress.) 
The   Same :    11^  Yermehrie   Ausgabe.    In    commission    bei 
William  Radde.     New  York.     1859.     (Library  of 
Congress.) 
Stunden  der  Andacht :  Kohler,  Philadelphia.    No  date.    (See 

Catalogue  of  American  Publications,  1876. ) 
Der  Tote  Cast,  eine  Erzahlung.     New  York,  1839.     (Astor 
Library. ) 

3.  Trakslatioks. 

^^Uino,  the  Bravo  of  Venice.  A  Bomnnce.  ( Aballino  der  grosse  Bandit 
Frankfurt  und  Leipzig,  1794.)  Translated  from  the  German 
by  M.  G.  Lewis.  London,  1805,  1809  (6th  ed.),  1830,  1856, 
1857.  (British  Museum. ) 
The  Same :  Boston,  1840,  Boston  Public  Library, 
'^^''^^o,  the  Great  Bandit  A  grand  dramatic  Bomance  in  Five  Acts. 
(Abellino,  der  grosse  Bandit  Ein  Trauerspiel  nach  der  Ge- 
schichte  dieses  Namens,  Frankfurt  a.  d.  O.  1795.)  Translated 
from  the  G^erman  and  adapted  to  the  New  York  theatre  by 


298  JOHN   PRESTON   HOBKINS. 

William  Dunlap,  Esq.,  1800.    4th  Edition.     New  York,  1820, 

published  by  Thomas  Longworth,  16®.     (Lenox  Idbrazy. ) 
Abellino,   the  Venetian  Outlaw.     A  drama  translated  from  the  French. 

London?    1805,  1806, 1820.     (British  Museum.) 
Adventures  of  a  New  Year's  Night     (Das  Abenteuer  der  Neujahrsnacht 

in  Die  Erheiterungen  for  1818.)     BlaekuxxMTs  MagaxvM^  Ma7» 

1837. 
The  Same :  Foregoing  revised  in  Zschokke's  TUes  by  Parke  Godwin. 

New  York,  1845.    Wiley  and  Putnam.     Zschokke's  Tales,  1889 

and  [1900].    G.  P.  Putnam's  Sons,  New  York. 
Alamontade  or  the  Gkilley  Slave.     (Alamontade  der   Galeeren-Sdave. 

Zurich,  1802.)     In  Tales  from  the  German,  by  J.    Oxenford 

and  C.  A.  Feeling  [London,  1844].     (British  Museum.) 

According  to  Goedecke's  GrundrisSj  translated  in  London  in 

1827. 
The  Same :  translated  from  the  45th  Edition  by  Jno.  T.  Sullivan, 

Philadelphia,  1845.     (Gatalogued  in  the  Library  Company  of 

Philadelphia,  1856.) 
Autobiography :  (Selbstschau,  Aarau,  1842).     London,  1845.     33rd  Part 

of  **  Foreign  Library."     Chapman  and  HalL     (Library  of  Gon- 

gress.) 
The  Bean :  (Die  Bohne,  cine  Erzahlungen,  in  Die  Erheiterungen,  1811.) 

Metropolitan  Magazine^  London  and  New  York  (July),  1838. 
The  Same  :  in  Walpurgis  Night,  Journal  of  a  Poor  Vicar,  and  other 

stories,  [by  W.  H.  Fumess],  Pliiladelphia,  1845. 
The  Broken  Gup  :  See  the  Broken  Pitcher. 
The  Broken  Pitcher  :  (Der  zerbrochene  Krug,  in  Die  Erheiterungen,  1813) 

translated  by  Parke  Godwin  in  Zschokkc's  Tales,  New  York, 

1845.    Wiley  and  Putnam.    Also  in  Tales  by  iSschokke,  by  P. 

G.,  1889  (G.  P.  Putnam's  Sons  :  Knickerbocker  Nugget  Series.) 

Beprinted  as  Ariel  Booklet  [1900]. 
The  CJanary  Bird  :  See  Story  of  Fritz,  the  bird  catcher. 
The  Creole :  (Der  Oeole.    Eine  Erzahlung,    Aarau,  1830)  published  by 

W.  H.  Colyer,  New  York,  1836.     (Qted  by  Roorbach.) 
The  Dead  Guest :  (Der  tote  Gast,  cited  by  Groedecke  first  in  vol.  x\'m  of 

Sammtliche  Ausgewahlte  Scliriften,  Aarau,  1824-28 ).    Published 

by  Radde,  New  York.     (Catalogue  of  American  Publications, 

1876. ) 
The  Same :  translated  by  G.  C.  McWhorter.     D.  Appleton  &  O)., 

New  York     (Catalogue  of  American  Publications,  1876.) 
Floretta,  or  the  First  Love  of  Henry  IV.    (Florette  oder  die  erste  Liebe 

Heinrichs  IV,  Die  Erheiterungen,  1818,  L.  Weber  unterzeich- 

net)   translated  from  the  (jrerman  of  Henry  Zschokke  by  G.  F. 

Struve.     Sovihem  Literary  Messenger,  1843. 


PARKE   GODWIN   AND   ZBCHOKKE'S  TALES.  299 

The  Same :  tmoslated  by  Parke  Grodwin,  in  Zschokke's  Tales,  New 

York,  1846. 
The  Same :  in  Ptolor  Novelist,  vol.  10.     Belfast,  1846.     (ProfaaUj 
^  Grodwin's  or  Stnive's  Translation. ) 

^^^oriaui,  the  Fugitive  of  the  Jura  (Der  Fluchtling  im  Jura,  1824,  in  Bilder 
aus  der  Schweiz,  Aarau,  1824-26 )  in  Miss  M.  M.  Montgomery's 
Lights  and  Shadows  of  German  Life.    London  and  Philadelphia, 
1833. 
The  Same :  in  Incidents  of  Social  Life  amid  the  European  Alps. 
Transkted  by  L.    Strack,    12'',    New  York,    1844.      (Boston 
Athenseum. )     Eeprinted  in  1845  under  the  title  :  A  Fool  of  the 
Nineteenth  Century,  and  other  stories. 
-^    ^ool  of  the  Nineteenth  Century  (Ein  Narr  des  19*«»  Jahrhunderts,  in 
Rheinisches  Taschenbuoh,  1822),  translated  by  [Parke  Godwin] 
in  Democratic  Beview,  October,  1842. 
The  Same :  the  foregoing  in  Zschokke's  Tales  by  Parke  Godwin, 

New  York,  1845. 
The  Same :  Oliver  Flyeln,  a  Fool  of  the  Nineteenth  Century,  in 
Incidents  of  Social  Life  amid  the  European  Alps,  translated  by 
L.  Strack,  New  York,  1844. 
^  ^ool  of  the  Nineteenth  Century  and  other  stories,  New  York,  1845.    See 

Incidents  of  Social  Life,  etc. 
^  ^^®  Free  Court  of  Aarau  ;  see  Veronica. 
Fritz,  the  Bird  Catcher ;  see  Story  of  Fritz,  the  Bird  Catcher. 
*-  *^®  Oalley  Shive  ;  see  Alamontade. 
^^Identhal :  (Das  Goldmacherdorf,  Aarau,  1817)  a  tale  translated  from 

the  German.     London,  1833.     (British  Museum. ) 
^^Idmaker's  Village,  translated  from  the  German.     Bums,  London,  1845. 
(British  Museum. ) 
The  Same:  G.  S.  Appleton,  Philadelphia,  1845.     (Boorbach.) 
The  Same :  in  Chamber's  Miscellany  of  Instructive  and  Entertain- 
ing Tracts,  Edinburgh  and  London.     No  date.     (Catalogue  of 
--.  Cambridge,  Mass.,  High  School. ) 

^^^"'i^onius :  (Harmonius,  in  Vignetten,  Basel,  1801)  translated  by  Christo- 
pher Pearse  Cranch  in  Zschokke's  Tales,  by  Parke  Godwin, 
g^^  New  York,  1845. 

^^*^J7  of  the  Invasion  of  Switzerland  by  the  French.     (Not  cited  by 
f^  Groedecke.)     London,  1803.     (Library  of  Congress.) 

^Puiar)  History  of  Switzerland  (Des  Schweizenlands  Geschichten  fiir 

das  Schweizervolk,  Aarau,  1822,  5**  Aufl.,  1834).     From  the 

German  with  the  author's  subsequent  alterations  of  the  original 

work.      Translated  by   [W.   H.    Howe].      Frankfurt   a.    M. 

^  1833. 

^    ^PTilar)  History  of  Switzerland  :  Boston,  1834.     (Library  of  Congreas.) 


300  JOHN   PRESTON   HOSKINS. 

The  Same :  with  a  continuation  to  the  year  18i8,  by  F.  G.  Shaw, 

New  York,  1855.     Beprinted  1875.     (Library  of  Gongreas. ) 
The  Same:  Mason,  Boston.     (No  date.)     (Oatalogne  of  American 
Publications,  1876. ) 
Hortensia :  (Die  Verklarungen,  ih  Die  Erheiterungen,  1814). 

Also  called :  Illumination  or  the  Sleep- Waker,  a  tale  from  the 
Qerman  [translated  by  [Ptoke  GK)dwin  and  Fanny  Bryant  (jk)dwin]. 
Monroe  &  CV>.,  Boston,  1842. 
The  Same:  in  Incidents  of  Social  Life  amid  the  European  Alps, 

translated  by  L.  Strack,  New  York,  1844. 
The  Same :  under  title :  Illumination  or  the  Sleep- Waker  in  Zschokke's 

Tales,  by  Pafke  GK)dwin,  New  York,  1845. 
The  Same :  Published  by  J.  Winchester,  New  York  (before  1852). 

Boorbach. 
The  Same :  under  title,  Hortensia  or  the  Transfigurations,  in  A.  J. 
Dtma*  Memoranda,  1S6S.     (Astor  Library.) 
Hours  of  Demotion :  (Stunden  der  Andacht  zur  Beforderung  wahren  Qiristen- 
thums  und  luluslicher  Gottesverehrung,  1-8  Jahigang,  Aarau, 
1809-1816)  translated  by  Morris  Mattson.    2nd  American  from 
the  13th  G^erman  Edition.     Philadelphia,  Kay  and  Brother, 
1835. 
The  Same:  translated  by  Burrows.     London,  1838.     (Library  of 
Cbngress.) 
Hours  of  Meditation  and  Devotional  Beflection :  translated  from  the  German 
by  J.  D.  Haas,  London,  1843,  1847.     Beprinted,  London  and 
Manchester,  1863. 
Hours  of  Meditation  and  Beflection :   Haas's  translation.     J.  S. 
Bedfield,  New  York,  1844. 
Illumination :  see  Hortensia. 

Incidents  of  Social  Life  amid  the  European  Alps.    Translated  by  L. 
Strack,  New  York,  1844.    Contains 
Florian,  the  Fugitive  of  (he  Jura. 
Oliver  Flyeln,  A  Fool  of  the  Nineteenth  dJentury. 
Hortensia. 
The  Same :  reprinted  in  New  York,    1845,   under  the  title :  A 
Fool  of  the  Nineteenth  Gentury  and  other  stories.    Translated 
by  L.  Strack. 
The  Involuntary  Journey  (Die  Beise  wider  Willen,  in  Die  Erheiterung^i, 
1814).    Translated  by  Fanny  Bryant  GKxiwin,  in  Zschokke's 
Tales,  by  Parke  Godwin,  New  York,  1845. 
It  is  very  Possible.    (Es  ist  sehr  mogUch,  in  Die  Erheiterungen,  1817.     L. 
Weber  unterzeichnet)  translated  in  Miss  M.  M.  Montgomeiy's 
Lights  and  Shadows  of  German  Life.    London  and  Philadelphia, 
1833. 


PABKE  OOBWIN   AND   ZSCHOKKE's  TAL£S.  301 

^^  Bteam,  the  busy-bodj :  (Hans  Damp!  in  alien  Ghiasen,  in  Die  Erheiter- 
ungen,  1814)  in  Zscliokke's  Tales,  by  P^ke  Godwin,  New  York, 
1846. 
■^<>«>aUuui  Frock :  (Jonathan  Frock,  in  Die  Erheiteningen,  1816)  trans- 
lated by  GustaT  a  Hebbe,«in  Zschokke's  Tales,  by  Fkrke 
Godwin,  New  York,  1845,  1889,  1900. 
The  Same :  translated  from  the  G^erman,  in  Parlor  NoTelist.  VoL  10. 

Belfast,  184^^7. 
The  Same :  in  People's  Journal.    VoL  6.    London,  1846-^1. 
•'^^Ulud  of  a  Poor  Vicar :  see  Leaves  from  the  Diary  of  a  Poor  Vicar  of 
WUtshire. 
^Os:  (Julius,  oder  die  zwei  Gefangenen,  in  Genfer  Novellen,   nach 
dem  franxosischen,  von  R.  Tdpffer,  Aarau,  1839)  in  Julius  and 
other  Tales,  translated  from  the  G^erman  by  W.  H.  Fumess, 
Philadelphia,  1856. 
The  Walpurgis  Night,  Leaves  from  the  Journal  of  a  Poor  Vicar, 
the  Bean,  Julius,  and  other  tales  from  the  German.    [London], 
1856.     ( British  Museum. ) 
^^^^>or  stands  on  Gk>lden  Feet:   (Meister  Jordan,  oder  Handwerk  hat 
goldnen  Boden,  Aarau,  1848)   translated  by  J.  Yeats  Oossell, 
New  York.     (Catalogue  of  American  Publications,  1876. ) 
The  Same :  London,  1852.     3rd  Ed.,  1870.     (British  Museum.) 
^^^  X4u»  Maker  of  Namur :  (Der  Blondin  von  Namur  (?),  in  Die  Erheiter- 
ungen,  1813.) 

According  to  Tait's  Edinburgh  Magaaine,  1845,  p.  436,  this 
story  appeared  in  England  about  1845. 
from  the  Diary  of  a  Poor  Vicar  of  Wiltshire.  A  Fragment :  (Das 
Neujahrsgeschenk  aus  dem  Tagebuch  des  Armen  Pfarr-Vikars 
von  Wiltshire,  in  Die  Erheiteningen,  1819)  translated  by  S.  A. 
(Sara  Austen)  from  the  German.  Souihem  LUerary  Metamger^ 
October,  1843. 
Journal  of  a  Poor  Vicar :  translated  by  W.  H.  Fumess  in  The  QifL 

CJarey  and  Hart,  Philadelphia,  1844. 
The  Same :  by  W.  H.  Fumess  in  Hedge's  Prose  Writers  of  G^ermany, 

Philadelphia,  1845. 
The  Same :  in  the  Journal  of  a  Poor  Vicar,  the  Walpurgis  Night  and 

other  stories  (by  W.  H.  Fumess?)  Philadelphia,  1845. 
The  Same :  in  The  Walpurgis  Night,  Leaves  from  the  Journal  of  a 
Poor  Vicar,  the  Bean,  Julius,  and  other  tales  from  the  German. 
London,  1856.     (British  Museum.) 
The  Same:  An  Abridgment,  in  Chamber's  Miscellany  of   Useful 
and  Entertaining  Tracts.     London,  circa  1845. 
^^^  from  the  Journal  of  a  Poor  Vicar  in  Wiltshire :  in  Zschokke's  Tales, 
by  P^u^  Gkniwin,  New  York,  1845.     (GKxlwin  informs  us  that 


302  JOHN   PBESTON   H06KINS. 

his  translation  is  based  on  W.  H.  Fnmess's  and  one  by  Mrs. 

EUet,  which  appeared  in  a  New  York  monthly  magazine. ) 
Journal  of  a  Poor  Vicar :   published  by  J.  S.  Taylor,  New  York, 

1852.     (Roorbach.) 
Lights  and  Shadows  of  Grerman  Life,   by  Miss  M.   M.   Montgomery, 

London  and  Philadelphia,  1833.     Contains 
The  Military  Campaigns  of  a  Man  of  Peace. 
Tlie  Fugitive  of  the  Jura. 
It  is  very  Possible. 
Lover's  Stratagem  and  other  tales :  (Wie  man  lieben  muss,  or  Eros)  puh- 

lished  by  Linton,  London,   1848.     (Library  of  Congress  and 

British  Museum. ) 
Marble  and  Conrad  :  (?  ?)  in  Incidents  of  Social  Life  amid  the  Europeaii 

Alps,  by  L.  Strack,  New  York,  1844. 
Meditations  on  Death  and  Eternity :  translated  by  F.  Bo  wan,  London, 

1862,  1863.     (Boston  Athenseum. )    See  Hours  of  Devotion  and 

Meditation. 
The  Military  Campaigns  of  a  Man  of  Peace  :  (Kriegerische  Abenteuer  eines 

Friedfertigen,  in   Die  Erheiterungen,  1811)   in  Miss  M.    M. 

Montgomery's  Lights  and  Shadows  of  Grerman  Life.     Phila- 
delphia, 1833. 
New  Year's  Eve  :  see  Adventures  of  a  New  Year's  Eve. 
Oliver  Flyeln  :  see  A  Fool  of  the  Nineteenth  Century. 
Phantasies  of  Walpurgis  Night :  see  Walpurgis  Night. 
The  Present  State  of  Christianity  :  ( Darstellung  gegenwartiger  Ausbreitung 

des  Christenthums  auf  dem  Erdball,  Aarau,  1819 )  founded  on 

a  work  by  J.  H.  D.  Z.,  London,  1828.     (British  Museum.  ) 
The  Prime  Minister  (  ?  ) :  published  by  J.  Winchester,  New  York,  before 

1852.     (Roorbach.) 
The  Princess  of  Wolfenbiittel :  ( Die  Prinzessin  von  Wolfenbiittel,  Zurich, 

1804,  1810)   translated  from  the  German  by  G.  C.  Hebbe,  in 

Omnibus  of  Modem  Romance,  New  York,  1844.   ( Astor  Library. ) 
A  Psalm :  (Sehnsucht  nach  dem  Schauen  des  Unsichtbaren,  Ein  Psalm, 

Die   Erheiterungen,    1819)    translated    by  C.    T.    Brooks,    in 

ChnMian  Examiner j  1851. 
Reactions :  see  Who  Governs  then  ? 
On  the  Religious,  Moral  and  Social  Duties  of  Life  (see  Hours  of  Devotion): 

translated  from   the   Germau  by  J.    D.   Haas,   published   by 

J.   S.  Redfield,  New  York,  1844. 
Rose  of  Disentis :  (Die  Rose  von  Disentis,  in  Aahrenlese,  Aarau,  1844) 

published  by  Sheldon,   New  York.      (Catalogue  of  American 

Publications,  1876.) 
The  Rum  Plague,  a  narrative  for  the  admonition  of  both  old  and  young  : 

(Die  Brauntweinpest,  Eine  Trauergeschichte  zur  Wamung  und 


PABKE  GODWIN   AUTD  ZSCHOKKE's  TALIS.  303 

Lehre  far  Beich  und  Arm,  Alt  und  Jung,  Aarau,  1837,  1838, 
1842)  published  by  J.  8.  Taylor,  New  York,  1853.     (Boor- 
bach.) 
The  Bleep-Waker :  see  Hortensia. 

8U>Ty  of  Fritz,  the  Bird-catcher  and  his^Oanary  (?  ?):  in  Chamber's  Mis- 
cellany of  Instructive  and  Entertaining  Tracts,  vol.  vi,  London. 
(Catalogue  of  Cambridge,  Mass.,  High  SchooL) 
The  Canary  Bird  and  other  Tales,  originally  German,  translated 
from  the  French.     B.  Donahue,  Philadelphia,  1836. 
6^^7  Leaves  from  the  German,  or  Select  Essays  from  Zschokke,  translated 
by  W.  R  Flower  and  K  F.  S.,  Knutsford   (Printed),  1845. 
(British  Museum. ) 
Tales  from  the  German  of  Heinrich  Zschokke  by  Parke  Godwin :  New 
York,  Wiley  and  Putnam,  1845. 
Part  I  contains  : 
Fool  of  the  Nineteenth  Century.     Translated  by  Parke  Godwin. 
Harmonius.     Translated  by  C.  P.  Cranch. 
Jack  Steam. 

Floretta,  or  the  First  Love  of  Henry  IV.     By  Parke  Godwin. 
Adventures  of  a  New  Year's  Eve.    (From  Blackwood! s  Magazine^ 
1837.) 
Part  II: 
Illumination ;  or  the  Sleep  Waker.     By  Fanny  Bryant  Godwin 

and  Parke  Gk>dwin.     (See  Hortensia. ) 
The  Broken  Cup  (Pitcher).     By  Parke  Grodwin. 
Jonathan  Frock.     By  Gustav  C.  Hebbe. 
The  Involuntary  Journey.     By  Fanny  Bryant  Goodwin. 
Leaves  from  the  Journal  of  a  Poor  Vicar  in  Wiltshire.     (Based 
on  W.  H.  Fumess' ,  and  Mrs.  Ellet's  translations  of  the  same. ) 
Tales  by  Heinrich   Zschokke :  A  selection  from  the  foregoing  and  one 
additional  tale.     By  Parke  Godwin.     New  York,  1889,  G.  P. 
Putnam's  Sons.    Knickerbocker  Nugget  Series. 
Contains  :  Adventures  of  a  New  Year's  Eve,  The  Broken  Pitcher, 
Jonathan  Frock,  and  Walpurgis  Night,  translated  by  William 
P.  Prentice. 
The  Same  :  Reprint  of  the  foregoing.     G.  P.  Putnam's  Sons.    New 
York  [1900],  in  Ariel  Booklets, 
Veronica ;  or  the  Free  Court  of  Aarau.     (Der  Freihof  von  Aarau,  in  Vols. 
25,  26,  27,  of  Sammt.  ausgewiihlte  Schriften,  Aarau,  1826-28). 
Translated  from  the  Grerman  of  2iSchokke  by  the  author  of 
Giafar  al  Barmeki  (i.  e,  Samuel  Gardiner  Spring,  Jr.),  New 
York,  1845.     Harper  &  Bros.  Library  of  Select  Novels. 
The  Same  :  in  Parlor  Novelist,  vol.  xiv,  Belfast,  1846-47. 
Vicar  of  Wiltshire  :  see  Leaves  from  the  Diary  of  a  Poor  Vicar  of  Wilt- 
shire. 


304  JOHN   PBESTON   H06KIN& 

Village  Mayor:  (??)  according  to  the  Ckmbridge  High  School  Oatalogue 
in  Chamber*  8  Idiscellanyof  Interesting  and  Entertaining  TractB, 
vol.  VI. 
Walpurgis  Night :  (Die  Walpargis  Nacht,  in  Die  Erheiterongen,  1812)  in 
The  Journal  of  a  Poor  Vicar,  the  Walpurgis  Night  and  other 
Stories.  W.  H.  Fumess  (?)  Philadelphia,  1846.  (libraiy  of 
(Congress. ) 

The  Same  :  in  The  Walpurgis  Night,  Leaves  from  the  Journal  of  a 
Poor  Vicar,  The  Bean,  Julius  and  other  Stories  from  the  Ger- 
man.    [London.]     1856.     (British  Museum.) 

The  same :  translated  by  William  P.  Prentice  in  Tales  by  Heimich 
Zschokke.  By  Parke  GK)dwin,  1889  (Knickerbocker  Nuggets) 
and  [19(X)]  Ariel  Booklets.     G.  P.  Putnam's  Sons,  New  York. 

Phantasies  of  Walpurgis  Night :  (H.  Zschokke)  Tait's  Edinburgh 
Maganne,  N.  8.  17,  1860. 

Walpurgis  Night :  in  Temple  Bwr  28,  370,  1870,  and  reprinted 
Edeetk  Magaunney  41,  616. 
Who  Governs  Then  ?  A  Tale  of  the  Cburt  of  Louis  XV :  (Ruckwirkung- 
en  oder:  Wer  regiert  denn?  in  voL  zx  of  SiUnmt.  auqge- 
wahlte  Schriften,  Aarau,  1824-28)  translated  by  Fsrin 
Gkniwin  (?)  in  DemoanUic  BetneWf  1840. 

Eeaetions,  or  Who  Gk>vems  Then?  in  Tait's  Edinburgh  Magatme 
before  1846.  (Ace.  to  article  on  Zschokke  in  this  Magazine  for 
1846.) 


v. 


Vn.— THE  DETECTION  OF  PERSONALITY  IN 

LITERATURE. 

Most  literaiy  productions  are  definitely  accepted  as  the 
work  of  certain  men,  whose  personality  is  associated  with, 
and  in  a  measure  fixed  by,  their  writings.     Cases  are  not 
onoommoDy  however,  in  which  the  originality  of  a  book  is 
dubious,  or  its  authorship  uncertain ;  and  students  of  litera- 
ture are  then  called  upon  to  decide  whether  a  work,  or  a 
passage  in  a  work,  is  the  product  of  one  man's  brain,  or 
of  another's.     In  other  words,  they  must   determine   the 
personaUty  back  of  the  written  words. 

The  problem  is  ultimately  psychological.  It  will  be 
admitted  by  all,  I  suppose,  as  almost  impossible  that  two 
independent  writers,  with  all  their  inevitable  differences  in 
temperament  and  education,  should  look  at  a  subject  from 
exactly  the  same  point  of  view,  and  then  express  their  idea 
in  exactly  the  same  wording.  A  coincidence  in  idea  alone 
would  be  unusual  enough,  and  identical  terms  in  addition, 
hardly  short  of  miraculous.  But  in  practice  the  difficulty 
of  identifying  a  writer's  touch  wherever  it  may  appear  is 
oflen  insurmountable.  There  are  some  attributes  of  exist- 
ence in  which  all  men  are  interested, — love,  death,  deceit, 
loyalty  ;  and  each  writer  cannot  coin  new  words  to  represent 
those  &ct8.  Whenever  the  author's  individuality  does  not 
amount  to  mannerism,  there  must  often  be  an  approximation 
of  utterance  which  defies  the  critic's  power  of  discrimina- 
tion. To  settle  such  questions  would  require  that  the  critic 
penetrate  the  spirit  of  his  subjects  until  he  can  put  himself 
in  their  places,  can  substitute  their  thoughts  for  his  own ; 
a  feat  hard  enough  to  accomplish  with  respect  to  living 
persons,  whom  we  meet  every  day ;  and  far  more  difficult 

306 


306  8.   GRI8WOLD   MOBLET. 

with  a  dead  name,  whose  personaliiy  is  transmitted  to  us 
very  likely  chiefly  through  literary  remaius^  which  may 
show  only  one  side  of  the  man's  real  nature.  And  the 
critic's  own  bias  may  be  such  as  to  warp  all  his  decisions. 

These  considerations  will  become  more  clear  in  concrete 
examples.  Disputes  concerning  personality  &11  naturally 
into  two  general  divisions:  first,  plagiarism  versus  origi- 
naliiy,  that  is,  an  author's  claim  to  priority  of  invention  in 
some  phrase,  idea  or  plot  which  he  has  used,  and  second,  the 
less  common  but  more  weighty  cases  where  the  real  author 
of  some  play,  or  novel,  or  essay  is  unknown,  and  the  claims 
of  several  men  are  upheld  by  as  many  critics. 

Pakt  One. 

The  first  division,  which  covers  the  subject  of  interinflu- 
ence  between  writers,  may  be  split  into  its  component  sections 
as  follows :  (1),  similar  literary  form,  specifically,  verse  form ; 
(2),  similar  word  or  phrase;  (3),  similar  subject  or  plot; 
and  (4),  similar  mode  of  thought.  I  wish  to  consider  these 
cases  in  order,  trying  to  determine  what  relative  value  one 
can  assign  to  each  as  proof  of  plagiarism  or  lack  of  originality. 

1.  The  simplest  kind  of  reliance  upon  the  work  of  another 
involves  neither  words  nor  ideas,  but  only  external  form,  the 
mould  in  which  the  words  are  run.  Such  moulds  may  easily 
be  traced  in  their  passage  from  the  hands  of  one  to  another, 
but  they  are  more  likely  to  be  the  product  of  a  period  than 
of  an  individual.  Prose  forms  are  in  general  more  loose  and 
less  characteristic  than  poetic  ones,  although  one  can  perceive 
in  the  vogue  of  the  essay,  the  three-volume  novel,  and  the 
short  story,  guiding  influences  which  have  bent  the  natural 
tendency  of  writers.  In  poetry  the  exterior  is  more  distinct 
in  outline,  and  is  reduced  to  fixed  combinations  of  rime  and 


PERSONALITY   IN   LITERATURE.  307 

iy  which  afford  such  possibility  of  variety  that  one  may 

accept  identity  as  proving  connection.     The  sonnet  is  a 

le  for  a  certain  very  definite  order  of  rimes^  and  when  the 

:s  of  France^  Spain  and  England  adopted  that  form  they 

confessedly  relying  on  an  Italian  invention  for  part  of 

^u^ix  labor.     No  one  thought  the  worse  of  them^  for  they 

^ere  not  in  that  depth  of  degenerate  ingenuity  to  which  the 

^tt>ven5als  descended,  by  whom  a  novel  scheme  of  rime  or 

^etre  was  considered  requisite  for  an  original  poem.     The 

^^U  with  which  a  form  is  used  is  our  test  of  ability  and  the 

^erit  of  the  invention, — which  may  be  very  great, — must 

te  scattered  over  a  nation.     It  would  be  hard,  I  imagine,  to 

fix  upon  any  one  man  the  credit  for  the  sonnet,  the  rondeau, 

the  ballade,  or  any  other  accepted  poetic  form,  though  their 

dominance  may  sometimes  be  established  by  the  brilliant 

handling  of  a  single  master. 

I  said  that  resemblance  of  poetic  forms  is  as  reliable  a 
proof  as  exists  of  the  communication  of  methods  from  one 
to  another.  Yet  even  here  there  may  be  some  coincidences 
due  to  pure  chance.  A  stanza  of  the  10-line  type  of  baUadCy 
as  used  by  Villon  in  the  Prayer  to  the  Virgin  and  elsewhere, 
has  an  arrangement  of  rimes  almost  identical  with  that  of 
the  Spanish  popular  form  called  the  dieima,  but  I  do  not 
know  that  anyone  ever  suggested  a  connection  between 
them.^  According  to  the  theory  generally  accepted  at  present, 
however  unreasonable  it  may  seem  to  some,  the  poetic  forms 
of  the  old  Spanish  and  Proven5al  literatures  owe  nothing  of 
their  character  to  the  songs  of  the  Spanish  Arabs.  Yet  Baist 
says,  in  comparing  an  Arabic  verse-form  with  the  Spanish 
villancico,  "Die  Ahnlichkeit  ist  allerdings  frappant,  dabei 
muss  aber  beachtet  werden,  dass  die  gleiche  Form  sicli  nicht 
nur  bei  der  sizilischen  Dichterschule  sondem  auch  in  den 

^  The  order  of  rimes  in  the  (Ueima  is  abbaaccddc ;  in  the  ballade  it  is 
ababbccdcd.     The  latter  is  exactly  equal  to  two  quintiU<i8. 


308  S.   GBISWOLD   MORLEY. 

provenzalischen  Danaaa  wiederfindef  ^  If  it  be  not  possi- 
ble to  see  traces  of  the  Arabic  anywhere  in  Sicily  or  Provence, 
this  is  a  remarkable  example  of  independent  development 
along  similar  lines. 

2.  Similarity  of  phrasing,  which  of  course  implies  com- 
munity of  idea,  must  be  viewed  in  the  light  of  many  modifying 
circumstances.  If  I  read  in  a  student's  thesis  a  paragraph 
which  startles  me  by  its  maturity,  and  if  then  upon  search 
I  find  the  passage  word  for  word  in  a  volume  of  Charles 
Dudley  Warner's  Library  of  the  World's  Best  Literature,  I 
do  not  hesitate  to  refuse  the  student  credit  for  his  smooth 
English.  The  improbability  that  he  could  write  so  well, 
the  accessibility  of  the  book,  which  is  on  the  shelves  of  the 
Union,  the  exact  identity  of  a  long  sentence,  everything 
points  to  mere  copying.  But  that  is  an  exceptionally  patent 
example.  Much  more  often  there  is  room  for  doubt  about 
the  borrowing. 

In  these  days  when  the  d^ree  of  Ph.  D.  sometimes  lends 
itself  to  the  interpretation,  "  doctor  of  parallel-hunting,"  the 
possibility  of  chance  coincidence  of  phrase  has  been  almost 
excluded.  A  German  critic.  Bock,  has  thus  stated  his  creed : 
"Under  the  circumstances,"  says  he,  discussing  the  possi- 
bility that  Moli^re  copied  an  obscure  Spanish  version  of  the 
Amphitryon  story,  "I  think  it  more  natural  and  simpler  to 
assume  some  relation  between  the  respective  passages,  than 
to  explain  them  by  chance  coincidence,  which  would  be 
more  remarkable  and  therefore  has  less  claim  to  proba- 
bility." ^     No   doubt,  as  Bock  says,  it  is  easier  to  affirm 

^Grober^B  OrundrisSf  11.  Band,  2.  Abteilung,  p.  385. 

'  Unter  den  obwaltenden  XJmstanden,  meine  ich,  ist  es  natiirlicher  und 
einfacher  an  eine  Verwandtschaft  der  betreffenden  Stellen  zu  denken,  als 
an  eine  zufallige  XJebereinstimmung,  was  als  wunderbarer  doch  weniger 
Anspruch  auf  Wahrscheinlichkeit  hat  N.  Bock,  in  Zts,  Jur  neufr,  Spr. 
und  LiLf  vol.  x  (1888),  p.  86. 


PEESONAULTY   IN   LTTERATUBE.  309 

-^e  borrowed,"  especially  when  one  desires  to  set  up  a 
*^^i7  more  attractive  in  point  of  novelty  than  soundness ; 
^^t  that  should  not  lead  us  to  untenable  conclusions.  For 
^liort  phrases  Bock's  working  hypothesis  seems  to  me  too 
^^^cal.  It  is  quite  as  probable  on  the  fisice  of  it  that 
Jifoli^re  and  Femto  P6rez  de  Oliva  should  have  used  like 
Vords  in  treating  a  subject  which  both  derived  from  Plautus, 
^s  that  the  Frenchman  should  have  dug  phrases  from  the 
))ookish  version  of  a  Spanish  pedant. 

Besemblances  are  important  directly  in  proportion  to  the 
length  of  the  passage,  and  to  the  closeness  of  parallel  in 
^wording.     Each  case  must  be  decided  on  its  merits.     One 
ehould  ask  one's  self  such  questions  as  these :  Is  the  later 
author  known  to  have  read  the  earlier  ?     If  not,  is  it  likely 
tiiat  his  course  of  reading  led  in  that  direction?    Was  it 
physically  possible  for  him  to  know  his  predecessor's  works? 
^was  he  acquainted  with  the  language  ?  were  the  books  easily 
Hcoessible  ?  either  in  the  original  or  through  some  medium  ? 
Is  the  common  nature  of  the  subject  such  that  similarity  of 
phrase  might  well  be  expected?     Does  any  striking  and 
unusual  word  occur  in  both  ?     The  answers  to  such  queries 
may  at  least  create  a  presumption  for  or  against  the  borrow- 
ing.    Thus  one  might  expect  to  find  reminiscences  of  Virgil 
and  Horace  in  an  enthusiastic  classicist,  whilst  it  would  be 
folly  to  search  for  Homeric  phrases  in  a  medisBval  epic. 
The  middle  ground  between  the  two  extremes  affords  plenty 
of  opportunity  for  the  exercise  of  careftd  judgment. 

3.  The  same  considerations  hold  in  the  broader  field  of 
ideas,  which  joins  that  of  mere  phraseology  without  any 
sharp  line  of  demarcation.  From  the  single  conceit,  worked 
out  in  one  line  or  one  stanza,  to  the  elaborate  plot  of  a  Don 
Juan  play,  handed  down  fix)m  one  author  to  another  with 
trifling  changes  in  detail,  the  critic,  for  his  own  satisfaction^ 
tries  to  determine  what  each  owes  to  his  predecessors. 
8 


310  S.   GBI8WOLD   MORLEY. 

In  the  case  of  the  isolated  thought  I  do  not  believe  it  just 
to  throw  the  burden  of  proof  on  the  defendant — ^the  writer 
whose  originality  is  questioned.  The  odds  are  at  least  even 
that  the  coincidence  is  a  chance  one^  until  the  answers  to 
some  of  the  questions  given  above  have  weighted  the  scales 
on  one  side  or  the  other.  Striking  examples  of  the  '^  effects 
of  hazard/'  to  use  an  old  play-title,  are  not  lacking.  OnCi 
which  might  equally  well  have  been  set  in  the  preceding 
section,  may  be  found  in  the  tragi-comedy  of  Jean  Rotrou 
called  Laure  pers^cutie,  Act  II,  scene  5.  The  heroine  says 
of  herself,  after  relating  the  story  of  her  dishonor : — 

De  oe  mortel  affront  rien  ne  peut  me  sauyer, 
Et  la  mer  n'a  pas  d'eaux  asses  pour  m'en  laver. 

Compare  these  words  with  those  of  Leonato  to  his  daughter 
in  the  fourth  act  of  Much  Ado  abovi  Nothing,  scene  1 : — 

She  is  ^len 
Into  a  pit  of  ink,  that  the  wide  sea 
Hath  drops  too  few  to  wash  her  clean  again. 

Rotrou's  piece  dates  from  1637,  but  he  certainly  knew 
nothing  of  Shakespeare.^  There  is  no  question  of  remi- 
niscence, conscious  or  unconscious,  on  the  part  of  the 
Frenchman;  the  figurative  exaggeration  is  such  as  would 
suggest  itself  naturally  to  the  mind  of  a  poet,  without  need 
of  foreign  stimulation. 

Another  example :  Recently  a  student  of  German  litera- 
ture noticed  certain  poems  of  the  minnesingers  which  he 
thought  resembled  some  of  Goethe's.  Upon  closer  inspection 
he  became  convinced  that  Goethe  had  really  drawn  inspira- 
tion for  both  thought  and  metre  from  certain  of  those 
mediaeval  lyrics.  Thus  he  had  a  novel  theory  well  under 
way,  when  he  learned,  in  the  course  of  his  investigation, 

^  Cf.  J.  Jarry,  Estai  mir  les  Oeuvrea  de  Jean  Eotrou^  Paris,  1868,  p.  92. 
Other  comparisons  of  Rotrou  with  Shakespeare  are  there  made. 


PEBSONALITY   IN   LITEBATURE.  311 

there  was  only  one  collection  of  minnelieder  printed  in 
Groeftiie's  time,  and  that  the  particular  poems  in  question 
'^^^x^e  not  in  it!  So  the  embryo  theory  was  temporarily 
clieciked  in  its  grovrth  by  a  physical  impossibility.  But  the 
st;txci«nt  then  set  himself  to  examine  the  poems  which  Goethe 
Go^M^i^  have  seen,  and  found  other  resemblances  quite  as 
8«i*^\riceable  as  the  first.  He  continued  his  theory  upon  that 
I,  and  for  aught  I  know  it  may  represent  truth.  But 
may  pertinently  ask  whether  the  arguments  adduced  to 
Groethe's  indebtedness  to  the  poems  in  the  collection 
"^^onld  not  apply  equally  well  to  those  not  in  it ;  and,  if  so, 
what  conviction  argumente  can  bring  with  them,  which  have 
^i"^ea<ly  proved  valueless  in  a  specific  instance.  One  is 
^^'^^^inded  of  the  conversation  which  took  place  between 
'^Migro  and  Parkinson  the  poet : — 


W^i    ,  '*°^  :-"Mr.  Parkinaon,  you  put  me  very  much  in  mind  of  the 

^        Idnaon :— "  The  Welsh  what  ?  " 

Did  you  never  hear  of  them?'' 
H  Bay  that  1  ever  did." 
ou  do  not  understand  Welsh  ? '' 
*  ^    ^o  not." 
^^"ell,  provided  you  did,  I  should  be  strongly  disposed  to  imagine  you 
n*ut^^^^j  the  Welsh  bards.  .  .  .     The  subjects  of  hundreds  of  their  com- 
P^^^ons  are  the  very  subjects  which  you  appear  to  delight  in.  .  .  ." 

^    can't  help  it,"  said  Parkinson,  ''and  I  tell  you  again  that  I  imitate 

-*^t  is  usually  not  hard  and  comparatively  safe  to  trace  the 

covtrse  of  a  ccmiplex  plot,  especially  when  there  appear  in  it 

^'^^^^^es  which  serve  as  ear-marks.     The  more  involved  the 

*^t4on^  the  more  unusual  and  striking  the  details,  with  so 

^^ch  greater  certainty  may  one  determine  the  lineage  of  an 

^^tlii^g^  the   dose   of  originality  injected   into   it   by  each 

^^"tandler.     Take  the  Don  Juan  theme,  for  instance,  and 

^^  series  of  plays  and  poems  each  one  of  which  owes  its 

'^^^g  to  the  Burlador  de  Sevilla,  the  fountain-head.     The 


312  8.   GBISWOLD   MORLEY. 

names  Don  Juan,  Elvira,  the  moving  statue,  are  links  which 
connect  any  work  of  any  country  with  Spanish  literature ; 
and  by  the  use  of  them  each  and  every  author  acknowledges 
his  indebtedness  to  the  Spaniard  who,  from  whatever  sources 
he  drew  his  material,  established  in  its  broad  lines  a  type. 
That  some  of  his  followers  greatly  modified  the  type  and 
presented  it  in  more  artistic  form,  there  can  be  no  doubt ; 
none  of  them  succeeded  in  concealing  the  source  of  his 
theme,  if  indeed  any  attempted  it.  So  with  other  stock 
subjects,  Sophonisba,  Iphigenia,  Amphitryon,  ready-made 
stories,  which  offer  to  a  writer  an  opportunity  to  exercise  his 
skill  in  workmanship  upon  a  design  proved  worthy,  instead 
of  inventing  a  plot  of  uncertain  promise. 

Not  all  stories,  to  be  sure,  are  so  distinctly  branded  by 
name  or  incident.  There  must  be,  I  imagine,  a  broad  and 
hazy  middle  ground  in  the  field  of  folklore,  upon  which  the 
critic  must  pick  his  way  with  care.  Since  all  men  have  a 
common  basis  of  experiences,  it  is  reasonable  to  suppose  that 
similar  stories  may  arise  independently  in  different  quarters 
of  the  globe,  just  as  similar  events  take  place,  and  similar 
liaes  are  written.  Must  every  anecdote  of  the  fickleness  of 
a  bereaved  wife  be  r^arded  as  descending  in  direct  line 
from  the  famous  Widow  of  Ephesus?  Anthropologists  do 
not  believe  that  the  myths  of  deluges  and  giants  which  exist 
among  primitive  races  everywhere  indicate  one  place  of 
origin  for  all,  or  intercommimication  between  continents ; 
they  regard  the  stories  as  representative  of  a  certain  stage  in 
the  development  of  man's  mind,  and  therefore  likely  to 
appear  spontaneously  anywhere  on  the  globe.  And  in  like 
manner  themes  of  greater  refinement  may  be  only  manifesta- 
tions of  more  advanced  stages  of  progress  in  any  part  of  the 
world. 

4.  The  broadest  kind  of  influence  is  that  of  a  man's 
general  point  of  view.     Here  is  no  longer  a  question  of 


PER80NAIJTY   IN   LITERATUBE.  313 

])arallel  phrases,  or  conceits,  or  incidents,  but  of  a  whole 
current  of  thought  which  a  man  or  group  of  men  has  set  m 
motion.  The  subject  is  a  vast  one  and  I  cannot  more  than 
touch  upon  it.  It  would  include  the  influence  of  Plato,  of 
Aristotle,  upon  the  world's  thought;  it  would  include  the 
inner  history  of  every  literary  movement,  great  or  smaU,  as 
for  example  the  impetus  given  to  French  romanticism  by 
*the  Germans,  or  Gautier's  relation  to  the  realists.  To 
determine  the  extent  of  power  wielded  in  each  case  would 
demand  extraordinary  breadth  of  knowledge. 

For  we  are  not  her^  dealing  merely  with  an  external  force 
acting  upon  an  inert  body.  One  must  determine  the  natural 
bent  of  the  one  acted  upon.  It  is  not  impossible  that  a 
thinking  man  might  independently  arrive  at  the  same  con- 
clusions as  Plato  concerning  duty,  or  adopt  of  his  own 
motion  an  analytical  method  like  Aristotle's.  The  romantic 
tendency  in  a  man  might  be  as  much  the  product  of  his 
own  temperament  as  of  the  example  and  writings  of  a  group 
of  persons  with  whom  he  came  in  contact.  In  short,  the 
critic  must  try  to  settle,  by  all  the  means  at  his  disposal, 
the  hard  problem,  whether  a  writer  is  carried  away  by  a 
current  of  ideas,  or  whether  he  is  himself  a  moving  force  in 
the  same  direction.  Probably  something  of  each  enters  into 
most  cases. 

Part  Two. 

I  pass  now  to  the  second  main  division  of  my  subject, 
which  treats  of  questions  of  disputed  authorship.  Such 
cases  are  not  exceedingly  common  in  the  history  of  litera- 
ture, but  they  are  interesting  when  they  do  occur,  because 
they  affect  directly  our  notions  about  the  literary  characters 
involved.  The  personality  of  an  author  might  appear  much 
modified  if  the  disputed  work  were  definitely  assigned  to 
him. 


314  S.   GRISWOLD   MOBLEY. 

Andy  before  going  ^rther,  it  should  be  noted  that  we 
obtain  our  chief  impression  of  a  dead  author  from  his  own 
writings.  A  few  men  have  their  Boswells  to  transmit  to 
posterity  their  idiosyncracies  in  a  hundred  characteristic 
anecdotes,  but  most  often  the  ultimate  mirror  of  a  writer's 
character  is  the  product  of  his  pen.  The  living  people  with 
whom  we  are  acquainted  impress  us  with  their  personality 
not  only  by  what  they  say,  but  by  their  appearance,  their 
voices,  their  gestures,  their  acts.  From  a  multitude  of 
details  we  form  an  idea  which  we  may  afterward  apply  as 
a  test  of  authenticity  to  printed  words.  Such  a  criterion  is 
more  accurate  than  any  which  can  be  compiled  from  the 
records  of  the  past.  Yet  even  with  such  an  aid,  can  one 
bind  one's  self  to  select  unerringly  an  article  by  his  friend 
James  Smitli  from  among  a  dozen  others?  Has  not  every- 
one experienced  that  feeling  of  surprise  which  comes  from 
seeing  the  name  of  some  acquaintance  at  the  bottom  of  an 
article  of  imexpected  merit,  and  has  he  not  exclaimed  "  I 
never  thought  Smith  was  capable  of  writing  that  ? ''  If  we 
are  thus  fallible  with  respect  to  persons  known  to  us,  are 
we  not  much  more  so  when  dealing  with  authors  whose  acts 
are  veiled  behind  the  interpretation  of  biographers,  and 
whose  only  means  of  direct  appeal  is  through  printed  pages 
which  may  represent  only  a  small  per  cent,  of  their  real 
activity  ?  The  probability  that  some  sides  of  their  natures 
are  hidden  from  us  makes  it  possible  that  some  one  phase, 
otherwise  unknown,  may  have  been  expressed  in  a  work 
dissimilar  from  the  rest.  A  genius  has  always  some  unex- 
plored recesses  of  his  personality.  It  is  dangerous  to  say 
with  assurance.  Such  a  man  could  not  have  written  this. 
No  doubt  many  a  critic  would  have  been  ready  to  affirm 
that  the  abb^  Provost  could  not  have  written  Manon  LescaxUy 
if  he  had  not  firmly  attached  his  name  to  the  book.  And 
who,  knowing  Anatole  France  only  through  the  wholesome 


PEBSONALTTY    IN    LTTEBATUBE.  315 

charm  of  le  Crime  <U  Byheatre  Bonnard,  would  ever  gaees 
him  capable  of  the  sticky  senEoialily  revealed  in  la  R/itiatent 
de  la  lUme  P6dauque  f 

On  the  other  hand,  I  am  not  sure  that  it  is  not  equally 
dangerous  to  use  the  opposite  formula  and  say ;  "  No  one 
but  such  a  man  can  have  written  this."  The  expression 
is  a  fiimiliar  one.  "  Who  but  Mendoza  can  have  written 
LazariUo  de  Tormegf"  is  a  question  which  was  long  con- 
sidered final.  "  Who  but  Cervantes  can  have  written  la  JTa 
Jinffidat" — the  ar^ment  is  still  thought  valid.  Perhaps 
these  stories  really  are  the  work  of  those  &moUB  men,  but 
they  may  also  be  single  gems  of  some  obscure  artist,  spurred 
on  by  personal  experience  or  by  the  example  of  his  betters 
to  put  all  his  talent  into  one  supreme  achievement.  So  it 
was  with  FeTnaudo  de  Rojas,  of  whom  not  a  line  is  known 
outside  hjs  master-piece,  the  OdesHna,  and  the  prologues 
which  accompany  it. 

Retoming  now  to  the  main  matter,  I  will  state  again^ 
what  I  do  not  think  anyone  will  gainsay,  that  style  is  an 
absolute  criterion  of  authorship.  If  it  is  only  by  a  striking 
coincidence  that  two  men  write  a  phrase  in  the  same  words, 
it  is  inooDceivable  that  they  should  frame  a  page  of  thought 
in  identical  language.  Even  if  the  subject  were  assigned 
and  carefully  laid  out  in  divisions  by  a  third  party,  no  two 
men  conld  express  it  alike.  John  La  Fai^  tells  an  incident 
which  illustrates  the  &ct  in  tlie  realm  of  painting,  and  it 
would  be  just  as  true  in  literature.  He  went  out  with  two 
fiiends,  he  says,  to  sketch  a  landscape,  each  one  intending  to 
make  as  nearly  as  possible  a  mere  photographic  reproduction 
of  what  lay  before  his  eyes.  And  yet,  when  the  sketches 
were  done,  no  two  were  alike.  "  Two  were  oblong,  but  of 
different  proportioos ;  one  was  more  nearly  a  square.  In 
each  picture  the  distaoce  bore  a  different  relation  to  the 
foreground.     In  each  picture  the  clouds  were  treated  with 


316  8.   GRISWOLD   MORLEY. 

different  precision  and  different  attention.  In  one  picture 
the  open  sky  was  the  main  intention  of  the  picture.  In  two^ 
pictures  the  upper  sky  was  of  no  consequence — it  was  the 
clouds  and  mountains  that  were  insisted  upon.  .  .  .  The 
color  of  each  painting  was  different — ^the  vivacity  of  colors 
and  tone^  the  distinctness  of  each  part  in  relation  to  the 
whole ;  and  each  picture  would  have  been  recognized  any- 
where as  a  specimen  of  work  by  each  one  of  us^  characteristic 
of  our  names." 

Prof.  Van  Dyke,  who  quotes  the  above  story  in  illustra- 
tion of  the  individuality  of  style  which  painters  cannot 
avoid/  goes  on  to  comment  upon  the  ease  with  which  an 
observer  can  firom  a  distance  pick  out  familiar  hands  in  a 
strange  gallery, — ^tell  at  a  glance  a  Corot,  a  Titian,  or 
a  Holbein.  And  as  to  literature,  he  says:  ^^ Suppose  you 
should  have  read  to  you  extracts  from  a  hundred  &mous 
authors,  do  you  think  you  would  have  much  difficulty  in 
recognizing  Shakespeare  from  Victor  Hugo,  Carlyle  from 
Cardinal  Newman,  or  Walter  Scott  from  Swinburne  ?  "  No 
doubt  we  could  distinguish  between  the  pairs  he  mentions, 
but  he  has  picked  out  as  examples  figures  among  the  most 
prominent  in  literature,  whose  mode  of  expression  is  charac- 
teristic even  to  mannerism.  A  novice  in  art  can  detect  a 
painting  in  the  style  of  Botticelli  or  Rubens  as  far  as  he  can 
see  it,  and  a  single  word  might  sometimes  suffice  to  identify 
Carlyle,  but  the  problem  is  not  always  so  easy  as  that. 
When  it  comes  to  fixing  the  assignment  of  a  picture  to 
Kubens  or  one  of  his  pupils,  the  best  critics  may  disagree, 
and  the  most  microscopic  study  of  the  brush-strokes  hardly 
bring  a  solution.  Giorgione  and  Titian  were  painters  of 
very  unlike  temperament,  yet  to-day  nobody  knows  which 
one  of  them  painted  the  famous  work  in  the  Pitti  gallery, 

*  J.  C.  Van  Dyke,  The  Meaning  of  Pictures,  N.  Y.,  1903,  p.  36,  note. 


PERSONALITY   IN   LITERATUBE.  317 

entitled  The  Concert.  The  European  galleries  are  fiill  of 
paintmgs  of  uncertain  authenticity,  and  many  an  art-critic 
has  established  a  reputation  by  reversing  the  judgment  of 
centuries  on  the  strength  of  the  painting  of  a  finger. 

In  the  field  of  literature  there  is  not  so  much  uncertaintyi 

but  the  principle  is  the  same.     It  is  true  I  have  heard  the 

statement  made  that  one  should  be  able  to  fix  the  date  of  a 

piece  of  writing  Mrithin  ten  years,  by  style  alone.     I  do  not 

remember   that  the   gentleman   who    made  the  statement 

offered  to  perform  the  feat  himself  in  all  cases  with  absolute 

accuracy,  though  he  is  undoubtedly  as  well  equipped  for  it 

as  anyone.     That  would  mean  that  he  must  not  only  dis- 

iinguidi  between  writers,  but  he  must  differentiate  the  styles 

of  the  same  man  at  different  ages.     Could  he  tell  a  letter  of 

Voltaire's  written  in  1750  from  one  dated  1760,  i^rt  from 

^eir  matter  ?     I  should  incline  to  doubt  it. 

But  that  would  be  a  self-imposed  task  of  unnecessary 
difficulty,  and  really  outside  the  subject.  If  it  is  possible 
always  to  detect  a  writer's  individuality  through  his  words 
that  is  quite  enough.  Unquestionably  this  is  often  possible. 
If  Budyard  Kipling  and  Swinburne  were  both  to  describe  a 
white  billiard  ball,  it  would  probably  be  easy  to  fit  each  set 
of  words  with  the  right  author ;  and  the  broader  the  scope 
afforded  by  the  subject  the  greater  would  be  the  divergence. 
It  would  be  as  impossible  for  the  two  versions  to  be  just 
alike  in  phrase  as  it  would  be  impossible  that  a  tracing  of 
Mr.  La  Farge's  sketch,  laid  upon  his  friend's,  should  coin- 
cide with  it,  line  for  line,  throughout.  But  sometimes  the 
choice  lies,  not  between  two,  but  among  many;  and  the 
candidates  may  not  be  as  unlike  in  temperament  as  Kipling 
and  Swinburne.  Then  it  is  that  style  becomes  a  standard 
as  dubious  as  the  critics  who  interpret  it  are  various  in  their 
ideas ;  the  fault,  however,  lies  not  in  the  standard,  which  is 
infallible,   but  in  the   knowledge  of  the  critics,   which  is 


PERSONALITY   IN  UTERATUBE.  319 

Another  interesting  case  is  offered  us  in  the  recent  con- 
troversy oonceming  fe  Paradoxe  aur  le  corrUdien,  A  dialogue 
always  ascribed  to  Diderot^  and  even  thought  one  of  his 
most  characteristic  performances,  it  was  suddenly  taken  from 
him  by  a  French  critic  and  assigned  to  a  relatively  obscure 
publicist  named  Naigeon,  on  the  strength  of  a  new  manu- 
script in  the  latter's  handwriting.  Some  defend  Diderot's 
claim^  others  declare  it  had  always  seemed  suspicious  to 
them.  Finally  comes  a  critic,  more  painstaking  and  more 
perspicuous  than  the  rest,  who  restores  the  dialogue  to 
Diderot  with  some  appearance  of  definitiveness ;  basing  his 
argument  on  what  may  be  termed  purely  mechanical  grounds, 
quite  apart  from  any  question  of  style.^  If  style  furnishes  a 
safe  guide  to  authorship,  the  question  ought  to  have  been 
settled  beyond  a  doubt  on  that  basis.  Does  anyone  believe 
that  both  Diderot  and  Naigeon  were  capable  of  writing  fe 
Paradoase  8ur  le  comidienf  Surely  not;  the  difficulty  lay 
with  the  critics,  who  were  not  possessed  of  data  enough  or 
delicacy  of  perception  sufficient  to  detect  the  personality 
behind  the  work. 

It  is  not  that  the  personality  is  a  weak  one.  Dante 
certainly  possessed  an  individuality  as  powerful  as  any  in 
the  annals  of  literature ;  unique,  striking,  which  seemingly 
left  its  impress  upon  everything  which  it  touched.  It  is  not 
that  the  personality  succeeds  but  weakly  in  making  itself 
felt  through  its  medium  of  conununication.  Dante  was  one 
of  the  greatest  of  all  masters  of  language,  moulding  it  to  his 
thought  with  marvellous  skill.  Yet  no  critic  will  affirm 
with  absolute  certainty  that  he  did  or  did  not  write  il  Fiore, 
and  there  are  numerous  sonnets  and  ballute  published  with 
his  works,  the  genuineness  of  which  is  in  dispute.  The  fact 
is  that  style  alone,  however  infallible  in  theory,  can  never 

^  Bet  Mod,  Lang.  Note^  March- April,  1904,  p.  97. 


PERSONALITY   IN   LITERATURE.  321 

which   they  are  charged.     Neither  are   there   many 

^veorks  of  real  importance  which  are  still  at  large  without 

known   sponsors.     That   is   the   same   as  saying  that  the 

xnatters  under  discussion  are  merely  themes  for  academic 

cariosity,  without  much  practical  import.    Yet  they  afford 

tbe  student  an  excellent  opportunity  for  the  exercise  of  care, 

acute  perception,  and  somid  judgment 

S.  Griswold  Morley. 


Vm.— SOURCES  OF  THE  LAY  OF  YONEC. 

The   lay  of  Yonec   is   composed  of  562  lines  of  ei 
syllables^  riming  in  couplets.     The  substance  of  this  charm- 
ing lay  of  Marie  de  France  is  as  follows :  ^ — 

There  lived  in  Britain  an  old  knight,  who  was  so  jealous 
of  his  young  wife^s  beauty  that  he  confined  her  in  a  tower 
and  placed  her  under  the  care  of  his  sister,  an  aged 
widow.  The  knight  passed  his  time  in  the  chase,  while  his 
yoimg  wife  had  no  solace  but  in  her  tears.  One  morning 
in  April,  after  he  had  set  off  on  his  usual  occupation,  the 
fair  lady  began  her  lamentations  as  she  was  wont  to  do. 
She  execrated  the  hour  when  she  was  bom,  and  the  avarice 
of  her  parents,  who  had  married  her  to  an  old  jealous 
tyrant.  She  said  that  she  had  heard  that  gallant  knights 
and  beautiful  and  affectiouate  mistresses  used  to  meet,  with- 
out blame,  and  prayed  that  God  might  grant  her  a  similar 
adventure.  Scarcely  liad  she  finished  this  request  when  a 
large  falcon,  entering  her  room,  was  gradually  transformed 
into  a  young  and  handsome  knight.  The  lady  was  frightened 
at  first,  but  the  knight,  asking  her  not  to  be  alarmed,  told 
her  that  he  had  long  known  and  loved  her,  and  that  he 
could  never  have  made  her  this  visit,  if  she  had  not  first 
expressed  a  desire  to  see  him.  The  young  woman  then 
indicated  her  willingness  to  accept  him  as  her  lover,  pro- 
vided he  was  a  Christian.  Thereupon  the  knight  convinced 
her  of  his  faith  in  God,  and  they  considered  themselves  as 
man  and  wife.  At  the  moment  of  separation  the  gallant 
lover  told  his  fair  mistress  that  whenever  she  expressed  an 
ardent  desire  to  see  him  he  would  instantly  be  at  her  side, 

'  See  Die  Lais  der  Marie  de  France^  herausgegeben  von  Karl  Wamke. 
HaUe,  1900,  pp.  123-145. 

322 


SOUBCIS   OF   THE   LAY   OF  YONEC.  323 

predicted  that  the  old  woman  who  guarded  her  would 
fijd^Llly  betray  their  love.  On  bis  return  from  the  chase^  the 
JO0J.OUS  old  man  discovered  in  the  features  of  his  young  wife 
of  unusual  satisfiu^'on  and  delight,  whereupon  be 
^ixunanded  bis  sister  to  conceal  herself  in  bis  wife's  apart- 
ment in  order  to  find  out  the  cause  of  her  great  joy.  After 
learning  that  this  remarkable  change  in  the  conduct  and 
appearance  of  his  wife  was  due  to  the  visits  of  the  falcon, 
bie  placed  before  the  window  a  trap  composed  of  sharp  steel 
arrows,  and  went  to  the  chase  as  was  his  custom.  Soon 
afier  bis  departure,  bis  wife  summoned  Muldumarec,  her 
lover,  in  the  usual  manner.  He  flew  at  once  to  the  window, 
but  before  entering  her  room  was  wounded  by  the  arrows. 
Thereupon,  taking  leave  of  bis  mistress,  be  announced  to 
her  that  she  would  give  birth  to  a  son,  whom  she  should 
call  YoneCy  and  that  this  son  would  be  the  avenger  of  bis 
parents.  He  then  hastily  departed  through  a  window, 
followed  by  bis  mistress,  who,  guided  by  the  trace  of  his 
Wood,  finally  reached  the  castle  where  be  lived.  He  there 
gave  her  a  gold  ring,  and  told  her  that,  while  she  kept  it, 
8"^  would  escape  the  persecution  of  her  jealous  husband. 
He  also  gave  her  his  sword,  asking  her  to  deliver  it  to  bis 
son  when  he  should  be  dubbed  a  knight.  The  bird-man 
soon  died  of  his  wounds  and  the  lady  delivered  the  sword  to 
Yimec  at  the  tomb  of  bis  fiither,  as  she  bad  been  requested 
to  do.  After  receiving  the  sword  and  learning  the  history 
of  his  parents,  Yonec  slew  his  step-fittber  and  became  king 
of  the  country  and  hero  of  the  tale. 

I.   Pbevious  Treatment. 

1.    Keinbold  Kobler,  in  his  remarks  on  the  lay  of  Yoneo 
in    the   introduction   to  Wamke^s^  edition   of  the  lays  of 

'  See  op.  eiLj  pp.  czxii-czxvi. 


324  OUVEB  M.   JOHNSTON. 


Marie  de  France,  mentions  a  number  of  similar  tales,  b 
does  not  enter  minutely  into  a  discussion  of  the  differei^^^^*^^^ 
moiifa  of  the  lay.     No  special  attempt   is  made  to  she"  ^^^-^^^"^ 
which  of  the  various  stories  cited  by  him  could  have  beej^^*^^*^ 
used  in  the  composition  of  the  l^end  as  related  by  Mari^i""*"^^^ 

2.  Toldo,  in  an  article  recently  published  in  tiie  Roman^^^^^^^' 
iadie  Forschungeny^  calls  attention  to  stories  resembling 
of  the  lay  of  Yoneo  in  Russian  and  Oriental  literature.  H^^ 
refers  to  the  knight  who  had  long  loved  the  young  wo 
in  the  tower  without  having  seen  her,  and  could  not  visit^i^^-^ 
her  until  she  manifested  a  desire  to  see  him,  citing  in  this^K.^-^^^ 
connection  several  Oriental  tales  in  which  two  persons, 
having  seen  each  other  in  a  dream,  fell  in  love 
having  known  each  other.^  However,  in  none  of  these 
stories  does  the  lady  have  the  power  of  smnmoning  her 
lover  to  her  side  as  in  the  lay  of  Yoneo. 

Toldo  also  refers  to  the  Indian  story  of  the  Fan  Princt^  in 
which  a  young  woman  causes  a  prince  to  come  from  a  distant 
land  by  the  use  of  a  magic  fan.  The  prince  is  wounded  by 
means  of  pieces  of  broken  glass  placed  on  the  bed  in  which 
he  lies,  whereupon  he  disappears  and  returns  to  his  realm; 

>  See  voL  xvi,  pp.  609-629. 

*See  op.  cit,f  p.  521 :  ''Dans  le  livre  des  Row  da  podte  perean  Firdiiri, 
Z&l  et  la  belle  Tehmtneh  se  prennent  d' amour  Fan  pour  1* autre  Bans  s'^tre 
jamais  vus.  Firdusi  oonte  aussi  que  Ket&jiina,  fille  de  I'empereur  de  Con- 
stantinople, Yoit  Gusht&sp,  pour  la  premiere  fois,  dans  un  r^e  et  le 
reconnalt  ensuite  au  milieu  de  sa  oour,  et  la  m^me  histoire  est  raoont^  par 
Gi&mi,  H  propos  de  Zalikha,  qui  voit  son  Ytisuf  dans  son  sommeil  et  ae 
prend  ^[alement  d' amour  pour  lui.  Cest  lH  une  l^ende  r^p^tte  dans  le 
Roman  de  Odati  et  Zariadre  compost  par  Girdte  de  Mithiltoe  d'aprte  les 
r^ts  des  soldats  mac^oniens  revenus  de  la  Perse  et  dans  1' histoire  de 
Striamgle  et  Zairmaie  d'origine  orientale  tr^  ancienne.  Dans  POocident 
Payenture  a  ^\A  attribu^,  oomme  tout  le  monde  sait,  &  Jauffr^  Rudel  et  ft 
Mflisande  comtesse  de  Tripoli ;  un  r^t  pareil  ezplique  comment  Darmmrt 
s'^rit  de  la  reine  d'Irlande ;  ^  son  tour  Else  de  Brabante  fait  la  oonnaia- 
sance  de  Lohengrin,  de  la  m^me  mani^re." 

'See  op.  eiLf  p.  621. 


,  SOUBCES   OP  THE   LAY   OP   YONBC.  326 

there  he  is  found  and  healed  by  his  mistxess,  to  whom  he  is 
afterwards  married.  It  will  be  observed  that  in  this  tale 
the  prince  comes  in  human  form^  while  in  the  lay  of  Marie 
de  France  he  comes  in  the  form  of  a  bird. 

However,  the  legend  that  recalls  the  story  of   Yonec  in 

almost  all  of  its  details,  according  to  Toldo,  is  found  in 

Russia  under  the  title  Le  faucon  resplendissant}     In  this 

tale  a  &lcon  enters  the  room  of  the  lady  whom  he  loves  and 

is  suddenly  changed  into  a  charming  knight.     The  knight 

then  goes  in  and  out  at  the  window  whenever  he  wishes  to 

^0  so,  and  the  young  lady,  happy  because  of  her  love, 

becomes  more  and  more  beautiful.     Jealous  sisters,  however, 

j)lace  broken  glass,  needles,  and  sharp  knives  on  the  window 

-t^lirough  which  the  bird  is  accustomed  to  enter.     Thereupon 

"tJie  knight  is  wounded   and   bids  &rewell   to  his  Jianciey 

tilling   her  to  seek  him  in   the  thirtieth   empire,   beyond 

trwenty-seven  meadows,  and  adding  that  she  will  wear  out 

irKnx  sandals  and  eat  bread  as  hard  as  stone  before  she  finds 

l^in.     The  lady  sleeps  quietly  while  her  lover  is  suflering. 

In     her   sleep   she   hears   his   words,   but    cannot    awake. 

However,  the  next  morning  when   she  wakes  she  notices 

^lood  on  the  window,  and  sets  out  at  once  to  seek  her^wc^. 

^-^   arriving  at  his  palace,  she  learns  that  the  young  prince, 

*^^eving  that  he  has  been  deceived,  has  already  thought  of 

Saving  his  heart  to  another.    Nevertheless,  she  throws  herself 

^^  his  feet,  proves  her  innocence,  and   is  married  to  him. 

While  the  Faucon  resplendissant  and  the  lay  of  Yonec  are 

^*^<^us  stories,  the  two  tales  differ  in  several  important 

IJ^ints.     In  the  first  place,  the  marriage  of  the  bird-man 

^^d  the  birth  of  a  son  who  becomes  the  hero  of  the  story, 

^Viich  are  very  important  incidents  in  the  lay  of  Yonec,  do 

'^ot  occur  in  the  Russian  story.     Furthermore,  the  Russian 

^Seeop.  at,  p.  628. 
9 


80UBCE8  OF  THE  LAY  OF  YONEC.  327 

fiixdiiig  that  the  lady  was  the  most  beautiful  creature  in  the 

^orld,  avowed  his  love  for  her.     He  then  obtained  per- 

'^^iission  from  the  lord  of  that  country  to  build  a  castle  near 

^e  tower  in  which  the  fair  lady  was  imprisoned  and  had  an 

^^^derground  passage  constructed  which  communicated  with 

i^er  room.     By  means  of  this  passage  he  visited  her  secretly 

^r  some  time  and  finally  carried  her  to  Bome  with  him. 

^[*Iiis  l^end  occurs  with   slight  variations  in  the  various 

'Versions  of  the  popular  collection  of  stories  known  as  the 

Sigtaria  aqpitem  sapientum  or  the  Sept  aages.^     That  it  was 

^lIbo  well  known  to  the  contewa  from  whom  Marie  de  France 

Heard  the  stories  related  in  her  lays  is  shown  by  the  fiict 

tliat  the  same  tale  forms  an  episode  in  her  lay  of  Guigemar} 

Guigemar^  a  valiant  knight  of  Bretagne^  who  despises 

love,  is  one  day  chasing  a  stag  in  the  forest  of  Liun.     See- 

iiig  a  doe  with  her  fitwn  in  a  thicket  near  by,  he  draws  his 

How  and  shoots  at  her,  but  the  dart  after  wounding  the  doe 

i^lx)ands  and  strikes  Guigemar  in  the  thigh.     The  prophetic 

doe  then  cries  out  that  Guigemar  has  killed  her  and  tells  him 

^Hat  his  wound  will  never  be  healed  until  he  has  undergone 

&^i  suffering  for  a  lover  who  will  have  suffered  in  like 

^^^^^oner  for  him.    Guigemar,  then  deciding  to  seek  the  land 

^heie  he  shall  be  healed,  rides  until  he  comes  to  the  sea, 

'^here  he   sees  a  ship  anchored  in  a  harbor.     Going  on 

^^<)cird,  he  finds  that  the  ship  is  without  a  pilot  and  that  he 

"*8  no  companions.     Nevertheless,  the  magic  vessel  soon 

'^^arg  him  to  the  city  where  his  wound  is  to  be  healed.     The 

lord  of  that  city  is  an  old  man  who  has  a  young  wife  of 

^nom  he  is  exceedingly  jealous,  and  whom  he  has  confined 

• 

^  a  tower  where  her  only  companion  is  a  niece.     On  leam- 
^%  the  history  of  Guigemar,  the  lady  invites  him  to  the 


See  Mod/em  Langvagt  Natu^  XYn,  336-37. 


'Seev?.  200-8S2." 


328  OLIVER   M.    JOHNSTON, 

tower  where  she  tends  his  wound.     They  soon  avow  the 
passion  for  each  other,  and  Guigemar  remains  with  her  for* 
year  and  a  half.     Finally,  the  lord  of  the  castle  learns 
his  presence  and  forces  him  to  go  on  board  the  magic  shi 
which  bears  him  safely  to  his  native  land.    At  length  h^ 
fair  mistress  escapes  from  her  prison  in  the  tower  and  is  a 
borne  by  the  same  magic  vessel  to  Bretagne,  where,  aft- 
some  adventures,  the  lovers  are  reunited. 

After  comparing  the  lay  of  Guigemar  with  the  eig] 
story  of  the  Dolopathosy  Lucy  Allen  Paton*   finds  ce 
resemblances  in  phraseology,  idea,  and  structure  which 
her  to  suggest  that  the  two  versions  probably  have  an  ulti- 
mate  common  source.    Whatever  may  have  been  the  direcr 
source  from  which  the  author  of  Marie's  original 
the  motif  of  the  jealous  old  man  who  confines  his  youn, 
wife  in  a  tower,  it  seems  certain  that  this  jriotif  in  the  la; 
of  Yorvec  as  well  as  in  tlie  lay  of  Guigemar  was  taken  fro: 
the  Induaa? 

2,    Motif  of  ike  Bird-man, 

The  episode  in  which  a  lady  is  visited  by  a  bird  that  is 
suddenly  transformed  into  a  handsome  youth,  and  a  son 
is  bom  who  becomes  king  of  the  realm  and  hero  of  the 
legend,  occurs  in  an  early  vereion  of  the  story  of  the  Jealous 
Stepm^otheTy  in  a  form  similar  to  tliat  found  in  the  lay  of 

^8ee  "Studies  in  the  Fairy  Mythology  of  Arthurian  Eomance"  {Bad- 
diffe  College  MonoffraphSf  No.  13),  Boston,  1903,  p.  68 : 

Quigemar,  w.    43-44  DohpathoSf  vv.  10,  325-26 

"         w.    57-58  ''         w.  10,  330-31 

''         vv.  211-212  "          w.  10,  408-9 

"         w.  306-315  **          vv.  10,  532-42 

"         w.  337-352  "          w.  10,  505-28 

*  For  a  Provencal  version  of  the  Inclusaj  compare  Le  Boman  de  Flcanenea^ 
ed.  by  Paul  Meyer,  Paris,  1901,  w.  1304  ff. 


SOURCES  OP  THE  LAY   OP  YONEC.  329 

'onec.     The  Togail  Brvidne  Daderga,  an  old  Irish  l^end, 

cM3ntains  the  following  incident.^     "  Cormac  mac  Airt,  King 

Ulster,  wedded  to  the  daughter  of  Eochaid  Feidlech, 

jgh  King  of  Ireland,  puts  her  away  'because  she  was 

ifruitful,  save  that  she  bore  a  daughter  to  Cormac'     He 

en  weds  Etain,  a  dame  from  &ery,  who  had  been  the 

l^tdy-love  of  his  fether-in-law,  Eochaid.     '  Her  demand  was 

tbst  the  daughter  of  the  woman  who  had  been  abandoned 

l>^fbre  her  should  be  killed.     Cormac  would  not  give  her 

(t;li.e  child)  to  her  mother  to  be  nursed.     His  two  servants 

took  her  afterwards  to  a  pit,  and  she  laughed  a  love  laugh 

ati    them  when  being  put  into  the  pit.     Their  courage  left 

tiiem.     They  placed  her  subsequently  in  the  calf-shed  of  the 

^^owherds  of  Etirscel,  the  great-grandson  of  lar,  King  of 

Tara,  and  these  nurtured  her  till  she  was  a  good  embroideress ; 

^^d  there  was  not  in  Ireland  a  king^s  daughter  more  beauti- 

"il    than  she.'     She  is  afterwards  possessed  by  one  of  the 

*5iiry  folk,  who  comes  in  to  her  as  a  bird  and  then  assumes 

^ixman  shape,  and  he  tells  her  that  the  king,  to  whom  report 

^^  lier  beauty  has  been  made,  will  send  for  her,  '  she  will  be 

"*^itftd  from  him  (the  bird-man),  and  will  bear  a  son,  and 

*^*^^t  son  shall  not  kill  birds.'     This  happens,  and  the  son 

C^^^naire  Mor)  afterwards  becomes  High  King  of  Ireland, 

^^d  is  hero  of  the  tale." 

In  this  Irish  story,  just  as  in  the  lay  of  Yonec,  the  lady  is 

Visited  by  a  bird  that  assiunes  human  form,  and  she  gives 

^iirth  to  a  son  who  becomes  king  of  the  country  and  hero 

^^  the  legend.     In  the  Togail  Bruidne  Daderga  version  the 

vu.dy  is  confined  in  a  calf-shed,  while  in  the  lay  she  is  placed 

^^   a  tower.    Although  it  is  impossible  to  say  from  what 

V^wticular  version    of  the  Jealous  Stepmother  tale   the   lay 

i^rived  the  motif  of  the  bird-man,  it  seems  fairly  certain 

^Miped  Nutt :  Folk-Lore,  A  Quarterly  Review  of  Myth,  Tradiiiony  InstUu- 
^  and  Custom,    London,  1891,  n,  pp.  87-89. 


80X7BCE8  OP  THE  LAY  OP  YONEC.  331 

it  length  foond^  in  human  form  and  completely  healed,  in 
own  realm,  where  Florine,  after  convincing  him  of  her 
ixinooence,  is  married  to  him. 

The  versions  of  the  Jealous  Stepmother^  current  in  the 
j^Iklore  of  to-day  also  contain  the  incident  of  the  trap  or 
0Oare  by  which  the  bird  is  wounded.     In  the  modem  forms 
of  this  folk-tale  a  young  woman,  usually  the  daughter  of  a 
'ki^gy   persecuted  by  a  jealous   stepmother  on  account  of 
-vr^bom  she  is  rudely  separated  fix>m  the  rest  of  the  family,  is 
-v^isited  by  a  bird  that  is  suddenly  transformed  into  a  hand- 
some youth  in  her  presence.    These  visits  are  continued  until 
±Iie  stepmother,  discovering  their   relations,  fixes   scissors, 
x&eedles,  or  some  sharp  instrument  in  the  window  where  the 
bird  enters.     The  bird-man  is  then  wounded  and  goes  back 
to   his  realm.     Thereupon  the  lady  sets  out  to  seek  him,  and 
leaj-ning  on  the  way  the  means  of  curing  him,  finally  finds 
bim  and  heals  his  wounds. 

The  fact  that  the  motif  of  the  wounded  bird  occurs  in  all 
tile  versions  that  we  know  of  the  story  of  the  Jealoua  Step- 
^'•otter,  except  in  the  TogaU  Bruidne  Dadergay  leads  one  to 
l^elieve  that  this  early  Irish  version  is  incomplete  and  that 
the  incidents  of  the  snare  and  the  wounded  bird  were  proba- 
cy  contained   in  the  original   form  of  the   legend.     The 
^^ocurrence  of  these  incidents  in  the  modem  versions  of  the 
®tory,  existing  in  the  folk-lore  of  different  countries,  points 
^  the  &ct  that  similar  incidents  probably  existed  in  the 
^tiitiate  common  source  of  all  these  versions. 

4.    Death  of  the  Bird-man  in  the  Lay  of  Yonec. 

In  Marie's  lay,  Muldumarec,  after  being  wounded  by  the 
^"^"Ws  placed  in  the  window,  hastens  to  his  castle,  where  his 

^««e  Beinhold  Eohler,   op,  ciLj  pp.  cxxv-vi;  Toldo,  op,  cU,^  p.  620, 
note  2. 


SOUBCBS  OP  THE   LAY   OF   YONEC.  333 

another  for  a  necklace^  and  still  another  for  silk.  The 
youngest  one,  being  asked  by  the  prince's  messenger,  merely 
replies  by  saying  Sabr  (which  means  '  wait').  The  messenger, 
however,  thinking  this  is  the  name  of  the  article  that  she 
desires,  returns  to  the  prince  and  tells  him  that  his  daughter 
wants  Sabr.  The  father,  on  reaching  the  end  of  his  voyage, 
purchases  the  presents  for  six  of  his  daughters,  and  then 
goes  on  board  the  ship  to  return  home,  but  the  ship  will  not 
move,  because  he  has  not  kept  the  promise  made  to  his 
youngest  daughter.  In  his  search  for  the  Sb6r,  he  finds 
that  the  son  of  the  king  of  that  country  is  called  Sabr, 
Afier  hearing  the  request  of  the  prince's  youngest  daughter, 
the  king's  son  sends  her  a  box  containing  a  &n  by  means  of 
^v-Hich  she  can  summon  him  to  her  side  whenever  she 
ares  to  do  so.  Love  grows  apace  between  them,  and  the 
that  they  are  married  her  jealous  sisters  place  pieces 
^^^  broken  glass  on  the  bed  where  the  prince  is  to  lie, 
^^^h^reupon  he  is  wounded  and  returns  to  his  distant 
^"^^Im.  His  lady  follows  him  and  learns  on  the  way, 
*Tix  a  parrot  and  a   starling,  the   means  by  which   she 

Mm. 

The  same  story  with  slight  variations  is  found  in  Italian 

:-lore.^     In   this  tale  the  youngest  of  three  daughters 

ires  that  her  father,  a  rich  merchant,  bring  her  a  vaso  di 

:,  a  kind  of  plant.      Here  again  the  father  forgets  his 

t^i*oxBise,  and  when  he  wishes  to  return  home  the  ship  will 

^ot    move  until  he  has  fulfilled  it.     He  learns  that  the  king 

^^  t.he  country  to  which  he  has  gone  is  the  only  one  who 

P^^ssesses  the  plant  that  he  desires.    At  the  request  of  the 

^Bpchant,  the  king  sends  the  plant  to  his  daughter,  instruct- 

^  her  to  bum  a  leaf  every  evening.     This  she  does,  and 

every  time  she  bums  a  leaf  of  the  plant  the  son  of  the  king 

^^Bomama,  x,  122-123. 


334  OLIVER   M.   JOHNSTON. 

appears.     One  evening  when  she  is  absent,  however, 
jealous  sisters  put  fire  to  her  room  and  burn  the  plant  wE 
the  rest     The  prince  comes,  as  nsual,  but  is  badly  bam< 
and  also  wounded  by  pieces  of  glass.     On  her  return, 
merchant's  daughter  disguises  herself  as  a  man  and  goes 
search  of  the  prince.     On  her  way  she  learns  from  an 
and  an  ogress  the  means  by  which  she  cures  him.^ 

The  confusion  of  the  l^end  of  the  Fcun  Prince  and  i 
of  the  Jealovs  Stepmother  probably  took  place  veiy  la 
since  the  healing  motif  is  found  only  in  the  modem  version 
of  the  tale  of  the  Jealous  Stepmother.  In  the  lay  of 
the  mistress  of  Muldumarec  knows  nothing  of  the  art  o 
healing  wounds,  and  hence  the  bird-man  dies.  Likewise,  in 
the  story  of  the  Bbie  Bird,  Florine  does  not  cure  King 
Charmant,  but  fortunately,  when  she  finds  him,  his  wounds 
have  already  been  healed.  In  the  Portuguese*  version  of 
this  legend  the  bird  is  also  wounded  and  dies  just  as  in  the 
lay  of  Yonec.  In  the  Portuguese  tale,  however,  the  bird 
never  assumes  human  form. 

The  confusion  of  the  story  of  the  Fan  Prince  with  that 
of  the  Jealous  Stepmother  seems  also  to  account  for  that 
variant  of  the  latter  tale  in  which  jealous  sisters  are  sub- 
stituted for  a  jealous  stepmother.  The  substitution  probably 
represents  a  blending  of  themes  originally  distinct,  and 
therefore  indicates  a  close  association  of  the  two  narratives. 

In  an  Italian  story  entitled  King  Bean  ^  an  old  man  has 
three  daughters,  the  youngest  of  whom  loves  King  Bean 

^  For  a  comparison  of  the  different  stories  related  to  the  theme  of  the 
Fan  Prince  compare  Romania^  x,  117-143. 

'  See  Portuguese  Folk  Tales,  collected  by  C.  PedrosOi  and  translated  from 
the  original  ms.  by  Miss  Henriqueta  Monteiro.    London,  1882,  No.  xu. 

'See  Fiabe  e  Novelle  Popolari  Veneziane  raccolU  da  CHuteppe  Bcmoni^ 
Venezia,  1873,  No.  xvn ;  Italian  Popular  IhleSy  by  Thomas  Frederick 
Crane,  A.  M.,  London,  1885,  pp.  12-17. 


SOUBCfBB  OF  THE  LAY  OF  YONEC.  335 

^i¥itLont  having  seen  him ;  and  after  she  has  sent  her  fittber 

-ito   him  three  times,  requesting  him  to  marry  her,  the  king 

:tfnally  consents,  saying  that  she  must  first  prepare  three 

-^e88elfl,^-one  of  milk  and  water,  one  of  milk,  and  one  of 

;^XM9e-water.     He  also  sends  her  a  bean,  saying  that  when  she 

4^esii'e8  to  see  him  she  has  only  to  go  out  on  the  balcony  and 

^^pen   the  bean.     The  young  lady  prepares  the  vessels  as 

^^Jirected,  and  opens  the  bean,  whereupon  a  bird  comes  and 

l^pi^thes  in  the  three  vessels  and  then   comes  out  the  most 

f^fj^ndaome  youth  in  the  world.     The  other  two  sisters,  leam- 

§X^S  ^^  these  visits,  place  broken  glass  in  the  vessels,  thus 

^30.xi6ing  the  bird  to  be  wounded.     The  wounded  bird  then 

-^ies  away,  followed  by  the  young  woman,  who  learns  from 

^^p^^tches  the  means  by  which  she  cures  it. 

That  the  story  of  the  Jeabma  Sisters  ^  represents  a  fusion 
of*  the  tale  of  the  Jealous  Stepmother  with  the  theme  of  the 
JFan  Prince  appears  clearly  in  the  Greek*  version  of  the 
Jectlxms  Sisters  J  which  gives  us  enough  of  the  original  themes  of 
tixe  two  earlier  stories  to  show  that  they  were  being  confused, 
therefore  affords  strong  corroborative  evidence.  Accord- 
to  this  Greek  tale  a  merchant,  before  starting  to  India,  asks 
'^s  three  daughters  what  presents  they  wish  him  to  bring 
^*em  on  his  return.  The  eldest  daughter  desires  a  dress, 
^^^  second  a  kerchief,  and  the  youngest  a  golden  switch. 
^^  reaching  India  he  buys  the  dress  and  the  kerchief,  but 
^^Tgets  the  golden  switch.  Consequently,  when  he  goes  on 
/^^^d  the  ship,  he  finds  that,  in  spite  of  the  favorable  winds, 
^  '^ill  not  move  until  he  has  fulfilled  the  promise  that  he 
^d  made  to  his  youngest  daughter.  Thereupon  he  goes  to 
^  *B*ge  castle  where  dwells  the  king's  son,  who  is  called  the 

X  bave  nam^  this  story  the  Jealous  Sisters  in  order  to  distinguish  it 

^^'^'^  the  closely  related  tale  of  the  Jealous  Stqmother  from  which  it  is 
derive 

^  Oriechische  und  albanisehe  Mdrehen,  gesammdty  Uhersetzl  und  erldutert 
vcfi^lO.wm  Hahn.    Erster  Theil.    Leipzig,  1864,  pp,  97-102. 


336  OLIVER   M.    JOHNSTON, 

golden  switch.  The  prince  shows  the  merchant  the  portrait 
of  a  lady  whom  he  has  seen  in  a  dream^  and  tells  him  that 
he  has  dreamed  that  he  will  marry  her.  It  happens  to  be 
the  portrait  of  the  merchant's  youngest  daughter,  to  whom 
the  prince  then  sends  a  letter,  a  basin,  and  a  ring.  In  the 
letter  he  tells  her  that  if  she  wishes  him  to  come  to  her,  she 
must  fill  the  basin  with  water,  throw  the  ring  into  it,  and 
call  him  three  times.  This  she  does,  and  a  dove  comes,  which, 
afler  having  bathed  in  the  water,  assumes  human  form. 
The  visits  of  the  prince  to  the  merchant's  daughter  are 
continued  until  her  sisters  become  very  jealous.  Finally 
one  of  them  places  a  knife  in  the  basin,  and  the  prince, 
being  woimded,  disappears.  The  youngest  sister  then  follow- 
ing him  learns  on  her  way  the  means  of  healing  his  wounds. 

In  this  Greek  story  the  long  voyage  of  the  merchant, 
the  presents  promised  to  his  daughters,  the  ship  that  will 
not  move  until  he  has  fulfilled  his  promise  to  his  youngest 
daughter,  and  the  fact  that  the  article  desired  by  the  young- 
est daughter  bears  the  name  of  the  prince  to  whom  she  is 
afterwards  married,  certainly  represent  the  first  part  of  the 
story  of  the  Fan  Prince.  On  the  other  hand,  the  bird  that 
assumes  human  form  is  the  subject  of  the  Jealous  StepmotJier 
tale.  Some  features  of  the  Fan  Prince  are  found  combined 
with  the  theme  of  the  Jealous  Stepmother. 

The  story  of  the  Jealous  Sisters,  the  tale  in  which  the 
jealous  stepmother  has  been  replaced  by  jealous  sisters  under 
the  influence  of  the  Fan  Prince,  is  very  closely  related  to 
that  of  the  Jealous  Stepmother,  as  is  shown  by  the  fact  that 
jealousy  and  the  bird  which  has  the  power  of  assuming  human 
shape  are  the  principal  motifs  in  both  cases.  However,  a 
careful  examination  of  the  diflbrent  versions  of  these  two 
legends  reveals  some  very  important  diflerences.  In  the 
first  place,  not  only  is  the  relation  that  the  jealous  one 
sustains  to  the  fair  lady  visited  by  the  bird-man  entirely 


SOUBCB3  OP  THE  LAY   OP  YONEC.  337 

different  in  the  two  tales^  but  in  the  story  of  the  Jealoua 
Sister,  there  are  always  three  or  more  sisters,  whUe  in  the 
JeoIotM  Stepmother  tale  there  is  one  step-sister^  or  a  sister-in- 
laWy  as  in  the  lay  of  Yonec.  In  the  second  place,  in  all 
the  versions  of  the  Jealous  Stepmother  story  that  I  have 
examined,  the  stepmother  has  her  step-daughter  either  sent 
away  fix)m  home  or  confined  in  a  tower.  In  the  early  Irish 
version  contamed  in  the  Togcnl  Bruidne  Daderga,  the  step- 
daughter is  placed  in  a  calf-shed,  while  in  the  Danish  version 
given  by  Grundtvig  *  and  in  an  Italian  story  published  by 
Rua  in  the  Arcbimo  per  le  tradizioni  popolari  (vol.  vi),  she  is 
sent  to  a  remote  castle.  In  the  lay  of  Yonec  and  in  the  story 
of  the  Blue  Bird,  on  the  other  hand,  she  is  confined  in  a 
tower. 

5.    The  Motive  that  probably  led  to  the  Fusion  of  the  Two 
Stories  used  in  the  Composition  of  the  Lay  of  Yonec. 

The  principal  motive  for  combinmg  the  theme  of  the 
Inclusa  and  that  of  the  Jealous  Stepmother,  the  two  legends 
finom  which  the  lay  of  Yonec  was  probably  derived,  doubtless 
lay  in  the  desire  of  the  minstrels  or  story-tellers,  from  whom 
Marie  heard  the  tale,  to  substitute  a  supernatural  for  a 
natural  means  of  reaching  the  imprisoned  lady.  The  first 
part  of  the  story  of  the  Indusa,  the  theme  according  to 
which  a  jealous  old  man  has  a  young  and  beautiful  wife 
whom  he  confines  in  a  tower,  was  used  in  the  lay.  On  the 
other  hand,  the  second  part  of  the  Indusa,  where  a  hand- 
some youth  visits  by  means  of  an  underground  passage  a 
&ir  lady  imprisoned  in  a  tower,  has  been  omitted  in  Marie's 
lay,  and  the  story-tellers  substituted  for  the  motif  of  the 
underground  passage  the  theme  of  the  Jealous  Stepmother, 

'  See  Dawiaehe  VoUcgmarcheny  translated  bj  W.  Leo,  Leipzig,  1878,  pp. 
125-147. 


338  OLIVER  M.   JOHNSTON. 

according  to  which  the  gallant  lover  assumes  the  form  of  a 
bird  in  order  to  reach  his  lady. 

If  my  conclusions  in  this  paper  be  correct,  they  show  that 
the  lay  of  Yonee  is  composed  of  traditions  gathered  from 
different  sources.  Of  the  material  used  in  its  composition 
the  l^end  of  the  Jealous  Stepmother  is  a  Western  tale 
(perhaps  of  Celtic  origin),  while  the  Indusa  is  probably  an 
Oriental  story.  Speaking  of  the  Indusa  episode  in  the  lay 
of  OuigemaVy  William  Henry  Schofield *  designates  it  as  "a 
transformed  Oriental  tale  of  a  harem  adventure  in  which 
a  jealous,  spynsetting  husband  detects  the  amour  of  his  young 
wife,  whom  he  has  kept  confined  in  a  place  apart,  and  of 
whose  attendant  it  is  stated  euphemistically  (1.  257)  that  he 
was  an  eunuch.'^  In  view  of  Marie's  slender  claim  to  origi- 
nality, the  work  of  combining  the  themes  of  the  Indusa  and 
of  the  Jealous  Stepmother  should  doubtless  be  attributed  to 
the  story-tellers  from  whom  she  received  the  tale. 

Oliveb  M.  Johnston. 


^  The  Lays  of  Qradent  and  Lanvalj  and  the  Story  of  Waylcmd  (PMieaticnt 
cf  the  Modern  Language  AaaociaUon  ofAmerioOj  voL  xv,  2.  New  Series,  toL 
vm,  2,  p.  173).  For  other  lays  which  show  a  mixture  of  Celtic  and  foreign 
material,  compare  Schofield  (op.  ciL,  pp.  172-179). 


EK.— ROMANCE  ETYMOLOGIES. 

I. 

French flSchir  <  Old  Yrench fleschir  <fle8chier,  "to  bend/' 
<  *flexicare  <^flexu8  <^fledere,  "  to  bend/' 

French  jUcbirj  O.  F.  fleachir,  flesldr  has  been  derived  by 
Forster,  Zeiiadirift  /.  rom.  Phil.,  m^  p.  262,  from  a  Latin 
yksldre  <  *fle8CU8  <^JUxus.  The  assumption  of  the  shift  of 
ks  io  skiB  defended  by  an  appeal  to  alaskir  fit)m  laacuSy  seem- 
ingly showing  the  same  metathesis.  This  phonetic  step, 
which  must  be  assigned  to  a  Latin  period,  is  in  both  instances 
certainly  unjustifiable,  although  it  has  been  admitted  by 
excellent  authorities.  In  the  Dictionnaire  g6niral  we  find 
French  Idcher  derived  from  a  type  ^lascare  <  laaare.  Here 
the  assumption  of  metathesis  seems  to  go  back  to  Diez, 
Hymalogisches  Wb.y  pp.  188  f.,  who  cites  as  analoga  Cam- 
panian  fisquer  for  fixer  and  lusque  for  luxe;  but  these  forms 
clearly  represent  popular  deformations  of  learned  words  and 
are  accordingly  irrelevant.  French  Idcher  has  also  been 
derived  by  Grober,  who  evidently  objects  to  the  dubious 
metathesis,  fit)m  Old  High  German  ^laaCy  a  type  assumed  to 
account  for  Middle  High  German  laschj  "  schlaff,"  and  Old 
Norse  h^hry  "schlaff,''  "lass."  Kluge,  however  {Etymolo-- 
gischea  Wb.y  6th  ed.),  is  inclined  to  derive  the  Germanic 
from  the  Romance  group.  Grober's  derivation  has  also  been 
disputed  on  phonological  grounds  by  Mackel ;  cf.  Kdrting, 
8.  v.  *fowA,  who  rejects  the  Germanic  etymon.  The  correct 
etymon  for  McAer,  namely  ^laxicarey  was  first  suggested  by 
Ulrich,  Zeitsehrift  f.  rom.  Phil.y  ix,  p.  429  ;  is  rejected 
by  Kdrting,  who  says  that  the  assumption  of  the  type  is 
unnecessary  and   seems  to  consider  the  derivation  of  the 

339 


340  CARL   C.    RICE. 

French  word  unsettled ;  but  is  accepted  by  Meyer-Lubk^^^J 
Bom.  Gramm.y  ii,  p.  608.  It  will  be  seen  later  that  ^laxC^ 
care  presents  a  perfect  phonetic  type  for  the  derivation  o^ 
the  French  form.  The  cognate  Romance  forms  (Proven 
lascar,  etc.)  present  no  difficulty.  Returning  to  flScMr,  we 
need  only  mention  the  derivation  of  the  word  fromflecterey 
adopted  by  Diez,  which  is  phonetically  impossible.  Paris, 
Rojn,,  VIII,  p.  628,  has  explained  fleekir  as  derived  from 
the  adjective  Jtesche,  "  bent,"  and  the  latter  as  a  postverbal 
from  fleschier,  which  he  derives  from  *fle8care  for  flexare. 
My  objections  to  this  etymology  are  as  follows.  In  the  first 
place,  the  existence  of  the  adjective  jfescAe  is  extremely  doubt- 
ful. Scheler  and  Paris  (/.  c.)  thought  it  occurred  in  one  Old 
French  passage,  namely,  in  the  Saiid  Eloij  92  b:  Genous 
fleches,  enclin  le  chief.  Here  Forster,  however  (article  cited), 
reads  flechis,  and  the  passage  is  also  quoted  in  this  form  by 
Grodefroy.  No  evidence  for  the  existence  of  the  word  has 
appeared  in  Godefroy's  Complimenty  and  under  the  circum- 
stances it  should  doubtless  be  regarded  as  imaginary.  In 
the  second  place,  the  phonetic  step  from  flexare  to  ^fl^scare 
is  without  support.  Finally  Grober,  Archiv  /.  lot.  Lex.  u. 
Gr.,  n,  p.  285,  explains  flichir  as  a  collateral  form  of 
flechier  showing  a  change  of  conjugation.  This  explanation 
certainly  seems  to  be  the  correct  one.  A  glance  at  the 
lexicon  is  sufficient  to  convince  one  that  verbs  fluctuating 
between  the  -ir  and  -(i)e/*  conjugations  were  fairly  common 
in  Old  French:  note,  e.  g.y  refroidier,  refroidir;  embaJ^emer, 
embalsamir;  engrossier,  engro8»ir;  ampliery  ampKr;  empo- 
enteTy.  empoentir;  empreignier,  empreignir.  The  list  could 
undoubtedly  be  greatly  lengthened. 

Now,  to  explain  this  earlier  form  flechier,  Grober  (article 
cited)  sets  up  a  type  *fledicarey  which  is  accepted  by  Korting, 
but  which  does  not  account  for  the  Old  French  form  fle8chiei\ 
Paris  and  Forster  (articles  cited)  assume  that  the  r^ular 


BOMANCE   ETYMOLOGIES.  341 

Old  French  form  of  hoiiiflediier  andflechir  had  an  s,  and, 
in  view  of  the  spellings  with  s  cited  by  Forster,  this  opinion 
eertainly  seems  to  be  correct.  Several  forms  with  «  will  also 
tie  seen  in  Godefroy. 

The   right   etymon   is    *flexicare.     This   type   was   first 

suggested  by  Grober  (article  cited),  who  rejected  it  on  the 

ground  that  it  should  have  given  O.  F.  ^Jleischier.     For  a 

similar  reason  the  Didionnaire  g&nSral  rejects  *taxitare  as 

the  etymon  of  O.  F.  taster,  Modem  French  tdter,  alleging 

that  this  Latin  type  would  have  given  O.  F.  *tai8ter.     But 

both  authorities  are  in  error  r^arding  the  sound-law  here 

in   question,  which  is  stated  by  Schwan-Behrens,  AUfranz. 

Gramm.y  4th  ed.,  §  158,  2,  as  follows : — 

'*  Vollige  Assimilation  des  Palatals  an  den  folgenden  Eonsonanten  trat 
....  in  vortoniger  Stellung  in  der  Verbindung  ks  -f  Kons.  ein :  Beispiele  : 
....  aexUuyu,  >  sestier,  dextrariu >  destrier,  *iax(%)tare  >  tastery  erUox(i)eare 
^  entoeehierj  extendere  ^  eeiendre,  exiorquSre  ^  estordrc,  satzanbetonte  eiUra  y> 
ettre  nnd  joxta  ^  juste, '  * 

To  these  examples  we  may  now  add  ^fleodcare  ^fleschieTf 
which  is  perfectly  analogous  to  intoancare  >  entoschier,  *laxi- 
care  >  laschier,  and  *taocicare  >  taschier,  TdcheVy  the  modem 
form  of  taschieTy  is  derived  by  the  Didionnaire  gin^aJ  fix)m 
"^tascare,  a  metathesized  form  of  taxare.  But,  as  has  been 
shown  above,  the  analoga  seemingly  justifying  the  assump- 
tion of  a  metathesis  of  the  group  ks  in  a  Latin  period  are  of 
no  value.  The  etymon  *taxicare  is  due  to  Ulrich,  Zeitschrift 
/.  rom.  PhU,,  IX,  p.  429.  It  is  put  in  brackets  by  Korting, 
but  is  accepted  by  Meyer-Lubke,  Rom.  Gramm.,  ii,  p.  608.^ 
The  fact  that  a  so-called  epenthetic  i  does  not  appear  in 
developments  like  that  of  *taxitare  >  taster  is  to  be  explained 

*  The  daring  etymology  idche  <  *ia8ca  •<  *Tdax"  <[  fA^^tt  recently  sug- 
gested by  T.  Clauasen,  Bomanisehe  ForsehungeT^  xv  (1904),  p.  847,  scarcely 
deseires  mention.  The  IHetionnaire  ghUrcd  correctly  states  that  tdche  is  a 
postTerbal  from  tdeher, 

10 


342  CABL  C.   BICE. 

by  the  chronology  of  the  sound-change.     It  is  well  know^^ 
that  the  pretonic  vowel  in  paroxytones  and  the  posttonio^^ 
vowel  in  proparoxytones  dropped  at  different  dates.     Thn^^^ 
*taxitar€y  as  is  evidently  assumed  by  Schwan-Beh  rens^  L  c.    ^^ 
had  been  reduced  to  ^tastare  in  a  period  when  *tcuntat  was 
still  trissyllabic.     One  might  of  course  also  expect  a  form 
of  the  verb  with  epenthetic  f,  preserved  from  the  proparoxy- 
tone  forms^  to  survive,  and  this  actually  did  happen  in  some 
cases.    We  need  only  cite  the  postverbal  test  beside  tast^  pre- 
supposing a  form  ^taister  beside  taster,  and  the  still  more 
striking  form  entoischier  beside  entoschier  <  intoxicare. 

If  this  reasoning  is  correct,  we  have  established  a  conclu- 
sion diametrically  opposed  to  that  of  the  Dictionnaire  ffSnircU, 
8.  V.  flichir,  which  says  with  regard  to  the  etymology  of  the 
word  :  '^  Origine  inconnue.  La  forme  du  mot  ne  permet  pas 
d'y  voir  un  repr^sentant,  direct  on  indirect,  du  leitin  Jlecterej 
qui  a  cependant  le  m^me  sens.'^ 


II. 


Spanish  rosea,  "screw''  <  ^rosicdre  <  rdsu8  <  rodere,  "to 
gnaw." 

In  Monlau's  Dicdonario  etymoldg^ico  we  find  the  following 
note :  "  Rosea :  *  Es  del  vascuence  errosca,  y  se  dijo  de 
erruzcay  d  fuerza,  por  la  grande  que  tiene  para  mover  grandes 
pesos.'  (Larramendi.)  Segdn  Covarrubias  viene  del  latfn 
mere,  lanzarse,  arrojarse,  porque  gira  sobre  si  misma.  Diez 
afirma,  con  mds  acierto,  que  el  origen  de  rosea  es  todavia 
desconocido."  The  word  is  missing  in  Korting's  index.  On 
consulting  the  recent  edition  of  the  dictionary  of  the  Spanish 
Academy,  we  are  told  that  rosea  is  derived  from  an  absurd 
Greek  etymon. 

I  derive  the  word  from  *rosicare^  "  to  gnaw,"  the  exist- 
ence of  which  in  late  Latin  is  rendered  certain  by  Italian 


BOMANCE   ETYMOLOGIES.  343 

rosicare,  Provenjal  rosegar,  "to  gnaw."  The  etymology 
presents  no  phonetic  irregularity.  For  the  c,  cf.  rascar,  "to 
scratch ''  <  ^rasicare,  "  to  scratch."  There  is  no  reason  for 
doubting  that  intervocalic  c  in  this  position,  in  Spanish  as  in 
Provenjal  and  French,  may  either  remain  a  surd  or  become 
a  sonant,  according  to  the  date  at  which  the  preceding  vowel 
dropped.  The  formation  of  rosea,  "  a  gnawing  instrument " 
as  a  postverbal  from  *rosicarey  "to  gnaw,"  has  countless 
parallels,  for  which  I  refer  to  Meyer-Lubke,  Rom.  Gramm.^ 
II,  pp.  444 AT.  I  need  only  mention  Italian  leva,  "lever," 
from  levare,  "  to  raise."  For  the  sense-development  we  may 
compare  English  bit,  i.  e.,  apparently  "a  biting  instrument," 
and  Italian  sucehiare,  "to  bore,"  generally  derived  from 
*sv4mlar€,  "to  suck."  ^Rosicare  may  have  a  direct  descend- 
ant in  the  Spanish  technical  word  roscar,  "to  fiirrow," 
which,  however,  may  also  be  a  recent  derivative  from  rosea. 


III. 

Spanish  sesgo,  "oblique"  <  sesgar,  "to  cut  obliquely"  < 
*S€secdre,  "to  cut  apart." 

To  explain  Spanish  sesgo,  "  oblique,"  Baist,  Zeitschrift  /. 
rom.  Phil.,  VII,  p.  122,  sets  up  a  type  "^sesecus,  which  he 
attempts  to  support  by  the  analogy  of  drcumsecuSy  extrinsecus. 
The  formation  of  ^sesecfus  is  not  made  sufficiently  probable, 
and  the  etymon  is  rightly  rejected  by  Korting,  who  favors 
the  derivation  from  ^svhsecare.  The  latter  type,  however, 
presents  insuperable  phonetic  difficulty,  to  say  nothing  of 
semantic  obscurity.  Ulrich,  Zeitschrift  fur  rom.  Phil.,  iv, 
p.  383,  derived  sesgar  from  *s^x{care  <  *sexus  <  sectus,  but 
Korting  objects  to  the  etymology  on  the  ground  that  ^sexus 
for  sedus  is  a  monstrosity.  "^S^adcare  also  presents  phonetic 
and  semantic  difficulty. 

The  right  etymon  is  "^sesecdre,  "  to  cut  apart,"  an  unim- 


344  CARL  C.   RICE. 

peachable  formation  presenting  no  phonetic  irr^olarity. 
This  type  was  also  thought  of  by  Baist  (article  cited),  who 
dismissed  it  on  account  of  the  existence  of  the  adjective 
se»go.  But  the  derivation  of  ae^o  as  a  postverbal  from 
aeagar  presents  no  difficulty.  On  the  formation  of  post- 
verbal  adjectives  I  refer  to  Meyer-Lubke,  Rom.  Gramm.,  n, 
p.  448,  and  to  the  Dictionnaire  gtfiiraly  I,  §  53.  The 
sense-development  also  presents  no  difficulty:  1)  "to  cut 
apart,"  "  to  cut  across ; "  2)  "  cut  across,"  "  oblique." 

IV. 

French  ruche,  "  hive  "  (beside  rouche,  "  hull  of  a  ship  on 
the  stocks  ")  <  O.  F.  rusche,  Prov.  nLsca,  Piedmontese  and 
Lombard  ruaca,  "  bark,"  <  Comascan  ruscd,  "  to  scale  off," 
<  *ru»picare  <  *ruspare,  "  to  scratch." 

In  the  Dictionnaire  ginSral  we  are  told  that  ruche  is  of 
Celtic  origin.  Korting^s  article  on  the  word  reads  as 
follows : — 

''Ru9ca  iBt  das  Torauszusetzende,  aber  beziiglich  seines  Urspmnges  ganz 
dunkle  Grundwort  zu  prov.  ru&xij  Baumrinde  (auch  piemont.  UDd  lomb. 
ru9oa) ;  altfrz.  ruscke  (norm,  ruque)^  neufrz.  ruche  (aos  Baumrinde  ge- 
fertigter  Bienenkorb,  Schifbrumpf ).  Diez  673  hielt  das  Wort  fur  keltisch, 
ThumcTsen,  p.  Ill,  vemeint  dies." 

To  make  it  clear  that  the  words  for  "  hive  "  and  "  bark  " 
are  identical,  Diez,  L  c,  cites  Spanish  corcho,  meaning  both 
"bark  of  the  cork-tree"  and  "bee-hive."  I  propose  to 
derive  the  group  from  the  verbal  type  "^rispicare,  which 
seems  to  explain  perfectly  all  the  forms.  For  the  dropping 
of  the  middle  vowel  in  Proven9al  and  French  we  may  com- 
pare Latin  hospitale  >  Prov.  ostal,  O.  F.  ostel.  In  Tuscan, 
hospitcUe  becomes  o»pedale,  retaining  the  pretonic  vowel. 
But  Meyer-Lubke,  Jto/icni8cA6  GrammcUiky  p.  71,  notes  ihat 
the  ItaUan  dialects  diverge  widely  from  Florentine  in  their 


BOMANCE  ETYMOLOGIES.  345 

treatment  of  syncope,  and  in  view  of  the  vagueness  of  our 
present  knowledge  of  the  whole  question  I  hold  that,  unless 
the  contrary  assumption  can  be  supported  by  evidence,  we 
should  admit  the  regularity  of  the  development  of  "^nbspicare 
into  an  early  Italian  *rvscare,  surviving  in  Comascan  as 
ru8odj  whence  as  postverbals  Piedmontese  and  Lombard 
ruaca.  We  may  perhaps  cite  Tuscan  taatare  <  "^taaniare, 
destare  <  ^de^excUare  as  showing  a  development  parallel  to 
that  assumed,  though,  to  be  sure,  the  consonant-groups  in 
question  are  quite  different.  This  verb  ^ruspicare  is  derived 
readily  enough,  by  the  elimination  of  the  common  sufiSx 
-•icarey  from  ^rusparCy  the  existence  of  which  in  Latin  with 
the  original  meaning  of  '^  to  scratch ''  is  generally  admitted 
by  Komance  scholars,  e.  ^.,  by  Diez,  Kdrting,  and  Schuc- 
hardt  (^JRomcmisehe  Etymologieeny  i,  p.  27)  on  account  of 
the  existence  of  Latin  ruspari,  ^^  to  examine,'^  and  Italian 
ru9parey  "  to  scratch."  The  semantic  series, — 1)  "  to  scratch 
off,''  "to  peeV  2)  "peel,"  "bark,"  3)  "hive  made  of  bark," 
4)  "hive," — seems  perfectly  legitimate,  particularly  in  view 
of  the  &ct  that  the  first  stage  is  supported  by  Comascan 
ru8cdy  "to  scale  off." 

Cabl  C.  Kice. 


X— SOME  OBSERVATIONS  UPON  THE 

SQUIRE'S  TALE. 

Among  unfinished  stories  the  Squire? a  Tale  holds  a  promi- 
nent place.  Milton^  in  a  familiar  passage,  lamented  its 
fragmentary  condition/  and  all  other  lovers  of  good  literature 
have  shared  his  regret.  Two  persons  have  attempted  to 
finish  the  tale  *' half  told."  Spenser^s  completion  ia  well- 
known.^  Well  known,  and  somewhat  notorious,  too,  is  tiie 
laborious  ambition  of  John  Lane.^  His  dull  lines,  having 
neither  anything  in  common  with  Chaucer  nor  any  native 
worth,  can  be  of  only  curious  interest  to  students  of  literature. 
They  but  remind  us  that  the  story  of  "Cambuscan''  will 
never  be  wholly  told. 

I. 

The  fragmentary  condition  of  the  Squires  Tale  makes 
very  difficult  the  task  of  establishing  its  source.  So  fiur,  at 
least,  the  patient  thought  of  scholars  has  met  with  slight 
reward.     Professor  Skeat  proposed  a  connection  with  Marco 

*  Milton,  E  Penseroto,  109  flF.  : 

''  Or  call  up  him  that  left  half  told 
The  story  of  Cambuscan  bold, 
Of  Oamball,  and  of  Algaisife, 
And  who  had  Oanace  to  wife, 
That  own'd  the  virtuous  ring  and  glass, 
And  of  the  wondrous  horse  of  brass 
On  which  the  Tartar  king  did  ride.'* 

*  Faerie  QueenCj  Book  iv.  Canto  u,  st  30,  to  end  of  Oanto  m.  This, 
perhaps,  should  not  strictly  be  called  a  completion,  as  Spenser  took  up  only 
one  of  the  threads  which  Chaucer  had  let  fall. 

'  John  Lane,  Oontinuaiion  of  Chaucer^  s  Squire?  8  TctUy  ed.  by  F.  J.  Fumi- 
yall,  Chaucer  Society,  1887. 

346 


OBSERVATIOKS  T7PON  THE  SQUIRE's  TALE.  347 

Polo/  and  Dr.  Brandl  constructed  an  ingenious  all^orj  as 
the  true  foundation  of  the  story.'  Professor  Manly  has  at 
least  shaken  confidence  in  Skeat's  theory/  and  Professor 
Kittredge  has  cleared  away  Brandies  obstruction  from  the 
path  of  research,  affirming  at  the  close  of  his  searching 
criticism  in  EngUsche  Studien^  that,  ^^  for  all  that  appears  to 
the  contrary,  the  world  has  been  right  for  the  last  five 
hundred  years  in  r^arding  the  Sqmre^a  Tale  as  nothing 
more  or  less  than  a  romance.'^  ^ 

Although  the  source  of  Chaucer^s  romance  is  far  frt)m 
discovery,  a  number  of  analogues  have  been  collected.  Most 
of  these  are  contained  in  Mr.  Clouston's  substantial  Magic 
Elements  in  the  Squires  Tale.^  We  are  safe  in  saying  that 
Chaucer  never  knew  the  greater  number  of  Mr.  Clouston's 
stories,  although  the  like  of  some  of  them  may  have  come  to 
his  attention.  The  CUomad^y  in  some  form,  he  probably 
did  know.  Professor  Skeat  refers  to  this  long  romance  of 
Adends  le  Boi,  but  presents  no  extended  comparison  between 
Chaucer^s  story  and  that  of  the  French  minstrel.*  Mr. 
Clouston,  on  the  other  hand,  summarizes  the  CUomad^y 
indicates  the  main  points  of  difference  between  the  two 
poems,  and  concludes  that  these  differences  could  not  have 
been  "  merely  fortuitous."  ^ 

There  is  an  antecedent  probability  that  Chaucer  knew 
the  CUomad^  story.  The  romance  was  in  vogue  during  the 
fourteenth  century.  Allusions  to  it  are  found  in  Froissart 
and  in  the  poems  of  Chaucer's  friend  Eustache  Deschamps.^ 

>  Om^pUU  Wark8  of  Oeoffirey  Chaueert  m,  470  ff.  ;  v,  371. 

* Engliache  StucUen,  xUy  161  £P.  >  Pubis,  of  M,  L.  A.,  xi,  349  £P. 

^Em^itehe  Studien,  xm,  1  fif. 

^  Chanteer  Society j  1889  (Lane,  Chntinuation  of  Chaucer' a  Squires  Talty  Part 

II). 

*  Oxford  Chauoer,  m,  475  f. 

^  Lane,  (hnthyaJtum  of  Chaucer's  Sqmrt^s  Vode,  Part  11,  382  £F. 

*Hi$loirt  Uttiraire  de  laFranec,  xx,  718. 


348  H.   8.   V.   JONES. 

This  antecedent  probability  that  Chaucer  knew  the  CUomadh 
is  strengthened  by  the  fact  that  its  author,  Aden^  1q  Boi, 
was  once  honored  by  an  English  king.  In  British  Museum 
MB.  No.  6965,  is  the  following  entry:  — "  Firmaculum 
aureum  pretii  LX  s.  datur  per  Ricardum  vidulatorem  r^s, 
nomine  regis,  Adoe  menestrallo  comitis  Flandriae,  apud 
Grand,  vni  die  novembris."  The  entry  was  found  in  a 
statement  of  expenses  of  Edward  the  First  of  England  by 
M.  le  baron  Kervyn  de  Lettenhove,  who  concluded  from  it 
that  Aden^  was  still  living  in  1297.  Edward  the  First, 
who  had  affianced  one  of  his  sons  to  Philippine,  daughter 
of  Aden^'  patron,  Gui  de  Dampierre,  count  of  Flanders, 
went  to  Flanders  in  1297  to  help  the  count  against  his 
over-lord  Philippe  le  Bel,  king  of  France.  The  accounts 
of  Edward's  household  tell  us  that  the  king  was  at  Ypres  on 
the  fifth  of  November,  where  two  minstrels  were  admitted 
to  the  honor  of  giving  him  proof  of  their  talent.  Three 
days  later  the  king  was  at  Gand,  where  he  gave  to  Aden^ 
the  Jirmaculum  aureum,  mentioned  in  the  royal  accounts.* 
The  facts  that  Edward  thus  honored  Aden^  and  that  the 
poet  was  a  minstrel  in  the  family  of  his  daughter-in-law, 
might  well  be  considered  as  strengthening  in  England  the 
popularity  of  the  ClSamad^.  If  so,  Chaucer,  though  he 
wrote  his  poem  almost  a  century  later,  would  have  been  the 
more  likely  to  have  known  the  story. 

Another  romance,  written  in  the  latter  part  of  the  thir- 
teenth century  and  closely  resembling  the  CUonuuUa,  deserves 
our  attention.  It  is  the  Miliacin  by  Girard  of  Amiens.^ 
The  romance,  as  a  whole,  is  still  in  manuscript,  although 
excerpts    have   been    published    by   Stengel*  and   Keller.* 

'Andr^  Van  Hasselt,  Li  Itoumana  de  CUonuuUsf  par  Aedenes  11  Bois,  2 
vols.,  Bruzelles,  1S65;  i,  zviff. 
'  Higtoire  liUSrcare  de  la  France,  xzxi,  171  ff. 
^ZeU8chrifiJurr(mtam9chePhUologie,  x,  460  fif. 
*B(mvati,  99  ff. 


OBSERVATIONS  UPON  THE   SQUIRE's   TALE,  349 

Grober  supposes  that  Girard  wrote  the  poem  for  Marguerite^ 
daughter  of  Philip  the  Bold^  at  the  instance  of  some  knight 
who  was  acquainted  with  Aden^'  CUomad^  through  a 
"  blosse  Nacherzahlung."  *  Chauvin,*  Tobler,^  and  Paris/ 
on  the  other  hand,  think  that  Girard  and  Aden^  were 
indebted  to  a  common  source,  Chauvin  holding  that  this 
source  was  a  Spanish  poem  printed  with  an  old  Spanish 
translation  of  The  Thousand  and  One  Nights,  and  Paris 
thinking  that  it  was  an  abridged  French  form  of  a  Spanish 
oral  version. 

Whichever  of  the  above  views  is  accepted,  the  MUiaein  is 
of  interest  in  connection  with  the  English  poem.  Here,  as 
in  the  case  of  the  CUomad^,  there  are  points  of  contact  with 
England.  Girard  dedicated  his  Escanor  to  Eleonore,  wife 
of  Edward  the  First.  Moreover,  he  shows  in  that  story 
such  &miliarity  with  the  topography  of  England  as  to 
warrant  the  supposition  that  he  once  resided  at  the  English 
court.*  Granted  this,  his  poems  were  probably  well  known 
in  England  fifty  years  before  Chaucer  was  bom,  and  the 
M^iadn,  closely  resembling  the  CUomad^,  may  have  done 
something  to  strengthen  the  popularity  of  the  story  in  Chau- 
cer's country. 

What  I  have  said  of  the  association  between  Aden^s  and 
Girard  and  the  English  court  may  be  gratuitous.  Chaucer, 
who  was  a  hungry  reader,  would  probably  in  any  case  have 
known  romances  which  were  well  liked  across  the  channel. 
But  I  would  not  only  show  that  Chaucer  probably  knew  the 
CUomad^  story,  but  would  further  seek  to  explain  why  he 
selected  a  tale  which,  in  itself,  did  not  seem  to  attract  him. 

1  Orufidri88,  2,  787  fif. 

*  Pa4X)Ut  et  les  MiUe  et  une  NutiSj  WalUmia,  Jarwier-Fhrrier^  1898,  5  flf. 

*  Zettachriftfur  romanisehe  PhilologiCf  xi,  421  ff. 

^jBomomo,  27,  325  fiF.   (Beview  of  Chaavin,  PacoUt  et  lea  MiUe  et  une 
Huils). 

*  Grober,  Orundriu,  2,  786. 


350  H.   8.   v.   JONES. 

He  may  well  have  chosen  the  story  of  the  cheval  de  fusty  no 
simply  because  the  tale  was  fiunous,  but  because  Aden^  an< 
Giraid^  though  dead  for  almost  a  hundred  years^  were  stil 
remembered  at  the  English  court.  Just  which  version  o 
the  story  Chaucer  followed,  and  to  just  what  extent  he 
changed  that  version,  are  questions  yet  to  be  answered.  For 
the  present  it  may  be  of  interest  to  indicate  the  points  of 
similarity  and  difference  between  the  EnglUh  fragment  and 
the  French  romances,  and  then  to  point  out  some  noteworthy 
associations  of  the  ClSomad^  story  with  magic  elements 
found  in  the  Squire^s  Tale  but  not  appearing  in  the  narrative 
proper  of  either  the  Cliomad^  or  the  Miliacin. 

Assuming  on  the  part  of  my  reader  an  acquaintance  with 
the  Squires  Tale,  I  shall  give  a  brief  sunmiary  of  the 
CUomad^: — Marcadigas,  son  of  Caldus,  king  of  Sardinia, 
marries  Ynabele,  daughter  of  the  king  of  Spain.  They 
have  one  son,  Cl6omad^;  and  three  daughters,  Elyador, 
Feniadisse,  and  Marine.  Marcadigas  is  visited  on  his  birth- 
day, May  the  first,  by  three  kings :  Melocandis,  king  of 
Barbary ;  Baldigans,  king  of  Armenia ;  and  Crompart,  ^i^g 
of  Bugia.  They  bring  rich  and  curious  gifts :  Melocandis 
gives  a  golden  hen  and  three  golden  chickens,  capable  of 
walking  and  singing ;  Baldigans,  a  man  of  gold,  who  blows 
a  golden  trumpet  at  the  approach  of  treason ;  Crompart,  a 
horse  of  ebony,  which  is  governed  by  pins.  In  return  for 
these  gift»  the  three  kings  ask  the  three  daughters  of  Marca- 
digas in  marriage.  Elyador  and  Feniadisse  are  well  pleased, 
because  to  their  lot  have  fallen  the  handsome  knights,  Melo- 
candis and  Baldigans.  Marine,  the  most  beautiful  of  the 
daughters  of  Marcadigas,  is,  on  the  contrary,  sorely  grieved, 
because  Crompart,  who  wishes  to  marry  her,  is  marvellously 
ugly.  Turning  in  distress  to  her  brother,  Cl6omad^,  she 
b^  him  to  deliver  her  from  the  loathsome  knight.  The 
prince  takes  his  sister's  part,  and,  in  quarrelsome  mood. 


OBSEBVATIONS  UPON  THE  SQUIBE^S  TALE.  361 

tells  Crompart  that  his  horse  is  no  good.  ''Try  it/'  says 
Crompart  Clfomad^,  mounting,  turns  a  pin  which  sets  the 
Lorse  flying  through  the  air.  The  prince,  unacquainted  with 
the  use  of  the  pins,  is  unable  either  to  guide  or  to  stop  his 
steed. 

Cl^omad^  hastens  over  the  country  until  by  persistent 
experiment  he  has  learned  the  mechanism  of  his  horse.  He 
then  alights  upon  a  tower,  and,  passing  through  a  trap-door, 
finds  his  way  to  a  chamber  in  which  the  &ir  Clar^ondine 
is  asleep.  As  soon  as  she  awakens,  he  declares  his  love  for 
her ;  but  shortly  after  he  is  taken  by  the  lady's  angry  father. 
Condemned  to  death,  he  iCsks  the  privil^e  of  dying  upon 
his  horse.  The  request  is  granted ;  but  no  sooner  has  the 
prince  mounted  than  he  makes  off.  He  proceeds  to  the  court 
of  Seville,  where  the  marriages  of  Melocandis  and  Baldigans 
are  celebrated.  Crompart,  in  the  meanwhile,  had  been 
banished,  and  resided  in  the  neighborhood  of  Seville  attend- 
ing the  sick. 

Soon  after  his  sisters  are  married,  Clfomadds  sets  out  to 
obtain  Clar^ondine.  He  succeeds  without  difficulty  in 
finding  her  and  in  bringing  her  back  to  Seville.  Unfortu- 
nately, however,  he  leaves  her  outside  of  the  city  while  he 
goes  to  prepare  for  her  arrival.  Crompart  finding  Clar^ 
mondine  pretends  that  he  has  been  sent  to  escort  her  into 
the  city.  They  mount  upon  the  horse  and  Crompart  carries 
her  Z,  fo.  L  «ti^oa  of  hU  ta.  ».d  ^^  r^^ 
The  rest  of  the  romance  recounts  the  various  adventures  of 
Clfomad^  m  recovering  Clar^mondine  and  in  bringmg  her 
back  to  Seville. 

One  incident  in  these  adventures  is  worthy  of  special 
comment.  Cl^omad^,  having  directed  his  search  toward 
the  kingdom  of  Tuscany,  comes  to  a  castle,  where  he  asks 
hospitality.  After  he  has  been  well  received  he  is  told  that 
a  strange  custom  prevails  at  that  castle :  every  man  enter- 


352  H.   8.   V.   JONES. 

tained  there  should  the  following  morning  either  leave  his 
arms  and  his  horse  behind  or  should  singly  engage  two 
brave  knights.  Cl6omad^  chooses  the  latter  alternative  and 
next  morning  engages  the  two  knights.     He  is  victorious.^ 

The  points  of  difference  between  the  CUomad^  and 
Chaucer's  story  are  numerous  and  obvious.  In  ClSomad^s 
three  kings  come  to  the  king  of  Seville,  and  in  return  for 
their  three  gifts  ask  his  daughters  in  marriage ;  in  Chaucer 
one  knight  from  "  the  king  of  Arabic  and  Inde "  brings  to 
the  king  of  Tartarye  four  gifts,  asking  nothing  in  return. 
Moreover  except  in  one  instance  the  gifts  are  different.  In 
Cliomad^  they  are :  a  horse  of  ebony,  a  golden  man  with 
a  golden  trumpet,  which  he  blows  at  the  approach  of  treason, 
and  a  golden  hen  with  three  golden  chickens.  In  Chaucer : 
a  horse  of  brass,  a  magic  mirror,  a  magic  ring,  and  a  magic 
sword.  The  names,  too,  of  places  and  persons  are  wholly 
different  in  the  two  stories.  In  the  ClSomad^,  moreover, 
there  is  nothing  corresponding  to  the  incident  of  Canaoee 
and  "  the  falcon  peregrine." 

On  the  other  hand  the  occasion  is  in  each  case  a  birthday 
feast  with  the  making  of  gifts.  In  each  there  are :  a  magic 
horse,  operated  in  like  manner,  although  of  different  mate- 
rial ;  a  present  which  has  the  virtue  of  discovering  treason, 
although  Chaucer's  mirror  is  more  useful  than  the  golden 
man  in  that  it  discovers  treason  in  love  as  well  as  treason 
against  the  state.  Moreover  the  following  passage  seems  to 
point  to  some  such  adventures  as  those  of  Cl6omad^  and 
Clar^mondine : 

''And  after  wol  I  speke  of  Algarsyf, 
How  that  he  wan  Theodora  to  his  wyf, 
For  whom  ful  ofte  in  greet  peril  he  was, 
Ne  hadde  he  ben  holpen  by  the  stede  of  bras.''  * 

^  CUomacUii,  9486  ff.  ^SquMs  Tale,  655  ff. 


OBSERVATIONS  UPON   THE   SQUIRE's  TALE.  353 

Eesides^  this  other  passage  may  allude  to  the  contest  with 
the  two  knights  at  the  castle  of  the  discourteous  custom : 

*  *  And  after  wol  I  speke  of  Cambalo, 
That  faught  in  listes  with  the  bretheren  two 
For  Canacee,  er  that  he  mighte  her  winne."  ' 

Notwithstanding,  then,  many  points  of  difference  between 
the  Cl6omad^  and  the  Squire^a  Tale,  I  am  inclined  to  agree 
with  Mr.  Clouston  that  the  similarity  of  the  two  stories  is 
not  "  merely  fortuitous." 

What  has  been  said  for  the  Clioniad^  iRay>  for  the  most 
part,  be  said  for  the  MSliacin.  There  are,  indeed,  obvious 
particulars  in  which  Girard's  romance  differs  from  Aden^'.* 
The  names  are  wholly  different ;  the  scene  of  the  MUiacin 
is  laid  in  Asia ;  the  three  visitors  to  the  king  of  the  Grande 
JErmeme  are  clerks,  not  kings ;  *  the  figure  with  the  trumpet 
is  made  of  brass  and  the  trumpet  of  silver ;  moreover  the 
figure  is  to  be  placed  over  the  gate  of  a  city  or  of  a  castle, 
where  it  will  sound  the  trumpet  whenever  anyone  enters. 
There  are,  too,  many  divergencies  in  the  incidents.  M^liacin, 
taken  captive  by  C6linde's  father,  does  not  as  Cl6omad6s  in 
the  same  situation  ask  for  the  privilege  of  dying  upon  his 
horse,  but  proposes  to  fight  five  warriors  and  for  this  purpose 
asks  for  his  horse.  Moreover,  there  is  in  the  MUiaxsin  after 
the  hero's  first  return  to  Ermenie  a  long  episode,  to  which 
nothing  corresponds  in  the  CUomad^.  There  is  in  the 
MUiacin  a  contest  with  a  giant  Rob^ron,  corresponding  to 
Cl^madds'  contest  with  the  two  knights  at  the  castle  of  the 
discourteous  custom.  These  are  only  a  few  of  the  differ- 
ences between  the  Miliaxnn  and  the  Cliomad^.  They  are 
sufficient,  however,  for  our   purpose.     The  setting  of  the 

*  Squire  $  Tale,  659  ff. 

*  Histotre  lUUraire,  xxxi,  183  ff. 

'  In  the  Arabian  Nights  story  they  are  sages.  Lane,  Arabian  Nights^  u, 
464. 


354  H.  8.  y.  JONES. 

Miliadn  is,  like  that  of  the  Squires  Talcy  Eastern ;  on  the 
other  hand  the  contest  with  "the  brethren  two''  does  not 
appear. 

II. 

The  interest  of  the  CUomad^  and  the  Mdiacin  as  ana- 
logues to  the  Squires  Tale  would,  of  course,  be  enhanced, 
if  we  could  account  in  some  measure  for  the  divergences 
between  the  French  romances  and  Chaucer's  story.  With 
this  in  view  I  shall  indicate  some  associations  of  the  Clio- 
mad^  with  magic  elements,  found  in  Chaucer  but  not 
appearing  in  the  stories  of  Aden^s  or  Girard. 

Corresponding  to  the  figure  with  a  trumpet  we  find  in  the 
Squir(^8  Tale  a  magic  mirror.  With  this  magic  means  of 
discovering  treason  Chaucer  must  have  been  more  fiuniliar 
than  with  that  employed  by  the  French  romancers.  It  is 
similar  to  Virgil's  mirror,  which  is  described  in  Gower's 
Ccmfesaio  Amantia,^  and  in  the  English  metrical  version  of 
the  Seven  Wise  Masters.*  The  piece  of  poetical  machinery 
appears  to  have  been  well  known ;  whereas  the  man  with 
the  trumpet  was  at  least  not  common.  There  are,  moreover, 
two  allusions  to  mirrors,  magic  in  one  case  and  not  magic  in 
the  other,  which  may  lead  to  an  explanation  of  the  gift  to 
Canacee.  Their  interest  largely  consists  in  their  association 
with  the  Clknnad^,  They  are  to  be  found  in  Aden^ 
poem  itself,  and  in  Froissart's  L'Espinette  Amoureuse.^ 

The  writer  of  the  ClSomad^,  speaking  of  the  magic  gifts, 
says :  "  People  sometimes  ask  how  such  things,  of  which  I 
have  told  you,  can  be  done.     Do  you  know  what  I  tell 

'  Ckmfessio  AmantiSf  Book  v,  2031  ff. 

«  Weber,  m,  The  Sevyn  Sayes,  2070  ff. 

■  L'EnpineUe  appears  to  have  been  written  before  November,  1373.  Com- 
pare Le  Jdi  Buisaofiy  443  ff.  (u,  14)  with  ib.,  859-60  (n,  26).  See  .EVi^. 
Stud.,  XXVI,  327-9. 


OBSEBYATIONS  UPON  THE  SQUIBE^S  TALE.  355 

them?  I  say  that  n^romancy  is  a  very  wonderful  clergy ; 
for  one  has  done  many  a  marvel  with  it.''  The  poet  then 
indulges  in  a  long  digression  in  which  he  tells  of  the  wonders 
of  Virgil.  First  comes  the  story  of  two  castles  founded 
upon  two  eggs  in  the  sea ;  then  an  account  of  Virgil's  bath 
which  gives  healing  to  the  sick ;  of  a  horse  of  metal  upon  a 
pillar,  by  being  tied  to  which  sick  horses  were  cured.  After 
narrating  these  wonders  the  poet  continues : — ''At  Rome,  in 
truth,  Viigil  made  a  very  much  greater  thing ;  for  he  made 
there  a  mirror  from  which  one  could  know  well,  by  the 
reflection  in  it,  if  any  subject  planned  treason  against  Rome." 
Then  follow  the  stories  of  a  mouse  of  brass,  which  kept  all 
mice  out  of  Naples,  and  of  Virgil's  fire,  near  which  was  an 
archer,  made  of  copper.  On  his  forehead  was  written  in 
Hebrew  :  "  If  any  one  strikes  me,  I  shall  shoot"  One  day 
a  man  struck  the  figure,  which  forthwith  shot  an  arrow  into 
the  fire,  extinguishing  it.  There  is,  ftirther,  the  account  of 
four  men  of  stone,  representing  the  different  seasons ;  as  the 
seasons  changed  they  passed  from  one  to  another  a  large 
brass  apple. 

This  passage  occurs  in  the  Cliomad^  where  the  poet  is 
describing  the  gifts  presented  to  king  Marcadigas.*  As  it 
has  a  two-fold  interest  I  quote  it  at  length.  In  the  first 
place  we  have  here  the  magic  mirror  that  reveals  treason. 
Then,  too,  it  will  be  noticed  that  most  of  Virgil's  images  are 
made  of  metal :  the  horse  upon  the  pillar,  the  mouse,  the 
archer,  the  apple.  If  Canacee's  mirror  may  be  traced 
directly  or  indirectly  to  the  stock  of  Virgil's  wonders,  may 
"we  not  find  there  also  a  reason  for  the  horse  of  brass, 
instead  of  Aden^s'  horse  of  wood?' 

Another  association  of  a  mirror  with  the  CSiomad^  appears 

1  CUamad^,  1639  ff. 

'  In  the  English  prose  Virgil  there  is  actually  a  magic  horae  of  copper. 
See  Thorn,  Early  Prase  Itomanees,  u,  x. 


356  H.   8.   V.   JONES. 

in  Froissarfs  VE»pinette  Amoureuse.  At  line  700  of  thi^^^- 
poem  the  knight  asks  his  lady  what  she  is  reading.  ''  It  is 
called  Cl6oniad^s,"  she  answers,  "  I  shall  read  of  it  to  you, 
and  you  will  tell  me  how  you  like  it.'*  She  then  reads, 
while  the  knight  is  busy  studying  her  conventional  charms. 
Somewhat  over  1650  lines  further  on* — not  so  far,  as  dis- 
tances are  reckoned  in  romances — the  hero  determines  to 
cross  the  sea  that  he  may  restore  his  health.  Before  he 
leaves  his  lady,  however,  she  gives  him  a  mirror.  When 
far  away,  he  is  once  looking  in  this  mirror.  Thinking  how 
often  it  has  reflected  the  face  of  his  love,  he  seems  to  see 
her.  On  another  occasion  he  puts  the  mirror  under  his 
pillow,  goes  to  sleep,  and  sees  the  loved  one  in  his  dream. 
In  his  sleep  he  says,  "  This  a  phantom  !  by  no  means ; " 
and  then  recalls  a  story  of  Papirus  and  Ydor^,  which 
Froissart  is  pleased  to  attribute  to  Ovid.  At  line  2583  ff. 
we  read : — 

"  Se  Diex  me  gart, 
Je  vodroie  qu'il  peuist  estre 
Que  je  ressamblasse  le  mestre 
Qui  fist  le  mireoir  ^  Bomme 
Dont  estoient  veii  li  homme 
Qui  chevaupoient  environ. 
Se  le  sens  avoie  ossi  bon 
Que  oils  qui  le  mireoir  fist, 
En  cesti  ci,  par  Jhesu  Crist, 
£n  quelconques  lieu  que  j'iroie 
Ma  dame  apertement  veroie.'' ' 

Scheler,  in  his  edition  of  Froissart,  suggests  that  the  poet 
here  recalls  the  passage  which  I  have  already  quoted  from 
the  CUoTtiad^}  If  so,  and  even  if  a  magic  mirror  were  not 
one  of  the  gifts  in  any  form  of  the  CUomad^  story,  Chaucer, 
who   very  probably  knew   Froissart's  poems,  might  have 

1  CUamad^,  2382  fiP.  *  L' EspineUe,  2583  ff. 

*M.  Aug.  Scheler,  (Euwea  de  Froisaart,  Bruxelles,  1870,  i,  384. 


OBSERVATIONS  UPON   THE  SQUIBE's  TALE.  357 

associated  these  lines  with  the  CUomadhi;  especially  since 
that  romance  had  been  previously  mentioned  by  name  in 
VEspvnMe.  Certainly  the  passage  in  which  Froissart  prettily 
describes  the  lover  going  to  sleep  with  the  mirror  under  his 
pillow,  as  well  as  the  pleasing  narrative  of  Papirus  and 
Ydorfe,  would  have  served  to  impress  the  minor  fiction 
upon  Chaucer's  mind.  Yet  we  need  not  rest  our  case  for 
the  Froissart  passage  solely  on  these  groimds.  There  are 
more  definite  reasons  for  connecting  the  passage  in  L'Espinette 
with  the  Squires  Tale. 

Eefore  advancing  these  reasons  I  need  to  present  two 
quotations  from  Chaucer's  poem.  The  first  will  be  found  at 
line  132  ff.:— 

''  This  mironr  eek,  that  I  have  in  myn  hond, 
Hath  swich  a  might,  that  men  may  in  it  see 
When  ther  shal  fallen  any  adversitee 
Un-to  yoor  regne  or  to  your-self  also ; 
And  openly  who  is  your  freend  or  foo. 
And  over  al  this,  if  any  lady  bright 
Hath,  set  hir  herte  on  any  maner  wight, 
If  he  be  fals,  she  shal  his  treson  see, 
His  newe  love  and  al  his  subtiltee 
So  openly,  that  ther  shal  no-thing  hyde.'' 

The  other  passage  is  at  line  367  ff. : — 

''And  slepte  hir  firste  sleep,  and  thanne  awook. 
For  swich  a  joye  she  in  hir  herte  took 
Both  of  hir  queynte  ring  and  hir  mirour, 
That  twenty  tyme  she  changed  hir  colour ; 
And  in  hir  slepe,  right  for  impresaioun 
Of  hir  mirour,  she  hadde  a  visioun.'' 

The  mirror,  as  described  in  the  first  passage  by  the 
messenger  from  the  king  of  Arabic  and  of  Inde,  makes 
sorrowful  revelations :  it  shows  a  lady  the  fisJseness  of  her 
lover.  In  the  second  quotation  Canacee,  in  her  first  sleep, 
*'  right  for  impressioun  of  hir  mirour "  had  a  vision,  from 
11 


858  H.   S.   v.   JONES. 

which  she  awakes  to  have  sach  joy  of  her  gifts  that  she 
changes  color  twenty  times.  Are  we  to  suppose  that  Canacee 
has  been  dreaming  either  of  the  messenger  from  the  Eastern 
kin£:  or  of  that  kine  himself,  and  that  she  has  had  sweet 
^sns,  not  from  any  magic  p^perty  of  the  ring  and  mirror, 
but  simply  from  remembrance  of  them  ?  The  passage  would 
be  more  easily  intelligible  if  we  could  suppose  here  a  remi- 
niscence of  Froissart's  mirror  rather  than  Virgil's.  Some 
lines  from  L'Eapineite  seem  to  give  a  degree  of  likelihood  to 
this  conjecture.  The  knight  in  a  portion  of  that  romance 
already  alluded  to  puts  his  mirror  under  his  pillow  and  goes 
to  sleep.     He  dreams  that  he  sees  a  reflection  of  his  lady : — 

<<  De  mon  mireoir  me  prenc  garde, 
Qae  g'i  vol  PimpresBion  pure 
De  ma  dame  et  de  sa  figure 
Qui  se  miroit  au  mireoir.'' ' 

I  suggest  that  Canacee's  dream  was  similar  to  the  knight's 
here  described^  and  that  '^mpressioun  of  hir  mirour'^  may  be 
an  echo  of  "I'impression  ....  qui  se  miroit  au  mireoir." 

There  are,  moreover,  other  lines  in  the  Squires  Tale  which 
are  of  interest  in  connection  with  another  portion  of  this 
same  passage  in  L'Espinette.    We  read  in  Chaucer's  poem: — 

''Another  answerde  and  seyde  it  mjghte  wel  be 
Naturelly,  by  compoeiciouns 
Of  angles  and  of  slye  reflexiouns, 
And  seyden,  that  in  Borne  was  swich  oon."  * 

We  have  here  possibly  an  allusion  to  Virgil's  mirror.  The 
description,  however,  answers  as  closely  at  least  to  the  mirror 
in  Froissart's  episode  of  Papirus  and  Ydorfe ;  and  there  are, 
besides,  similarities  of  wording  between  the  passages  in  the 
English  and  in  the  French  poem.  The  knight,  still  dreaming 
of  his  lady  and  his  mirror,  says : — 

^  UEspmetU^  2623  ff.  >  S^^s  IhU,  220  ff. 


iHt 


OBSERVATIONS  UPON   THE  SQUIRE^S  TALE.  369 

**Cettfantomme/^ 
Non  est;  car  j&  ayint  d Bomme 
De  deux  amans  Fuevre  pareille 
Tdty  si  n'est  paa  grant  merveille 
De  oeste  ci,  quant  bien  m'avise, 
Ensi  qu'  Oyides  le  devise."  * 

^  ^  to  be  noted  that  the  mirror  in  this  episode  is^  unlike 
^^t  m  the  narrative  proper  of  L'Espinette,  a  magic  mirror. 
^'  is  like  Canacee's  mirror,  as  described  by  the  messenger 
"^^^^  "Arabic/'  but  unlike  Virgil's,  in  that  it  is  usefiil  in 
*^^ir8  of  love.  It  is,  too,  so  closely  associated  with  the  other 
^^^^^^r  in  VEspinette  that  Chaucer  might  have  combined 
**^«    two. 

^JThese  possible  echoes  of  Froissart  in  the  Squires  Tale 
^^^^n  to  ring  true.  If  we  credit  them,  we  have  one  more 
^^^^tiance  of  the  influence  of  the  famous  poet-chronicler  upon 
vti^uoer. 

Should  we  fiirther  believe  that  our  poet  knew  the  GKo- 

fl^-^^^cfes   and  was   directly  or   indirectly  indebted   to  it  for 

prominent  incidents  in  his  proposed  narrative,  we  might  be 

W  to  ask  under  what  circumstances  the  Squires  Tale  was 

composed.     The  question  is  a  perilous  one;  and  with  the 

data  at  hand  no  answer  can  safely  be  given.     In  general, 

however,  two  possibilities  face  us  :  on  the  one  hand  that  the 

CUomad^y  retaining  much  of  Aden^'  plot,  was  in  some 

redaction  brought  nearer  to  Chaucer's  poem ;  on  the  other, 

that  Chaucer,  taking  suggestions  from  many  quarters,  was 

trying  to  write  a  romance  for  himself.     All  that  we  now 

know  of  Chaucer's  work-shop  certainly  favors  the  former 

alternative. 

H.  S.  V.  Jones. 

'  Professor  Kittredge  has  suggested  to  me  this  punctuation.    Scheler  puts 
JIG  exclamation  point  after /aTitoiTime. 
»  VEgpineUe,  2661  ff. 


XI.— REPETITION  AND  PARALLELISM   IN  THE 
EARLIER  ELIZABETHAN   DRAMA.    . 

The  main  object  of  this  study  is  to  call  attention  to 
certain  characteristics  of  ^style  that  may  serve  as  evidence 
in  determining  questions  of  authorship  and  relation  of  plays 
within  the  period  treated ;  to  develop  a  small  and,  perhaps, 
rather  rough  instrument  of  research,  which  will  hardly  rise 
to  the  dignity  of  a  "test,"  but  may  serve  as  a  usefiil 
auxiliary  to  more  significant  criteria.  No  attempt  lias  been 
made  to  complete  the  study  on  the  rhetorical  side ;  attention 
has  been  given  generally  only  to  such  matters  as  seemed 
important  for  the  main  purpose.  A  simple  but  sufficiently 
precise  terminology  lias  been  used,  and  it  has  not  been 
thought  worth  while  to  discuss  its  relation  to  the  formal 
terminology  of  ancient  or  modem  rhetorical  treatises.  All 
the  forms  here  discussed  are  found  in  contemporary  poetry 
other  than  the  drama,  especially  in  the  work  of  the  sonneteers. 

By  repetition  is  meant  tlie  use  of  the  same  word  or  words 
in  the  same  line,  or  in  succeeding  lines  of  verse ;  where  there 
is  more  than  one  word  in  the  unit  repeated,  the  term  repeti- 
tion implies  the  same  words  in  the  same  order. 

Examples :  * 

*  The  following  editions  are  referred  to  : — 

The  Cambridge  Shakespeare^  edited  by  W.  A.  Wright. 

The  Works  of  Christopher  Marlowe^  edited  by  A.  H.  Bullen,  Londoiii  3 
vols.,  1885. 

The  Life  and  Works  of  Robert  Greene^  edited  by  Rev.  A.  B.  Groeart,  Huth 
Library,  15  vols.,  1881-86. 

The  Works  of  George  PeeU,  edited  by  A.  H.  BuUen,  2  vols.,  London,  1888. 

The  Works  of  Thomas  Kyd,  edited  by  F.  S.  Boas,  Oxford,  1901. 

Locrine,  The  Doubtful  Plays  of  William  Shakespeare^  by  William  Hazlitt, 
London,  1859,  pp.  57-104. 

360 


REPETITION   AND    PARALLELISM.  361 

**  Locrine,  draw  near,  draw  near  unto  thy  sire." 

Locriney  i,  1,  146. 

« 

'*  If  all  my  care,  if  all  my  grievous  wounds.'' 

Locnntj  i,  1,  122. 

"And  lastly  for  revenge,  for  deep  revenge." 

Battle  of  Aloasar,  iv,  2,  94. 

By  parallelism  is  meaDt  the  use  of  the  same  form  of 
expression  in  the  same  line^  or  in  succeeding  lines  of  verse, 
the  parallel  expressions  occupying  the  same  relative  place  in 
the  structure  of  the  verse. 

Examples : 

''  Witness  this  wretched  stump,  witness  these  crimson  lines." 

Tiius  AndronieuBy  v,  2,  22. 

''  Short  is  the  race,  prefixed  is  the  end  ; 
Swift  is  the  time,  wherein  man's  life  doth  run." 

Mufortune8  of  Arthur^  Epilogus. 

**  O  life,  the  harbour  of  calamities ! 
O  death,  the  haven  of  all  miseries ! " 

Locriney  iv,  1,  66-7. 

It  will  at  once  be  apparent  that  the  terms  repetition  and 
parallelism,  as  it  is  proposed  to  use  them,  are  not  mutually 
exclusive.  In  all  repetition  where  the  repeated  unit  con- 
sists of  more  than  a  single  word  parallelism  is  found.  On 
the  other  hand,  in  any  case  of  parallelism,  in  addition  to 
correspondence  of  form,  we  may  have  identity  of  words  to  a 
greater  or  less  extent.  Repetition,  where  the  repeated  unit 
consists  of  more  than  one  word,  necessarily  implies  parallel- 
ism, but  parallelism  does  not  necessarily  imply  repetition. 
As  a  matter  of  fact,  however,  there  are  very  few  examples 
of  parallelism  without  some  repetition. 

In  verse,  parallelism  is  usually  related  to  verse  structure, 

Mi^oriunes  of  Arthur f  Old  English  PlaySj  Dodsley-Hazlitt,  voL  4,  pp.  249- 
343. 

Wounds  of  CivU  War^  Old  English  Plays,  Dodsley-Hazlitt,  voL  7,  pp.  97- 
197. 


362  F.   O.   HUBBARD. 

that  is^  the  first  half  of  a  line  is  parallel  to  the  seoond  half 
of  the  same  line^  or  one  line  is  parallel  to  the  next  line^  or 
the  first  half  of  one  line  is  parallel  to  the  first  half  of  the 
next  line,  or  alternate  lines  are  parallel  in  whole  or  in  part. 
For  this  reason  the  study  has  been  limited  to  only  those 
cases  in  which  the  parallel  expressions  occupy  the  same 
relative  place  in  the  structure  of  the  verse.  Of  parallel 
expressions  that  are  found  in  the  same  line  only  one  case 
has  been  considered,  namely,  where  the  first  half  of  a  verse 
is  parallel  to  the  second  half.  No  particular  attention  has 
been  given  to  cases  where  the  second  half  of  one  line  is 
parallel  to  the  first  half  of  the  next  line,  although  some 
examples  have  been  noted. 

Both  repetition  and  parallelism  appear  in  a  great  variety 
of  forms  in  the  earlier  Elizabethan  drama;  a  complete 
description  and  classification  of  these  forms  would  be  a  long 
and  tedious  matter,  and  not  particularly  profitable  for  the 
purpose  of  this  study.  I  shall,  therefore,  describe  and 
illustrate  only  the  more  common  forms,  and  those  that 
appear  to  be  most  significant  as  evidence  in  helping  to 
determine  the  authorship  and  relation  of  plays.  In  the 
following  pages  ten  forms  are  described  and  illustrated. 

Forms  of  Repetition  and  Parallelism. 

1.    Simple  repetition  of  a  word  or  two. 
Examples : 

''Follow  me,  soldiers,  follow  Albanact" 

LocnMy  n,  5,  20. 

''The  babe  is  sick,  sick  to  the  death,  I  fear.'' 

David  and  Bethaate,  4,  12. 

"Deep  night,  dark  night,  the  silent  of  the  night.'' 

i8  Henry  VI,  I,  4,  16. 

"All  truth,  all  trust,  all  blood,  all  bands  be  broke  I " 

Mirfortunes  o/ArihuTf  m,  4. 


BEPETinON   AND   PARALLELISM.  363 

2.  RepdUion  of  a  word  or  words  with  an  added  epUhd. 
Examples : 

''These  arms,  my  lords,  these  neyer-daanted  arms." 

Loerine,  i,  1, 12. 

**  Bat  this  fool  day,  this  foul  accursed  day." 

Loerinef  n,  ProL,  12. 

"  Behold  the  wounds,  the  most  unnatural  wounds." 

la  Henry  VI,  m,  3,  60. 

''And  in  the  morning  sound  the  voice  of  war, 
The  voice  of  bloody  and  unkindly  war." 

Damd  and  Bethaabe,  10,  107-8. 

This  form  is  comparatively  rare;  I  have  fomid  it  only  in 
Locrine^  1st  Henry  TT,  and  Peele's  plays. 

3.  The  first  half  of  a  line  is  parallel  to  the  second  half  of 
the  same  line. 

Examples : 

"Iniurious  traytour,  monstrous  homicide." 

Spanuh  Tragedy,  m,  1,  57. 

"Witness  this  wretched  stump,  witness  these  crimson  lines." 

Titw  AndrcmeuSy  y,  2,  22. 

"Who  spake  of  brotherhood?  who  spake  of  love?" 

Richard  UI,  n,  1,  108. 

"  That  bottled  spider,  that  foul  bunch-back'd  toad  I " 

Richard  HI,  IV,  4,  81. 

4.  Two  or  more  successive  lines  begin  with  the  same  word 
or  two,  or  with  the  same  word  foUowed  by  one  in  parallel 
canstrudum. 

Examples : 

"And  do  him  homage  as  obedient  subjects ; 
And  FU  withdraw  me  and  my  bloody  power." 

lit  Henry  VI,  TV,  2,  7-8. 

"  Your  claim  required  no  less  than  those  attempts 
Your  cause  right  good  was  prais'd  and  pray'd  for  most" 

MUf&riwnM  tf  Arthur,  v,  1. 


364  F.   O.    HUBBABD. 

**  There  were  prepar'd  the  foreign  aids  from  far : 
There  were  the  borrowed  powers  of  divers  kings  ; 
There  were  our  parents,  brethren,  sons  and  kin." 

Misfortunes  of  Arthur j  n,  1. 

This  is  the  most  common^  and  probably  the  least  significant 
of  all  the  forms ;  it  is  found  with  varying  frequency  in  all 
early  Elizabedian  plays.  It  is  probable,  as  Sarrazin  points 
out  {AngUa,  13,  127),  that  it  is  to  this  practice  of  beginning 
successive  lines  with  the  same  word  that  Nash  refers  (in  the 
prefetory  epistle  to  Greene's  Menaphon)  in  the  expression 
"  to  bodge  vp  a  blanke  verse  with  ifs  and  ands."  * 

5.  Tkco  or  more  successive  lines  end  with  the  same  word 
or  two,  or  with  the  same  word  preceded  by  one  in  parallel 
construction. 

Examples : 

''  As  if  we  should  forget  we  had  no  hands, 
If  Marcus  did  not  name  the  word  of  hands ! '' 

Titus  Andronicus,  ill,  2,  32-3. 

**  Coal-black  is  better  than  another  hue, 
In  that  it  scorns  to  bear  another  hue.'' 

Titus  AndrtmicuSf  iv,  2,  99-100. 

**0,  but  impatience  waiteth  on  true  sorrow. 
And  see  where  comes  the  breeder  of  my  sorrow ! " 

Sd  Henry  VI,  m,  3,  42-3. 

This  is  a  rare  form,  but  it  is  sometimes  used  with  marked 
effect,  particularly  where  the  repeated  words  end  a  number 
of  successive  lines. 

6.  The  first  half  of  a  line  is  parallel  to  (lie  first  half  of  one 
or  more  succeeding  lines. 

*  Cheen^s  Works,  edited  by  Grosart  (Huth  Library),  vi,  p.  16. 

For  another  explanation  of  this  expression,  see  Boas,  The  Works  of  Thomajs 
Kyd,  Intro.,  p.  xxix  ;  Koppel,  Engl,  Stud,,  18,  p.  131 ;  Schick,  The  Spanish 
Tragedy  {Temple  Dramatists),  Intro.,  p.  xii. 


KEPETITION  AND   PARALLELISM.  365 

Examples : 

''  Dost  thou  not  tremble  at  our  royal  looks? 
Doet  thou  not  quake,  when  mighty  Locrine  frowns?" 

Loerine,  v,  1,  4S-4. 

''  With  sails  and  oars  to  cross  the  swelling  seas, 
With  men  and  ships,  courage  and  cannon-shot'' 

Battle  ofAleaMcaTf  ni,  ProL,  4-5. 

^*  Is  this  the  loue  thou  bearst  HorcUiof 
Is  this  the  kindnes  that  thou  counterfeits? 
Are  these  the  fruits  of  thine  incessant  teares?" 

Spanish  Tragedy y  IV,  1,  1-3. 

**  Thus  must  we  worke  that  will  auoide  distrust ; 
Thus  must  we  practise  to  preuent  mishap.'' 

Spaniah  Tragedy,  m,  2,  105-6. 

'*  That  keeps  his  seat  and  sceptre  all  in  fear ; 
That  wears  his  crown  in  eye  of  all  the  world." 

Battle  of  AUxmsT,  m,  4,  41-2. 

7.  TKt  second  half  of  a  line  is  parallel  to  the  second  half  of 
one  or  more  siicceeding  lines. 

Examples : 

# 

'^  My  bowels  cry,  Humber,  give  us  some  meat 
But  wretched  Humber  can  give  you  no  meat" 

Locrine,  IV,  2,  15-16. 

''  On  whom  I  doted  more  then  all  the  world. 
Because  she  lou'd  me  more  then  all  the  world." 

Spanish  Tragedy,  n,  6,  5-6. 

**Ihich,      What  means  this  scene  of  rude  impatience  ? 
Q.  Eliz.  To  make  an  act  of  tragic  violence." 

Richard  III,  n,  2,  38-9. 

''So  am  I  left  to  wail  my  parents'  death, 
Not  able  for  to  work  my  proper  death." 

Locrine,  v,  4,  164-5. 

8.  Whole  lines  are  parallel  in  groups  of  two  or  more. 
Examples : 

**  For  now  revenge  shall  ease  my  lingering  grief. 
And  now  revenge  shall  glut  my  longing  soul." 

Locrine,  ni,  2,  34-5. 


366  F.   G.   HUBBARD. 

''  Locrine  may  well  bewail  his  proper  grief, 
Locrine  may  move  his  own  peculiar  woe." 

Locrine^  IV,  1,  83-4. 

''His  men  are  slaine,  a  weakening  to  his  Bealme ; 
His  colours  ceaz'd,  a  blot  unto  his  name ; 
His  Sonne  distrest,  a  corsiae  to  his  hart." 

Spanish  Tragedy^  I,  2,  141-3. 

**  She  is  a  woman,  therefore  may  be  wooM ; 
She  is  a  woman,  therefore  may  be  won  ; 
She  is  Lavinia,  therefore  must  be  loved." 

TUw  Andrtmieus,  n,  1,  82-4. 

9.  AUemate  lines  are  parallel.  Of  this  form  there  are 
two  principal  varieties :  A.  The  first  line  is  parallel  to  the 
third,  fifth,  &c.,  and  the  second  is  parallel  to  the  fourth, 
sixth,  &c.  B.  The  first  line  is  parallel  to  the  third,  fifth, 
&c.,  but  the  intervening  lines  have  no  parallel  structure. 

Examples : 

A.    ''  Hadst  thoa  no  time  thy  rancour  to  declare. 
But  in  the  spring  of  all  my  dignities  7 
Hadst  thou  no  place  to  spit  thy  venom  out, 
But  on  the  person  of  young  Albanact?" 

Locrine^  n,  5,  32-5. 

K  ''  'Tis  beauty  that  doth  oft  make  women  proud  ; 
But,  God  He  knows,  thy  share  thereof  is  small : 
'Tis  virtue  that  doth  make  them  most  admired ; 
The  contrary  doth  make  thee  wondered  at." 

Sd  Henry  VI,  I,  4,  128-31. 

10.  Progressive  rq>etition  and  parallelism.  In  this  form 
lines  or  half  lines  are  parallel,  and,  in  addition,  words  used 
in  the  second  half  of  one  line  are  repeated  in  the  first  half 
of  the  following  line.  This  is  the  most  elaborate  and  arti- 
ficial of  all  the  forms ;  its  occurrence  is  rare  except  in  Locrine 
and  The  Spanish  Tragedy. 

Examples : 

''  Where'er  Aurora,  handmaid  of  the  sun. 
Where'er  the  sun,  bright  guardian  of  the  day, 


BEPETinOK  AND  PARALLELISM.         367 

Wherever  the  joyfal  daj  with  cheerful  light. 
Where'er  the  light  illuminates  the  world, 
The  Trojans'  glory  flies  with  golden  wings, 
Wings  that  do  soar  beyond  fell  envy's  flight" 

Lomne^  i,  1,  51-6. 

''  Bright  Bethsabe  gives  earth  to  my  desires ; 
Verdure  to  earth ;  and  to  that  verdure  flowers ; 
To  flowers  sweet  odours ;  and  to  odours  wings." 

David  and  BethaabCf  1,  67-9. 

''  And  with  my  wonder  hasteth  on  my  woe, 
And  with  my  woe  I  am  assailed  with  fear, 
And  with  my  fear  await  with  faintful  breath." 

The  Wounds  of  OivU  War,  IV,  1. 

''  First,  in  his  hand  he  brandished  a  sword, 
And  with  that  sword  he  fiercely  waged  warre. 
And  in  that  warre  he  gaue  me  dangerous  wounds. 
And  by  those  wounds  he  forced  me  to  yeeld. 
And  by  my  yeelding  I  became  his  slaue  : 
Now,  in  his  mouth  he  carries  pleasing  words. 
Which  pleasing  wordes  doe  harbour  sweet  conceits, 
Which  sweet  conceits  are  lim'de  with  slie  deceits. 
Which  slie  deceits  smooth  Bd-^mperias  eares. 
And  through  her  eares  diue  downe  into  her  hart. 
And  in  her  hart  set  him  where  I  should  stand." 

Spanish  Tragedy,  n,  1,  119-29.^ 

^  This  passage  is  an  imitation  of  Watson's  Hecatompaihia,  Sonnet  ZLI 
(Arber's  Beprint,  p.  77),  as  is  suggested  in  a  general  way,  but  not  specifi- 
cally, by  Samudn  ( Thomas  Kyd  %md  sein  Kreisy  p.  7).  The  first  six  lines 
ol  Soimet  T«TTnT  (Arber,  p.  100)  may  also  have  been  imitated  here.  For 
other  imitations  and  borrowings  from  Watson  by  Kyd,  see  Doddey-Haxlilt, 
V,  p.  86 ;  Boas,  Works  of  Thomas  Kyd,  Intro.,  p.  xxiv ;  Schick,  Arehwjur 
doM  Stttdium  der  Neuertn  Spraehen,  87,  p.  300 ;  Sarrazin,  Thomas  Kyd  und 

aSMI  JLTSIS,  pw  o. 

Watson's  introduction  to  Sonnet  xli  is  interesting.  ''This  Passion  is 
framed  upon  a  somewhat  tedious  or  too  much  affected  continuation  of  that 
figure  in  Bhethorique,  whiche  of  the  Grekes  is  called  ira\i\rfla  or  amd^ 
wSm^it,  of  the  Latines  Reduplieatio :  whereof  Susenbroius  (if  I  well  remember 

)  alleadgeth  this  example  out  of  Virgilly 

Sequitur  puleherrimus  Austur,  .£neid,  10. 

^tis^ur  equofidens.*^ 


368  F.    O.    HUBBARD. 

In  the  following  discussion  of  the  use  of  the  forms  of 
repetition  and  parallelism  in  the  works  of  dramatists  and  in 
single  plays,  for  purposes  of  comparison,  tables  are  given 
showing  the  number  of  cases  of  each  form  in  each  play 
considered.  In  making  the  count  a  little  freedom  has  been 
given  to  the  limits  of  the  half  line.  In  form  3,  where  the 
first  half  of  a  line  is  parallel  to  the  second  half,  those  cases 
also  have  been  counted  in  which  the  line  consists  of  parallel 
expressions  joined  by  a  conjunction,  or  in  common  construc- 
tion with  a  word  or  two  outside  the  parallel  expressions.^ 
In  forms  6  and  7,  where  half  lines  of  successive  verses  are 
parallel,  in  most  cases  counted  the  parallelism  extends  to 
more  than  an  exact  half  line,  in  some  cases  to  a  little  less. 
In  form  8,  parallelism  of  whole  lines,  it  has  not  been  con- 
sidered essential  that  there  be  exact  parallelism  in  every 
part;  those  cases  also  have  been  counted  in  which  there  is 
some  variation  in  the  middle  or  at  the  very  end  of  the  lines. 
In  form  9,  parallelism  of  alternate  lines,  there  has  been 
made  no  subdivision  into  varieties  on  the  basis  of  the  extent 
of  the  parallelism,  whether  to  whole  lines,  half  lines,  or  less. 

The  English  Senecan  Plays. 

The  Latin  plays  attributed  to  Seneca  contain  a  moderate 
amount  of  repetition  and  parallelism.     Parallelism  that  is 

*  Examples  :  "  Thy  cursed  father,  and  thy  conquered  selfe." 

Spanish  Tragedy^  in,  7,  64. 

"Thus  to  forbid  me  land?  to  slay  my  friends?** 

Misfortunes  of  Arthur,  III,  1. 

"  In  brief,  you  fear,  I  hope  ;  you  doubt,  I  dare." 

Mi^ortunes  of  Arthur,  n,  3. 

"  If  their  assents  be  slow,  my  wrath  is  swift." 

Misfortunes  of  Arthur,  ii,  2. 

**  Your  discipline  in  war,  wisdom  in  peace." 

Eiehard  UI,  m,  7,  16. 


REPETITION   AND   PARALLELISM.  369 

related  to  verse  structure '  does  not  generally  extend  beyond 
three  words  ;  whole  line  parallels  are  very  rare.  The  Eng- 
lish translations  of  Seneca  ("  English  Seneca  ") '  have  much 
repetition,  but  only  a  comparatively  small  amount  of  extended 
parallelism ;  almost  every  page  will  show  one  or  two  ex- 
amples of  successive  lines  beginning  with  the  same  word  or 
two,  but  half-line  parallels,  whole  line  parallels,  and  alter- 
nate parallels  are  of  rare  occurrence. 

An  examination  of  the  English  plays  that  copy  and 
imitate  Seneca  shows  in  most  cases  a  lai^  amount  of  repeti- 
tion and  parallelism.  A  few  of  these  plays  have  but  a 
comparatively  small  amount,  but  most  of  them  have  an 
amount  much  larger  than  that  found  in  other  plays  of  the 
same  period.  Generally  speaking,  the  nearer  Uie  play  is  to 
Seneca  the  more  repetition  and  parallelism  it  has.  The 
following  table  shows  the  number  of  examples  of  each  fonn 
in  each  of  seven  English  Senecan  plays. 

Senecan  IHaye. 


F       ■ 

' 

2 

3 

4 

5 

€ 

7 

S 

9 

Oorbodue*. 

7' 

S 

1 

3 
i2 

3 

16 
7 
6 

9 
5 

1 

27 

18 
20 
21 

26 
18 

'4 
2 
1 
3 

14 
17 

16 

1« 
7 

8 
13 

l' 
4 

1 
4 
1 

13 
23 
0 
37 
23 
30 
17 

3 
3 

21 

8 
4 
2 

limmd  andGimumda. 

S^  .Jfcii:::::::::: 

!niai  Andrortieia. 

3 

1 

'  a.  pp.  361-2. 

*  PubUeatumt  t^  lAe  Bpeater  Sofktg,  Nos.  43  and  44. 

*  For  deflcriptloQ  of  the  forms  see  pp.  362-7. 

*  Where  no  figarea  are  given,  no  eiamplea  h«Te  been  observed. 


KEPErmOK  AKD   PARALLEUBH. 


371 


pendent  of  any  Senecan  model.*    An  ezaminatioD  of  the  use 

of  repetition  and  parallelism  in  the  play  confirms  this,  and 

brings  out  a  stiikii^  contrast  with  The  Spaniah  Tragedy. 

There  are  in  The  Spanish  Tragedy  seven  cases  of  half-line 

parallels   (form   6),  as  against  three  in  TTie  Mrat  Part  of 

Jeronimo  ;  23  cases  of  whole-line  parallels  (form  8),  as  agauiBt 

three ;  four  cases  of  alternate  parallelism  (form  9),  as  against 

none ;  three  cases  of  progressive  parallelism,  as  against  none. 

Allowance,  of  course,  must  be  made  for  the  ftct  that  The  First 

Part  of  Jeronimo  is  less  than  half  the  length  of  The  Spamdi 

Tragedy;  hut  even  then  the  fact  remains  that  one  of  the  most 

striking  characteristics   of   The  Spanish  Tragedy  is  almost 

entirely  wanting  from  The  Fa-st  Part  of  Jen 


Kyd^s  Plays  and  The  Mral  Pari  of  Jeronimo. 


1 

i 

3 

i 

S 

B 

7 

8 

d 

;:; 

5 
8 
9 

r 

IS 

20 
26 
16 

1 

11 

7 
4 

i 
T 

30 
2 

4 
3 

Oantdia 

1 
3 

BOBEBT    GbEENE. 

The  plays  of  Greene  show  but  a  moderate  use  of  repetidou 
and  parallelism,  with  the  exception  of  A  Looking  Glass  for 
London  and  England.  lu  this  play  Lodge  collaborated  with 
Greene,  and  it  is  probable  that  much  of  the  parallelism  fonnd 

tein  Kto*,  pp.  54-68  ;  K.  Fischer,  Zar  KumtatluiKkUmg  tUr  EngUteltm 
Trasoedie,  Straaburg,  1693,  pp.  100-llS ;  J.  Schick,  The  .^kuiuA  Tragaiy, 
LoDdoD,  1898,  Preface,  pp.  xvi-iviu. 

'  The  ^tarath  Troffcdy,  Preface,  p.  ivii,  "we  note,  further,  iU  independ- 
ence of  any  Beoecan  model." 


372 


F.    Q,    HUBBABD. 


in  it  is  from  his  pen,  for  the  reason  that  he  uses  it  freely  ii^ 
hia  own  play,  The  Wounds  of  Civil  War. 

Dr.  Groaart,  upon  rather  scanty  and  onconvincing  evi — 
dence,  has  attributed  to  Greene  Selimus  and  TUus  Awlronicu^.'^ 
Sdimua  contains  a  comparatively  small  amount  of  parallel- 
ism ;  the  number  of  cases  is  about  the  same  as  that  found  in 
Alphonsue  of  Ai-riigon,  but  much  smaller  than  that  fouud 
in  James  IV  and  A  Lookhuj  Glass  for  London  and  Sktgland. 
Tltfue  Andronicas,  on  the  other  hand,  shows  these  forms  in 
rather  free  use.  Now  one  of  Grosart's  strongest  ailments 
for  Greene's  authorship  of  TUus  Andronicus  is  based  upon 
points  of  resemblance  between  that  play  and  8elimus.  In 
respect  to  the  use  of  repetition  and  parallelism  there  is  a 
very  marked  diSerence  between  the  two  plays. 

Greenes  Flays;   Wounds  of  Cii>U  War,  Sdimua,  TStue 
Andronicus. 


1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

' 

e 

9 

Jtma,TV. 

Friar  Boron  nnd  Friav  Bungny 

jMokiug  GIttMfor  London  &  Eagland. 
Wo^ii^Ciril  ircu-(Lodge5. 

::: 

4 

1 

3 

I 

1 

12 
20 
S 
13 
14 
26 
29 

I 
3 

13 
2 
4 

20 

13 
6 

IS 

I 

1 
1 

2 

i' 

10 
8 
3 

17 

26 
4 

17 

1 

2 
4 

2 

i 

^"■*™"" 

1 

George  Peble. 

In  Peele's  plays  there  is  found  a  lai^  variety  of  forms 
of  repetition  and  parallelism,  but  the  number  of  cases  of  any 
one  form  is  not  large.     Most  noticeable  is  the  number  of 

'  Qrttn^ t  Life  and  Workt,  Huth  Libraij,  vol.  i,  Introd.,  pp.  Ixzi-lxxrii  ; 
Englueh*  &udUu,  22,  pp.  3S0-436. 


BEPirnnoN  and  parallelism.  373 

«ase8  of  form  2,  repetition  with  added  epithet^  This  is  a 
^ery  rare  form ;  I  have  found  it  outside  Peele's  works  only 
in  Misfortimea  of  Arthur  (three  times)^  Id  Henry  VI  (once), 
and  Locrine  (ten  times);  in  Peele  I  have  noted  eighteen 
cases.  Peele's  plays  also  afford  a  few  examples  of  progres- 
sive repetition  and  parallelism  (form  10);  these  are  short 
and  simple^  very  different  &om  the  elaborate  structures 
found  in  Locrine  and  The  Spanish  Tragedy. 

By  some  authorities  Peele  is  held  to  be  the  author  of 
Locrine}  This  play  was  first  printed  in  1695  as  "Newly 
set  forth  overseene  and  corrected  by  W.  S. ;"  it  was  one 
of  the  six  plays  that  were  added  to  the  3d  and  4th  folio 
editions  of  Shakespeare.  The  question  of  the  authorship  of 
the  play  has  long  been  in  dispute,  and  is  still  unsettled.  It 
has  been  considered  to  be  a  very  early  work  of  Shakespeare's, 
closely  associated  with  Tiiua  Andronicus;  some  have  assigned 
it  to  Marlowe,  others  to  Greene,  and  still  others  to  Peele.* 
The  latest  and  most  extended  discussion  of  the  question  is 
by  Mr.  W.  S.  Gaud,*  who  presents  the  case  for  Peele, 
particularly  as  against  the  claims  of  Greene.     The  evidence 

1  Examples :  '^  this  sword,  this  thirsty  sword." 

Edward  7,  5,  27. 

**  to  the  gates  of  death  and  hell 

Pale  death  and  helL" 

Battle  of  Alcazar,  i,  1,  122-3. 
See  p.  363. 

'  Ward,  English  Dramatic  Literaiure,  n,  p.  220 ;  Meay,  Biographicdl 
Chronicle  of  the  English  Drama,  n,  p.  321 ;  Schelling,  English  ChronicU  Plajf 
p.  25.  Cf .  Ulrici,  Shakespeare's  Dramatic  Art,  translated  by  L.  Dora  Schmitjs 
(Bohn* 8 Library),  n,  p.  378. 

^Tieck,  AU-Englisches  Theater,  Berlin,  1811,  n,  pp.  iv-yii  ;  Malone, 
Supplement  to  the  Edition  of  ShaJcespeare? s  Plays,  ike,,  London,  1780,  n,  p. 
190 ;  Ulrici,  Shakespeare^  s  Dramatic  Art,  n,  pp.  375-378 ;  J.  P.  Collier, 
Biographical  and  Critical  AccourU,  &c.  New  York,  1866,  4  vols.,  i,  119 ;  J. 
A.  Symonds,  Shaksper^s  Predecessors  in  the  English  Drama,  p.  368  and  note ; 
Sidney  Lee,  National  Dictionary  of  Biography,  56,  p.  399. 

*  Modem  Philology,  i,  pp.  409-422. 

12 


374 


F.   Q.    HUBBABD. 


presented  is  for  the  most  part  negative,  and  the  resemblances 
pointed  out  between  Locrine  and  the  works  of  Peele  are 
neither  numerous  enough  nor  close  enough  to  warrant  the 
conclusion  that  Peele  is  the  author  of  the  play.  I  do  not 
wish  to  enter  into  a  discussion  of  the  question  here,  but 
would  call  attention  to  one  very  striking  characteristic  of 
Locrine  that  appears  to  have  been  overlooked  by  all  who 
have  discussed  the  question  of  its  authorship ;  I  refer  to  the 
excessive  amount  of  repetition  and  parallelism  found  in  it 
No  other  play  of  the  earlier  Elizabethan  drama  contuns  bo 
many  examples,  such  elaborate  ones,  and  so  great  a  variety 
of  forms.  A  comparison  of  the  pUy  with  the  works  of 
Peele  will  serve  to  make  this  plain/  Particularly  ^gnificant 
is  the  difTerence  between  Locrine  and  The  BatUe  of  Alcazar, 
which  is  nearest  to  Locrine  in  form  and  subject.  It  may  be 
unreasonable  to  maintain  that  the  evidence  brought  out  by 
this  comparison  is  of  itself  sufBcient  to  prove  that  Locrine 
cannot  be  the  work  of  Peele,  nevertheless  it  is  surely  true 
that  there  can  be  no  satisfactory  solution  of  this  question  of 
authorship  upon  internal  evidence  that  does  not  take  into 
account  this  very  striking  characteristic  of  the  play. 


Peelers  Plays  and  Ziocrine. 


I 

2 

3 

4 

6 

6 

7 

d 

S 

I 

"i 

3 

"i 
4 

6 
2 

IS 
6 

17 
10 

"i 

8 

"i 
3 

5 

3 

i' 

2 
■5 

d 

6 

2 

3 
9 

Edvardl. 

14 

19 

13 

» 

2 

20 

4 

21 

5 

ioerine. 

5 

12 

6 

21 

4 

le 

■1 

37 

21 

3 

REPETITION  AND   PARALLELISM.  375 


Christopher  Marlowe. 

The  last  of  the  predecessors  of  Shakespeare  to  be  oon- 
adered  is  Marlowe.  In  his  plays  there  is  found  a  rather 
surprising  absence  of  repetition  and  parallelism;  he  frequently 
b^ins  successive  lines  with  the  same  word  or  two  (120  cases 
noted  in  the  seven  plays),  but  other  forms  occur  in  small 
numbers.^ 

In  an  earlier  part  of  this  study  I  have  shown  that  the 
finequent  occurrence  of  repetition  and  parallelism  is  a  rather 
marked  characteristic  of  the  English  Senecan  plays.*  Now 
it  is  to  be  noted  that  Marlowe's  plays  are  in  this  respect 
very  different  from  the  Senecan  plays  (compare  table,  p.  376, 
with  table,  p.  369).  Marlowe's  practice  in  this  matter  is 
entirely  consistent  with  his  practice  respecting  other  marked 
Senecan  characteristics.  He  never  makes  use  of  the  dumb 
show;  there  is  no  instance  of  a  ghost  in  his  plays;  the 
messenger  is  never  used  for  narration ;  the  chorus  is  used 
only  in  Doctor  Faustus,  and  here  it  merely  supplies  informa- 
tion to  introduce  and  connect  some  of  the  scenes ;  ^  there  are 
only  two  instances  of  stichomythia.*  To  just  what  extent 
Marlowe  was  influenced  by  Seneca  directly,  or  indirectly 
through  the  English  Senecan  plays  has  not  been  determined. 
Cimliffe  speaks  of  two  particulars,  "  horror  of  incident  and 
exaggeration  of  expression,"  and  notes  the  absence  of  "  the 
sage  reflections  with  which  Seneca  adorned  his  plays."  *  In 
the  discussion  of  Marlowe's  influence  upon  his  contempora- 
ries, due  consideration  has  not  hitherto  been  given  to  the 
absence  from  his  plays  of  the  Senecan  characteristics  that 

^  See  table  following.  '  See  p.  369. 

*The  speech  of  the  chorus  at  the  end  of  the  play  is  to  be  excepted 
from  this  general  statement  Cf.  Fischer,  KunttentwicMung  dor  EngliaeKen 
Tragoedit^  p.  76. 

^Edward  27,  i,  4,  319-27 ;  n,  2,  223-35. 

^  TU  If^uenee  (^Seneca  on  Elkabethan  Tragidy,  pp.  59-60. 


F.   O.   HUBBABD. 


have  been  meotdoDed  above, — dumb   Bhow,  the  ghost,  thi 
messenger,  the  chorus,  stichomythia,  repetition  and  parallel 

Marhw^B  PJayB. 


Fonn 

1 

2 

^ 

4 

5 

« 

7 

8 

9 

if> 

Tatntmrlaiiiel. 

3h»*«W<.iw //. 

Jea^Ma^ta 

1 

■3 
1 

2 
2 

I 

25 
15 

22 
13 
18 
14 
13 

8 
1 
1 
1 
10 
3 
1 

"l 

2 
1 
1 

4 

4 
4 
1 
6 
2 
5 

2 

i' 

'i' 

1 

::: 

BdvardU 

Jfomere  at  Pans 

JXdo. 

1 

25 

6 

26 

5 

2d  Henby  VI,  3d  Henby  IV,  and  Richaud  HI. 

The  three  Shakespearian  plays,  Sd  Henry  VJ,  Sd  Henry 
IV,  and  Richard  III,  are  very  rich  in  examples  of  repetttloa 
and  parallelism  ;  Sd  Henry  VI  and  Richard  III  resemble  in 
this  respect  the  most  characteristic  Senecan  plays,  such  as 
Iiocnne  and  The  Spanish  Tragedy}  Of  half-line  parallels 
(form  6)  3d  Henry  VI  has  26  cases,  Richard  III  23,  Loerine 
16,  Spanish  Tragedy  7  ;  of  whole-line  parallels  (form  8)  Sd 
Henry  VI  has  21  cases,  Richard  III  23,  Loerine  37,  Spanish 
Tragedy  23  ;  of  alternate  parallelism  (form  9)  Sd  Henry  VI 
has  8  cases,  Richard  III  11,  Loerine  21,  t^mnish  Tragedy  4. 

These  three  plays  belong  to  the  so-called  Marlowe-Shake- 
speare Group ;  *  the  influence  of  Marlowe  upon  them  and 

'  Compare  table,  p.  377,  with  table,  p,  399.  Cf.  Kramer,  y&r  SHchomstiue 
vmd  OUichilang  in  dea  Dramen  Shait^itarei,  Duisbiii^,  1S89. 

•E.  Domdea,  Shalapere— Hit  Mind  andArt.TTelace  to  3d  edition  ;  F.  Q. 
Fleey,  ChronieU  Hiitaiy  0/  the  L^e  and  Worki  tf  William  Shairipean,  pp. 
256-283  [  Schelling,  Engtith  Chronicle  Play,  cbapter  rv  ;  Veritj,  17^  It,/lu~ 
tuet  Bf  Chritiophar  JUarlowt  on  Shakaptarit  Earlier  Stylt,  p.  73,  iiol«. 


REPErmoS  AKD   PAiU.LLEUSM. 


377 


his  part  in  their  composition  has  been  variously  estimated  by 
Shakespearian  scholars.  I  have  shown  that  Mariowe's  plays 
Are  devoid  of  certain  marked  Senecan  characteristics.'  Now 
these  three  plays,  which  are  held  to  show  evidence  of 
Marlowe's  influence  or  collaboration,  have  in  a  marked 
d^ree  these  same  Senecan  characteristics  that  are  absent 
from  Marlowe's  work.  This  feet  will  have  to  be  taken  into 
account  in  the  discussion  of  Mariowe's  influence  upon  these 
plays  or  his  pari^  in  their  composition.  This  feet,  too,  in 
connection  with  others  too  remote  to  be  discussed  here,  will 
warrant  the  general  statement  that  Mariowe  is  more  free 
from  the  influence  of  the  English  Senecan  drama  than 
iShakespeare  is. 

Shakespearian  Plays. 


1 

2 

3 

^ 

5 

0 

7 

i 

0 

i 

1 

'4 
6 

8 

29 

10 

18 
36 
32 

3 

2 

7 

13 
4 
11 
26 

1 
V. 
Si 
3 
5 

V7 
16 
17 

21 
26 

2 

"2 
3 
11 

1 

3 

SdHavryVI. 

To  the  discussion  of  the  vexed  question  of  the  auUiorship 
of  the  2d  avd  Sd  Parts  of  Henry  VI  and  the  relation  of  these 
plays  respectively  to  The  First  Part  of  Ihe  ContetUion  and  The 
True  Tragedy  of  Richard,  Duke  of  York,  this  investigation 
brings  one  point.  A  comparison  of  The  Contention  and  The 
True  Tragedy,  on  the  one  hand,  with  the  Sd  and  Sd  Parts 
of  Henry  VI,  on  the  other,  with  reference  to  the  use  of  repe- 
tition and  parallelism  gives  the  following  results.*  There 
are  in  Sd  Henry  VI,  8  cases  in  which  that  play  retains 
parallel  structure  found  in  The  Cojitention,  two  cases  in  which 


■Pp.  375-«. 

'Oal;  those  caws  hav«  been  countod  ii 


which  the  panillelism  exienda  ta 


378  F.   G.   HTJfiBARD. 

parallel  stmcture  is  not  retained,  and  22  cases  in  whicb 
parallel  structure  has  been  added  to  M  Henry  VI.  In  12 
of  the  last  cases,  the  parallel  structure  is  found  in  additions 
of  new  material  (i.  6.,  material  found  in  ^d  Henry  VI  that  is 
not  found  in  The  Contention);  in  six  cases,  the  substance 
is  found  in  The  Contention,  but  the  form  has  been  changed  in 
Sd  Henry  VI,  to  obtain  the  effect  of  parallelism ;  in  three  cases, 
a  line  has  been  added  parallel  to  its  next  neighbor ;  in  one 
case,  the  wording  of  a  line  has  been  changed,  to  make  it 
parallel  to  another,  which  is  kept  as  in  The  Contention.  In 
Sd  Henry  VI  there  are  28  cases  in  which  parallel  structure 
found  in  The  True  Tragedy  is  retained,  one  case  in  which 
parallel  structure  is  not  retained,  and  34  cases  in  which 
parallel  structure  has  been  added  to  Sd  Henry  VL  In  20 
of  the  last  cases,  the  parallel  structure  is  found  in  additions 
of  new  material  (i.  c,  material  found  in  Sd  Henry  VI  that  is 
not  found  in  The  True  Tragedy);  in  two  cases,  the  wording 
has  been  changed  to  make  the  parallel  closer ;  in  12  cases,  a 
line  has  been  added  parallel  to  its  next  neighbor;  in  one 
case,  a  passage  of  three  parallel  lines  has  been  expanded  to 
five  bj  the  insertion  of  parallel  lines  between  the  first  and 
second,  and  between  the  second  and  third.^ 

^  The  following  examples  will  illustrate  the  manner  in  which  paralleliam 
has  been  added. 

''  Her  looks  are  all  replete  with  majesty." 

Trut  Tragedy^  1.  1281  {BarMdt  Shaketpeare). 

''  Her  looks  do  argue  her  replete  with  modesty ; 
Her  works  do  show  her  wit  incomparable." 

Sd  Henry  VI,  m,  2,  84-5. 

" Did  I  let  pass  the  abuse  done  to  my  niece? 
Did  I  impale  him  with  the  regal  crown. 
And  thrust  king  Henry  from  his  native  home?" 

Tnu  Tragedy^  IL  1476-B. 

''Did  I  let  pass  the  abuse  done  to  my  niece? 
Did  I  impale  him  with  the  regal  crown  ? 
Did  I  put  Henry  from  his  native  right?" 

Sd  Henry  VI,  m,  3,  18&-90. 


REPETITION   AND   PARALLELISM.  379 

!Bd  and  Sd  Henry  VI,  then^  have  mnch  more  repetition 
and  parallelism  than  The  OonterUion  and  The  True  Tragedy, 
and  Sd  Henry  IV  shows  a  greater  increase  than  £d  Henry 
IV;  moreover,  this  increase  in  the  two  plays  shows  itself 
not  only  where  there  is  difference  of  substance,  but  also 
where  the  substance  is  practically  the  same.  The  points 
brought  out  above  are  in  themselves  too  small  to  servcjas  a 
basis  for  any  large  induction ;  they  may,  however,  be  of 
some  senrice  to  ftiture  investigation  into  the  authorship  and 
relation  of  these  plays, 

Shakespearian  scholars  have  for  a  long  time  noted  the 
classical  or,  more  particularly,  Senecan  characteristies  of 
Richard  III,  and  some  have  held  that  Shakespeare's  drama 
is  based  upon  an  earlier  play,  probably  of  the  English 
Senecan  school.^  The  great  abundance  of  repetition  and 
parallelism  in  the  play  is  an  additional  Senecan  feature  of 
Richard  III  not  noted  before ;  it  may  help  to  define  further 
the  character  of  the  pre-Shakespearian  play  upon  which 
Richard  III  is  based. 

F.  G.  Hubbard. 

''That  knows  not  how  to  use  embaaaadore, 
Nor  how  to  use  jour  brothers  brotherly, 
Nor  how  to  shroud  yourself  from  enemies.'' 

True  Tragedy^  IL  1680-2. 

''  That  know  not  how  to  use  ambassadors, 
Nor  how  to  be  contented  with  one  wife, 
Nor  how  to  use  your  brothers  brotherly, 
Nor  how  to  study  for  the  people's  welfare, 
Nor  how  to  shroud  yourself  from  enemies?" 

Sd  Henry  F/,  IV,  3,  3&-40. 

^  Dowden,  Shakespeare — His  Mind  and  Arty  p.  191 ;  Brandes,  William 
Shaketpearej  Leipzig,  1896,  pp.  192-3  ;  Moulton,  Shakegpeare  as  a  Dramaiie 
Artisty  chapter  y ;  Schelling,  English  Chronicle  Play,  p.  94 ;  Cunliffe,  The 
Influence  of  Seneca  on  Elizabethan  Tragedy y  pp.  73-9  ;  T.  Vatke,  Jahrbuch  der 
Deutschen  Shakespeare  Oesellschqfty  lY,  p.  67  ;  Churchill,  Itichard  the  Third  up 
to  Shakespeare,  pp.  531-4. 


XII.— UNPUBLISHED  MANUSCRIPTS  OF 
ITALIAN  BESTIARIES. 

Before  the  history  of  Italian  bestiary  literature  can  be 
satisfectorily  written,  considerable  preliminary  work  remains 
to  be  done.  When  Lauchert  published  his  Creachickte  dea 
Physiohgus  (Strassbnrg^  1889),  although  he  devoted  a 
certain  amount  of  space  to  the  poets  fix)m  the  Sicilian  school 
to  Ariosto/  he  was  not  aware  that  any  bestiaries  earlier  than 
that  of  Leonardo  da  Vinci  existed  in  Italian  prose.  Three 
years  later,  Groldstaub  and  Wendriner,  Ein  Ibsco-  Venezian^ 
isoher  Bestiariua  (Halle,  1892),  published  the  text  of  a 
manuscript  belonging  to  the  Biblioteca  Comunale  at  Padua, 
and  also  an  account  of  seven  other  manuscripts,  all  of  which 
are  in  Florentine  libraries.  This  book  (cited  hereafter  as 
G-W)  is  the  most  comprehensive  study  of  the  Italian 
bestiaries  now  available,  and  may  safely  be  taken  as  the 
basis  for  fiirther  investigation.  The  present  paper,  based  in 
large  part  on  work  done  in  the  libraries  of  Florence,  Naples 
and  Paris,  is  offered  as  a  contribution  to  the  study  of  the 
subject,  and  will,  it  is  hoped,  be  of  value  in  indicating  a 
large  amount  of  material,  including  several  important  manu- 
scripts, which  was  entirely  unknown  to  Groldstaub  and 
Wendriner.  An  important  phase  of  the  subject,  namely, 
the  use  of  bestiary  material  by  the  Italian  poets  of  the 
thirteenth  century,  has  been  investigated  by  Dr.  M.  S. 
Garver,  of  Yale  University,  in  a  dissertation  which  he  hopes 
to  publish  soon. 

^  See  pp.  187-91.  Cf.  his  review  of  Goldstaub  and  Wendriner,  in  Ct^Um^ 
itcke  gdekrU  Anzeiffoif  1892,  p.  756  :  Wahrend  Bestiarien  in  Pro6a  ....  in 
italieniflcher  Sprache  bisher  nicht  bekannt  waren,  haben  in  jungster  Zeit 
die  Herauflgeber  der  vorliegenden  Publication  eine  Anzahl  von  italieoischen 
Bestiarien-Handschrif  ten  ....  entdeckt. 

380 


ITALIAN   BESTIARIES.  381 

Of  the  eight  manuscripts  studied  bj  Groldstaub  and 
^endriner,  two  *  will  be  entirely  disregarded  in  this  paper^ 
sinoe  thej  present  isolated  versions  that  are  related  only  in  a 
very  general  way  to  the  other  Italian,  as  well  as  to  the 
Waldensian  and  French  bestiaries.  The  remaining  six 
manuscripts '  form  with  those  to  be  mentioned  presently  a 
group  that  goes  back  to  a  single  Italian  original.  The 
attempt  to  determine  the  date  and  the  contents  of  this 
original  is  complicated  by  the  much  later  date  and  the  wide 
divergences  of  text  in  the  case  of  the  existing  manuscripts. 
In  copying  works  formed  of  short,  mdependent  paragraphs, 
each  scribe  was  apt  to  make  such  additions,  omissions,  or 
other  changes  as  he  saw  fit.^  Groldstaub  uses  as  a  guide  in 
determining  the  date  of  different  portions  of  the  text,  the 
character  of  the  allegorical  signification  ascribed  to  the 
different  animals.  In  the  original  Physiologus  and  in 
derivatives  down  to  the  thirteenth  century,  the  allegory  was 
mystical ;  the  animals  were  used  as  symbols  of  Christ,  the 
church,  the  devil,  and  so  on.  In  the  thirteenth  century, 
this  method  gave  way  to  a  moralizing  tendency.    Later  still, 

*  R4  and  St,  although  the  former  in  certain  parts  does  show  some  relation- 
ship to  the  other  MSS. ;  see  G-W,  p.  104.  I  disregard  also  the  Bestiario 
moraUgzcUOf  in  sonnets  of  the  thirteenth  century,  published  by  Monaci  in 
1889 ;  the  Mare  amoroso,  sometimes  ascribed  to  Brunetto  Latini ;  and  the 
bestiary  portion  of  Cecco  d' Ascoli's  Aeerba,  which  latter  is  being  studied  by 
Mr.  J.  P.  Rice  of  Yale  University.  An  unpublished  bis.  in  the  Vatican 
Library,  Cod.  Capponiano  200,  of  the  fourteenth  century,  contains,  ff. 
233-7,  *' La propietll d'alcuno  animale  ',**  judging  from  the  brief  quotation 
in  Salvo-Gozzo,  Ck)dici  Oapponiani  delta  Bib,  Vat.,  Boma,  1897,  this  text 
has  no  relation  to  our  mss. 

•  Three  in  the  Riccardian  Library,  called  in  G-W :  B^,  B,,  B, ;  two  in 
the  Laurentian  :  L|,  L, ;  and  the  text  published  :  P.  I  keep  these  sym- 
bols, except  that  I  shall  call  the  Padua  MS.  ''Pad"  to  distinguish  it  from 
the  Paris  MB.,  ''Par."  To  the  other  new  mss.  I  give  similar  symbols,  as 
N  for  Naples ;  Sti  for  Strozzi,  to  distinguish  from  the  St  of  G-W,  which 
might  now  be  called  St, ;  etc 

»Cf.  G-W,  pp.  10,90. 


382  KENNETH   McKENZIE. 

the  significatioiis  were  often  omitted,  leaving  merely  the 
quasi-scientific  descriptions;  and  sometimes  the  character- 
istics of  animals,  made  known  through  the  bestiaries,  were 
used  for  comparisons  in  love-poetry.  Additional  animals 
increased  the  original  number,  and  the  original  texts  were 
expanded  by  new  characteristics,  examples,  and  illustrations. 
Thus  in  many  bestiaries  the  well-known  fable  of  the  dog 
dropping  his  food  into  the  water  in  order  to  get  the  reflec- 
tion is  told  as  a  regular  characteristic  of  dogs.^  Now,  while 
the  Italian  versions  as  a  rule  follow  the  didactic  or  moraliz- 
ing type  of  allegory,  some  of  them  have  traces  of  the  older 
mystical  interpretation  which  was  characteristic  of  Physiolo- 
gus-versions  proper,  as  distinguished  from  bestiaries  in 
general.  Hence  Goldstaub  concludes'  that  the  original 
Italian  version  must  have  been  made  in  the  twelfth  century, 
or  at  any  rate  not  later  than  the  beginning  of  the  thirteenth. 
The  acceptance  of  so  early  a  date  seems  to  me  out  of  the 
question  when  one  considers  the  history  of  Italian  literature. 
Doubtless  the  original  Italian  Physiologus  was  translated 
about  the  middle  of  the  thirteenth  century,  from  Latin  texts 
of  earlier  date.  Some  time  may  have  passed,  after  the 
production  of  this  original  Italian  version,  before  the  com- 
position of  the  derivative  version  (or,  possibly,  closely 
related  versions)  from  which  were  derived  in  turn  the 
manuscripts  now  known.  Goldstaub  assigns  a  century  or 
more  to  this  period  of  development,  for  he  dates  the  arche- 
type of  his  six  manuscripts  well  along  in  the  fourteenth 
century;  he  thinks  that  while  the  development  may  have 
taken  place  entirely  in  Italian,  it  more  probably  took  place 
simultaneously  in  a  series  of  versions,  now  lost,  in  Latin  as 
well  as  in  Italian.^  A  part  of  the  Latin  manuscript  known 
as   Cod.   Hamilton  390,  now  in  Berlin,   dating  from   the 

^a.  G-W,  pp.  327-35.  »G-W,  p.  230. 

»G-W,  pp.  222-32. 


ITALIAN  BBSnARIES.  383 

thirteenth  century,  is  a  stray  remnant  of  some  such  version.^ 
But  the  date  assigned  for  the  archetype  of  the  Italian 
manuscripts  must  be  scrutinized  in  the  light  of  the  new 
material  now  presented. 

The  oldest  of  the  six  manuscripts  known  to  Goldstaub  is 
Rj,  of  the  second  half  of  the  fourteenth  century.  This 
is  also  the  most  voluminous  of  the  whole  group  of  manu- 
scripts; it  contains  61  animal-chapters,  followed  by  16 
fitbles.  Closely  related  to  it  in  text  and  content;  are  R,  and 
K,,  the  latter  containing  57  animals  and  15  fables.  Pad, 
the  published  text,  was  written  in  1468 ;  it  contains  46 
animals  and  11  fables,  all  of  which  are  also  in  the  R-texts ; 
but  the  text  of  Pad  is  much  condensed,  and  shows  marked 
influence  of  the  Venetian  dialect  (the  other  texts  being 
Tuscan).  L^  and  Lj  are  still  shorter,  and  do  not  contain 
this  collection  of  fiibles,  although  L^  has  a  different  collec- 
tion of  57  &bles,  being  an  unpublished  text  of  the  Italian 
translation  from  Marie  de  France.'  It  must  have  seemed  a 
natural  and  obvious  expedient  to  round  out  a  bestiary,  or 
collection  of  descriptions  of  animals  arranged  for  a  didactic 
purpose,  by  adding  to  it  a  collection  of  fables,  or  tales  about 
animals,  which  were  universally  used  in  the  Middle  Ages  for 
the  same  purpose;  and  in  general  these  two  branches  of 
animal-lore  mutually  influenced  one  another,  and  were  drawn 
on  indiscriminately  by  the  compilers  of  such  works  as  the 
More  di  VtrtU,  and  by  sculptors  and  miniaturists  in  search 
of  subjects  both  decorative  and  symbolic.     The  collection  of 

'  The  collection  of  examples  in  this  ms.,  which  I  shall  refer  to  as  ''  Ham," 
was  published  by  Tobler,  Laieinisehe  BeispteUammlung  mit  Bildeniy  in  Zeilr 
9ehrifi  /.  rem,  phiLy  xii,  57-88.  Tobler  has  also  published  the  rest  of  the 
MB.  in  various  periodicals,  beginning  with  the  Abhandlungen  der  Akademie 
cu  Berlin,  1883. 

'  See  Brush,  The  Isopo  Lauremiano,  Columbus,  1899,  pp.  9,  44,  66.  Brush 
did  not  use  G-W.  For  description  and  table  of  the  six  bob.,  see  G-W,  pp. 
74-89. 


384  KENNETH   McKENZIE. 

&bles,  sixteen  in  number^  which  is  found  in  whole  or  in  part  "^    « 
in  connection  with  the  bestiary  in  several  of  the  manuscripts, 
is  a  peculiar  one.     It  occurs  nowhere  else  as  a  collection, 
except  that  twelve  of  the  fitbles  are  found  in  Latin  in  the 
Cod.    Hamilton,   already   mentioned.      Some   of  them   are 
entirely  unknown  elsewhere,  but  six  of  them  come  fix>m 
Avianus.     Of  these  fables,  the  eleven  that  are  found  in 
Pad,  and  one  other  in  N  (see  below),  have  been  published. 
I  add  to  this  paper  the  text  of  the  sixteen  &bles,  based 
principally  on  K3. 

Even  a  glance  at  the  list  of  chapter-headings  shows  that 
the  three  R-mss.  are  closely  related.  Similarly,  the  two 
L-MS8.  form  a  group  by  themselves ;  while  Pad,  on  account 
of  its  peculiar  dialect,  stands  alone,  having  the  fables  in 
common  with  R,  but  otherwise  being  closer  to  L.  In  this 
way  Goldstaub  classifies  the  six  manuscripts  with  which  he 
was  acquainted ;  but  a  study  of  the  other  manuscripts  which 
have  come  to  light  will  perhaps  modify  the  classification. 
One  of  them,  N,  is  very  closely  related  to  R ;  while  the  rest 
have  characteristics,  opposed  to  R,  in  common  with  Pad  and 
L.  Hence  we  get  two  groups,  rather  than  three,  and  the 
fables  are  equally  characteristic  of  both  groups.  It  is  easy 
to  infer,  then,  that  the  fables  belonged  to  the  archetype  of 
all  the  manuscripts,  before  the  differentiation  into  groups. 
The  date  of  this  archetype  I  believe  to  have  been  not  later 
than  the  third  quarter  of  the  thirteenth  century.  In  this 
connection,  I  should  like  to  call  attention  to  a  feature  that 
Groldstaub  ignored. 

It  is  well  known  that  the  Provencal  and  Italian  poets  of 
the  thirteenth  century  made  rather  frequent  use  of  metaphoi% 
that  were  derived  ultimately  from  the  bestiaries,  but  had 
become,  more  or  less,  common  literary  property.  One  poet, 
however,  Chiaro  Davanzati,  a  Florentine,  who  died  not  later 
than  1280,  used  these  bestiary-metaphors  so  systematically 


ITALIAN   BE8TIABIES.  385 

'that  it  is  evident  that  he  mnst  have  had  access  to  some 
I)e8tiaiy-manu8cript.*  The  investigations  of  Dr.  Garver, 
already  mentioned^  show  that  this  manuscript  must  have 
"been  closely  related  to  the  R-group.  Now,  one  of  Chiaro's 
sonnets,  beginning : 

Di  pexme  di  pBone  e  d'altre  assai 
Vestita  la  oomiglia  a  oorte  andau, 

is  a  version  of  the  &miliar  &ble  of  the  crow  decked  in 
borrowed  feathers.*  It  is,  moreover,  a  version  of  the  popu- 
lar type,  as  distinguished  from  the  literary  type  represented 
in  the  &ble-books  descended  from  Phsedrus  and  Romulus. 
Of  course,  Chiaro  might  have  derived  his  acquaintance  with 
the  &ble  fix)m  one  or  more  of  many  different  sources ;  but, 
as  a  matter  of  &ct,  such  versions  of  ^sopic  fables  are 
exceedingly  rare  in  Italian  poets  of  the  thirteenth  century. 
It  is  certainly  significant,  then,  since  Chiaro  made  use  of  a 
bestiary-text,  to  find  this  particular  fable  in  two  of  our 
manuscripts,  and  in  precisely  the  form  desired.  It  is  surely 
natural  to  conclude  that  Chiaro  used  a  manuscript  which 
contained  both  the  bestiary  and  the  fables;  and,  conse- 
quently, that  the  archetype  of  our  Italian  manuscripts  may 
be  assigned  to  about  the  middle  of  the  thirteenth  century. 
In  the  National  Library  at  Naples  is  a  fifleenth-century 

'  This  seems  to  have  escaped  the  attention  of  Groldstaub,  for  there  are  no 
references  in  G-W  to  the  poems  of  the  Cod.  Vat.  3793  beyond  vol.  in  of  the 
edition  of  D^  Ancona  and  Comparetti,  Le  Antiche  rime  volgariy  Bologna,  1875- 
88 ;  whereas  the  sonnets,  containing  most  of  the  bestiary  material,  are  in 
vols,  rv  and  v. 

'I^Anoona  e  Comparetti,  op.  eiL,  voL  iv,  p.  379  (No.  682).  For  a  full 
discossion,  see  K.  McKenzie,  A  Sonnet  ascribed  to  Chiaro  Davamati  and  its 
place  in  Fable  IdtenUure,  in  Publications  of  the  Modem  Language  Association 
of  America,  vol.  xra  (1898),  pp.  205-20.  Cf.  p.  217 :  **He  [Chiaro]  says 
enough  to  show  distinctly  which  type  he  followed,  though  we  are  not  able 
to  distinguish  his  immediate  source  ; '  *  not  knowing  the  text  of  this  fable 
in  Rj  and  N,  the  writer  was  at  that  time  unable  to  form  the  theory  now  put 
forward. 


386  KENNETH   McKENZIE. 

paper   manuscript   numbered   xii.    £.   11^  with   94   foil 
containing  a  text  very  closely  related  to  the  R-MSS.     Th 
are  54  bestiary  chapters  and  15  fables^  each  chapter 
illustrated  with  a  water-color  drawing,  and  the  whole 
excellent  preservation.    This  text  is  unique  in  being  ascri 
to  Frate  Guidotto  da  Bologna.     It  begins  (f,  1  a) : 

Comincia  ilibro  della  Ytrta  e  proprieta  degli  animali 
ridotto  alio  spirito  per  Frate  Ghuidotto  da  Bologna. 
Et  e  chiamato  fiore  di  virtu  maggiore. 

and  ends  (f.  94  b)  : 

Lau8  deo.    A  di  primo  di  Marpo  1482.   Finito  e  libro 
degli  animali  chiamato  Fiore  di  virtu  maggiore. 

This  manuscript,  which  I  call  N,  was  briefly  described  and 
its  table  of  contents  was  given  by  Miola*  in  1881,  together 
with  short  extracts  from  the  text  {proemio,  chapter  on 
formica,  fable  of  padore  e  aerpente).  The  contents  will  be 
indicated  in  the  comparative  table  below.  The  text  bears 
about  the  same  relation  to  S^  that  R,  does.  Agreements 
between  R,  and  N  as  against  B^  are  about  equally  frequent 
with  agreements  between  S^  and  R,  as  against  N.  R,  and 
N,  which  are  about  contemporary,  rarely  if  ever  agree  with 
one  another  as  against  R^,  which  is  about  a  century  older. 
It  follows  that  the  younger  manuscripts  are  derived  from  a 
lost  manuscript  closely  related  to  R^,  if  not  from  R^  itself. 
The  three  texts  agree  very  closely  in  substance,  and  have  in 

^Alfonso  Miola,  Le  ScrUture  in  volgare  dei  primi  ire  secoU  ddla  Ungwi 
ricercate  nei  codici  della  Bib,  Nat,  di  Napoliy  in  Propugnatoref  xnr,  ii,  pp. 
161-7.  Mentioned  also  bj  Frati,  BicereKe  aul  Fiore  di  VirtHk,  in  Shidj  di 
Filoloffia  Bomanzoj  vi  (1893),  281 ;  and  bj  G^pary,  Italian  Literature  (Eng- 
lish edition,  1901,  p.  370),  notes  to  ch.  vm.  A  list  of  the  fables  is  g:iYeQ 
by  Brush,  Isopo  LauremianOf  pp.  25,  41,  who  makes  them  number  sixteen 
by  including  the  chapter  on  the  ibis ;  he  speaks  of  the  work  as  akin  to  the 
Fiore  di  Virt^  and  evidently  did  not  know  that  it  was  a  bestiary,  or  that 
other  texts  of  the  same  fables  existed. 


jxe 


ITALIAN  BESHABIES.  387 

Gommon  several  chapters  of  a  particular  character,  which  are 

Sn  none  of  the  other  manuscripts.^ 

All  the  other  manuscripts  with  which  I  am  acquainted 

t)elong  to  the  group  represented  in  G-W  by  Pad,  L^  and  L,. 

IPar  and  St|,  as  well  as  N  and  the  R  and  L  manuscripts,  I 

liave  examined  myself.     The  others  I  know  only  through 

printed  references  or  through  information  furnished  to  me 

T>y    other   persons.     These    manuscripts   have   never  been 

compared, — ^indeed,  scarcely  any  two  of  them  have  been 

mentioned  together.     The  most  important  one  of  the  whole 

group.  Par,  has  never  been  mentioned  in  print  at  all,  so  &r 

as  I  am  aware,  except  by  its  title  in  catalogues  of  the  Italian 

manuscripts  in  Paris.     I  will  begin  with  this  one. 

It  is  a  fine  parchment  manuscript  of  the  fourteenth 
century,  in  the  Biblioth^ue  Nationale,  bearing  the  number 
Ital.  450  (old  number  7740^.  Unfortunately,  it  has  been 
shockingly  mutilated  by  the  cutting  out  of  some  of  the 
illustrations  which  adorned  it,  and  by  the  loss  of  some  entire 
leaves.  In  its  present  state  it  contains,  according  to  the 
modem  numbering,  73  folios,  of  which  the  bestiary  and 
&bles  occupy  ff.  3-36.  The  leaves  are  about  eleven  by 
eight  inches  (28  x  21  cm.)  in  size,  written  with  two  columns 
to  a  page,  about  thirty-six  lines  to  a  column.  The  ink  has 
faded  slightly,  but  the  writing  is  generally  distinct.  Initial 
letters  are  in  blue,  chapter-headings  in  red.  The  pictures 
which  remain  are  skilfully  drawn  with  a  kind  of  wash, 
several  colors  being  used.  The  first  two  folios  were  appar- 
ently taken  from  some  other  book  to  serve  as  fly-leaves; 
they  are  covered  with  minutely  written  and  much  abbrevi- 
ated Latin,  having  neither  beginning  nor  end.  On  f.  3  a, 
which  has  been  rubbed  so  as  to  be  illegible  in  part,  is  the 

*  Chapten  49-61  in  B,,  most  of  which  are  also  in  B,  and  N.    See  GK-W, 
pp.  109-126,  and  cf.  table  below. 


388 


KENNETH   McKENZIE. 


b^inning  of  the  bestiary,  with  the  same  introduction  tbat 
the  other  manuscripts  have : 

Qui  Be  oomin^a  lu  libro  del  Aninmli  et  de  aodelli  el 
del  loro  nature  per  belli  exempli 

Belli  Singnori  tutte  le  ooBe  che  11  homini  del  mondo 
sano  e  puono  sapere  si  sano,  eoe. 

The  bestiaiy  ends  on  f.  36  b  with  an  unfinished  chapter^  Del 
natura  del  Boe,  of  which  twelve  lines  only  are  written ;  the 
rest  of  the  page  is  blank,  and  on  f.  37  a  b^ins  anoUier  work, 
with  this  title : 

Incomminciase  lo  libro  delli  ooetumi  et  regimento 
delli  segnori  lu  quale  in  altro  modo  se  appella  le  secrete 
delli  secret!  et  fu  dicto  et  facto  et  composito  daristotile 
lu  quale  mando  a  lu  magnifioo  Be  Allezandro. 

This  work  (of  which  there  is  another  manuscript  in 
same  library, — Ital.  447)  occupies  thirty-three  folios,  and 
followed  by  two   brief  treatises  on   the   moon  and   otim 
natural   phenomena.     Marsand  gave  a  confused  and  m 
leading  description  of  this  manuscript,  apparently  putting 
into  his  catalogue  twice  under  the  impression  that  thi 
were  two  manuscripts;  from  his  description  we  learn 
the  missing  illustrations  had  already  been  cut  out  in  his  da; 
and  this  fisict  aroused  his  quite  justifiable  indignation :  ''So: 
barbaric  anzi  infamie  tali,  che  mi  rivoltano    lo    stomaoo. 
Mazzatinti's  catalogue  gives  the  titles  of  the  different  wor 
contained  in  the  manuscript,  but  no  further  description.^ 
Since  no  account  of  this  important  bestiary-text  is  no 


^  Antonio  Marsand,  /  Manoscritti  itcUiani  della  regia  biblioteea 
Parigi,  voL  i,  1835 ;  vol.  n,  1838.     See  No.  87  in  vol.  i,  (7740 ;  "  Qui  si 
oomincia  il  libro  degli  animali,''  etc.,  membr.,  2  col.,  sec.  xv)  and  No.  7< 
in  vol.  n  (7740' ;  same  title,  membr.,  2  col.,  sec.  xiv) ;  and  of.  No. 
( 7740  bis ;  ' '  Cura  de'  falcon!  " ) .    Mazzatinti,  Manoscritti  itaHani  deUe  bibluh- 
teehe  di  Franeia,  Boma,  1886,  voL  i,  gives  our  manuscript  as  No.  450, 
formerly  7740*,  and  the  work  on  falcons  as  No.  928,  formerly  7740.     Mar- 
sand  distinctly  states  that  there  are  two  mbs.  of  the  Libro  degli  ammioiL 


ITALIAN   BESTIABIES.  389 

available^  I  give  here  its  chapter-headings  without  any 
change  except  that  missing  parts  are  supplied  between  [], 
abbreviations  are  solved,  and  occasionaUy  words  are  sepa- 

less  of  the  text,  from  the  following  folios:  14,  17,  20,  22, 
24,  25,  28,  34.  Curiously  enough,  the  picture  cut  from 
f.  25  has  been  preserved ;  it  appears  as  f.  31,  a  mere  frag- 
ment which  fits  into  the  hole  in  f.  25.  Thus  the  number  of 
folios  preserved,  apparently  thirty-four,  is  really  thirty-three. 
Then,  as  entire  leaves  are  missing  after  f.  23  and  f.  29,  the 
folios  of  this  part  of  the  manuscript  originally  numbered 
thirty-five. 

Folio   3  a    Qui  se  oomin^a  lu  libro  del  Animali  et  de  uodelli  et  del  loro 
nature  per  belli  exempli. 
4  a    Dela  natuia  dela  Formica 

4  b    De  natara  delPapa 

5  a    Delia  natura  dello  ragno 

Dela  natura  del  Grallo 
5b    De  natura  del  Lupo 

6  b    Delia  natura  del  asino  saluadoo 

7  a    Delia  natura  dela  Cichala 

Delia  natura  del  Ceano 

7  b    Delia  natura  del  Cane 

8  a    Delia  natura  della  vipra 

8  b    Della  natura  dela  scymia 

9  a    Del  natura  del  corbo 

9  b    Della  natura  del  Leone 

10  b    Dela  natura  della  Bellula 

11  a    Della  natura  del  Calandru990 

11  b    Della  natura  dela  Serena 

Dela  natura  d'uno  serpente  ch'a  nome  arpis  (?) 

12  a    Della  natura  di  quatro  element! 

12  b    De  natura  del  Tyro  (text :  thygro) 

13  a    Della  natura  del  vnicomo 

13  b    Della  natura  dela  Pantera 

14  a    Delia  natura  della  Grna 

14  b    Dela  natura  del  Paone 

15  a    DeUa  natura  della  Bondlna 

15  b    Dela  natura  del  Biccio 

16  a    Delia  natura  della  calchatrioe 

13 


390  KENNETH   McKENZIE. 

16[b  Del  natura  dela  vipra  dragone  ^ 

17  a  Delia  natura  d'  ono  pescie  lo  quale  si  chiama  uiglia 

17  b  Delia  natura  del  pulichano 

18  a  Dela  natura  del  Gastore 

18  b    Delia  natura  del  Piccho 

Delia  natura  de  Cigogna 

19  a    Delia  natura  delli  falooni 

19  b    Delia  natura  del  Voltore 

20  a  [Delia  natur]a  della  Aquila  (part  eiUoui) 

21  a    Dela  natura  del  Oauallo 

Della  natura  delli  columbi 

21  b    Dela  natura  dellu  Stru990 

22  a    Della  natura  della  Balena 

Delia  natura  del  vulpe 

22  b  [Della  natura  della  Fenioe]  {tUU  and  Btveral  linea  of  text  gone) 

Della  natura  del  Leofante 

23  b    Dela  natura  del  papagallo 

Della  natura  dela  pemice  {title  only;  folio  lost) 
[Della  natura  del  Geruo]  (title  and  text  lost ;  picturey  f.  24  a) 

24  a  [Lo  pelo  delo  Lefante]  (no  tide)  ^ 

Della  natura  dele  serpente 

24  b    Delia  natura  e  significanya  d'un  arbore 

25  a    Della  natura  [della  Tortora]  (part  of  title  on  t  31  b) 

D^uno  pescatore 

25  b    De  natura  de  Thori 

D^uno  arbore 

26  a    D^unacapra 

26  b    Da  uno  uillano 

27  a    Della  natura  dela  cichala 

Della  natura  del  Lupo 

27  b    Duno  crudelissimo  Ladrone 

28  a    Della  natura  della  Rana 
28  b    Dela  natura  del  Topo 

D'uno  pastore 

^  A  chapter  without  heading  begins  f.  24  a  :  ''Lo  pelo  delo  Lefante  ae 
tale  natura  che  lo  fumo  che  escie  de  quello  pelo  si  fae  fugire/'  ecc.  I  do 
not  count  this  as  a  separate  chapter,  in  spite  of  the  fact  that  it  appears  to  be 
one  in  this  manuscript,  because  in  Bj,  R,,  B,,  N  and  Ham  it  is  appended 
to  the  chapter  on  the  elephant.  With  it  on  f.  24  a  appears  a  picture  illus- 
trating the  characteristic  of  the  stag  as  found  in  several  other  manuscripts ; 
hence  I  infer  that  the  chapter  ''Delia  natura  del  Geruo''  occupied,  with 
the  text  of  the  chapter  "Della  natura  dela  pemice,"  the  lost  folio  that 
originally  came  between  f.  23  and  f.  24. 


ITALIAN    BE8TIABIE8.  391 

29  a    Dela  natura  del  aolpe 

IXano  cauallo  graaso  ti  ydo  magro 

29  b    Dela  natura  del  Toro  {wnfinithed;  folio  lod)^ 

30  a    Si  oomo  lo  Leone  si  a  tre  nature  dele  quale  se  fa  molte  fig^ure 

Si  como  lo  leone  si  a  aasai  sentimento 
30  b    81  como  lo  Leone  tomaua  al  monestero 

Delia  grande  fede  che  lo  leone  monstro  a  uno  chauallero  perche 
lu  llbero  del  serpente 
32  a    Si  como  lo  Be  de  f  rancia  se  daua  merauiglia  del  sopradeMo  Leone 

32  b    Delle  nature  e  della  proprieta  et  delle  figure  della  leonessa 

33  a    Dela  natura  del  Leopardo 

33  b    Dela  natura  e  dela  figura  et  della  proprieta  dela  Londa 

Delia  natura  dell'artalupo 

34  a    Como  li  homini  sonno  ingannati  ala  dicta  similitudine 

Delia  natura  et  della  proprieta  del  ytbo 
34b  [Della  natura]  del  lupo  (title  partly  gone) 

35  a    Della  natura  della  lupa  et  dele  sue  figure 

Delia  natura  et  proprietade  del  leofonte 

36  a    Del  natura  del  Volpe 

36  b    Del  natura  del  Boe  ( ur^nished) 

The  text  divides  itself  naturally  into  three  parte:  the 

<>estiary  (ff.  3a-25a),  the  febles  (ff.  25a-29b),  and  a  number 

^^   supplementary  chapters  which  do  not  appear  in  the  other 

^tfc^jiuscripte  (ff.  30ar-36b).     The  fables  follow  the  bestiary 

^^^hout  break  and  without  any  distinction  in  regard  to  the 

tracter  of  the  material  used  for  moral  instruction.*    Like- 

i,  no  indication  of  a  new  division  separates  the  second 

from  the  third,  although  it  is  possible  that  some  such 

^  ^^iication  existed  on  the  folio  that  has  been  lost.     The  third 

^^^^  is,  hpwever,  written  in  a  different  spirit  from  the  rest, 

*^llie  unfinished  fable  of  the  bull  [lion,  and  goat],  f.  29  b,  was  undoubt- 
^-^^  finished  on  the  next  page,  now  lost,  and  followed,  as  in  Rj,  R,,  and 
'     ^:>j  the  fable  of  the  lion's  share. 

*i'his  is  true  in  the  other  manuscripts  also,  where  the  explicit  follows  the 

,     -^^5^  and  applies  to  the  whole  work  ;  that  of  N  has  been  already  given, 

^^^    of  B3  reads  (f.  108  b) :  *'  Finiscie  Ilibro  della  natura  degli  animali  deo 

^^'^ias  amen/'     R,,  Pad,  and  Par  have  no  expliciL     That  the  copyist  of 

**^>    at  least,  regarded  the  fables  merely  as  so  many  bestiary-chapters,  is 

^^Vcated  by  his  chapter-headings;  e.  g,,  f.  27  a,   ** Delia  natura  de  la 

*^"*^aJa"  is  really  the  fable  of  the  grass-hopper  and  the  ant. 


392  KENNETH    McKENZIE. 

as  is  shown  by  the  extraordinaiy  remarks  that  open  it, 

f.  30a: 

Si  como  lo  Leone  si  a  tre  nature  dele  quale  se  fa 
molte  fi^re.  Pone  fiucloco,  lo  quale  si  come  se  sa  f o 
grande  autore  e  sauio,  che  leone  ha  tre  proprieta  e 
nature  delle  quale  fae  tre  figure.  Laasaremo  le  figure 
alii  predicatori  e  ali  sermonatori  che  ad  ogne  materie 
lo  uognono  adattare  e  diremo  deli  suo  nature.  La 
prima  si  e  ch'ello  diuenta  irato,  fero  e  fellone  quando 
ello  vede  li  suoi  figlioli  nati  morti  8en9a  neuno  senti- 
mento.  La  seconda  e  ch'elli  gridando  piu  uolte  forte- 
mente,  allora  quelli  figlioli  se  rescuteno,  aprendo  li 
occhi,  monstrando  quasi  che  resuscitasseno  da  morte,  ece. 

There  seems  to  be  no  doubt  that  in  the  strange  form  fiucloco 
we  have  the  name  Physiologus,  here,  as  often  in  the  Middle 
Ages,  taken  for  the  name  of  a  person.^  As  a  matter  of  &ct, 
when  treated  in  his  regular  place  in  the  bestiaries,  the  lion 
has  considerably  more  than  three  characteristics :  he  is  the 
noblest  of  all  animals,  wipes  out  his  tracks  with  his  tail, 
sleeps  with  his  eyes  open,  pays  no  attention  to  a  person  who 
does  not  look  at  him  or  who  begs  for  mercy,  and  so  on ;  one 
characteristic  is  that  his  cubs  are  bom  dead,  but  aft;er  three 
days  the  lion  roars  and  brings  them  to  life.*     Now,  why 

^Cf.  Lauchert)  op,  city  p.  43;  Gbston  Paris,  in  Romania^  xxn,  626; 
G-W.  pp.  123-6.  I  have  not,  to  be  sure,  found  the  name  elsewhere  in  a 
form  resembling  fiudoco ;  presumably  the  copyist  of  Par  heard  it  given 
orally,  and  reproduced  the  sound  as  best  he  could. 

'  Text,  hitherto  unpublished,  of  the  chapter  on  the  lion  in  Ri,  f.  12  b: 
Lo  leone  si  d  la  piu  nobile  bestia  che  sie,  ed  6  apellatto  signore  deP  altre 
bestie  per  le  nobile  chonperacioni  ch'  egli  a  in  se.  £  questa  ^  una  delle 
sue  nature,  ch'  egli  chuopre  e  disfa  le  pedate  cola  choda  sua  acio  che  chaci- 
atori  no  lo  trouino  ne  sapiano  la  uia  onde  egli  h  andatto.  La  sechonda 
Datura  si  h  che  quando  egli  d  ala  cima  del  montc  si  disiende  ala  valle  per 
gran  for9a  e  se  alchuno  chaciatore  s'^  pasatto  per  la  uia  ond'  egli  vane,  si  lo 
chonosie  p«r  Todore.  E  anche  n'd  un  altra  che  dorme  chogli  ochi  aperti. 
Anchora  n'a  un  altra,  ch^  egli  fa  i  figluoli  suoi  morti,  e  stano  chosi  tre  die, 
e  in  chapo  di  tre  di  viene  lo  padre  e  mughia  sopra  loro  si  forlemente  che 
lioncini  si  fano  viuL  L' altra  natura  si  d  che  quando  egli  mangia  se  alchuno 
gli  pasase  dinand  e  nol  guardono  in  visso  si  gli  lasda  andare  sanza  faigli 


ITALIAN   BESTIABIES.  393 

does  the  author  of  Par,  after  giving  (f.  9  b)  a  chapter  on  the 
lion  as  the  other  manuscripts  do,  devote  to  the  same  subject 
another  chapter,  which  is  in  part  a  repetition  of  the  former 
one?  Evidently,  because  the  source  from  which  he  drew 
this  third  part  of  the  manuscript  is  different  from  the  source 
of  the  first  two  parts, — the  latter  source  being  common  to 
the  whole  group  of  manuscripts.  In  other  words,  after 
making  his  declaration  of  independence  in  the  matter  of 
allegorical  significations,  he  added,  for  entertainment  merely, 
the  supplementary  chapters,  which  he  derived  fix)m  a  source 
or  sources  (whether  in  Italian  or  in  some  other  language), 
which  cannot  at  present  be  pointed  out  Following  the 
chapter  in  which  the  Physiologus  is  quoted  come  several 
stories  about  lions, — ^neither  bestiary  material  nor  fables; 
then  the  descriptions  of  several  animals.  Of  these,  lupo, 
leofarUe  and  volpe  have  already  appeared  in  the  bestiary; 
while  leonesaa,  hnda,  and  urso  do  not  appear  in  the  Italian 
manuscripts,  although  known  in  other  bestiaries.  Of  these 
additional  animals,  only  the  so-called  artcUupo  appears  either 
in  the  other  related  Italian  manuscripts  or  in  the  original 
Physiologus.  In  the  latter  it  appears  as  ardholops, — a  name 
which  goes  through  strange  transformations,  appearing  in 
Latin  as  ardHops  and  mUtUa,  in  Brunette  Latini's  TrSsor  as 
antelUf  in  Spanish  as  aUilobi,  and  in  Italian  as  entuUa 
(Rj,  R3),  cerUula  (N),  ardalos  (St^),  arddUup  (R4),  antaiupo 
(Bestiario  moralizzato),  finally  becoming  transferred  to  an 
entirely  different  animal,  the  antelope.^  The  text  of  this 
chapter  in  Par  begins  as  follows  (f.  33  b)  : 

alchuDO  male ;  e  s'^lino  U  guatano  in  yisso,  iTichontanente  chore  loro  adoaso 
ei  fa  loro  quello  male  che  puote.  L'altra  natura  si  d  che  quando  egli  d  nella 
selua  e  I'nomo  gli  passa  dinanzi  e  inginochiglisi  a  mano  gunte  e  domandigli 
merciede  lo  leone  a  merciede  di  luj  ....  (The  allegorical  interpretation 
follows.  Of.  text  of  Pad  and  elaborate  discussion,  G-W,  pp.  24,  167  f., 
287  f.) 

^  See  Century  Dktumaryy  s.  y.  anidape  and  antUope ;  Laucheit,  op.  of.,  pp. 
31,  301 ;  G-W,  p.  158,  etc ;  B.  Latini,  livre  I,  c  177 ;  Monaci,  Un  BesUario 


394  KENNETH   McKENZIE. 

Artalupo  si  d  una  beitia  molto  fien,  et  sioomo  se 
rraoonta  ella  se  troua  enoparte  d'india,  et  ^de  fomia 
de  chauallo  quasi,  et  d  di  tanta  le^ere^pa  che  per  null' 
omo  prendere  se  puo  ne  con  cane  ne  p«r  neuno  altro 
engengno  de  cacciatori.  Et  ha  due  coma  enella  testa, 
grandiflBime  et  tagliente  come  due  spade  bene  affilate. 

In  the  chapter  on  the  lonctay  this  beast,  animaie  moUo  crudek  4 
e  fieray  has  a  characteristic  which  is  usually  ascribed  to  the 
leopard, — if  it  does  not  catch  its  prey  in  three  or  four  jumps, 
it  allows  the  prey  to  escape  and  disdainfully  awaits  another 
opportunity.^  I  have  not  found  this  characteristic  applied 
elsewhere  to  the  loncia  (lonza,  omay  leonza,  Fr.  once^  Eng. 
ownce)y  and  hence  the  chapter  in  Par  is  important  in  study- 
ing a  diflBcult  point  in  medieval  natural  history, — ^the  rela- 
tionship and  significance  of  these  animals.* 

As  for  the  lion,  he  comes  first,  as  the  king  of  beasts,  in 
the  original  Greek  Physiologus  and  many  subsequent  versions, 
and  is  frequently  stated  to  have  three  characteristics,*     The 

mora^yaKito,  Boma,  1889,  No.  11 ;  Odo  of  Cheriton,  in  Hervieux,  Fabulirieg 
Xo^fu,  IV,  pp.  191,  327 ;  etc.  The  animal  can  be  caught  only  when  ita 
horns  become  entangled  in  bushes. 

^Gf.  B.  Latini,  Teeoro  (i.  e.,  Italian  translation  by  Bono  Giamboni,  ed. 
Qaiter,  Bologna,  1877)  v,  cap.  42 :  Anteleus  d  una  fiera  bestia,  la  quale  non 
pud  pigliare  niuno  uomo  per  alcuno  ingegno,  chd  le  sue  coma  sono  grandi, 
eee.     Wbo  BeA,  moroL^  l.  ci 

L'antalupo  doi  come  H  'la  testa 
TVdienti,  acuti  e  foroti  oltra  mesura,  eee. 

CSiiaro  Dayanzati  mentions  this  animal,  which  he  calls  antoJosts,  twioe ; 
lyAncona  and  Comparetti,  op,  eU.^  Kos.  205  and  241. 

*C5f.  TraUati  rdigiosi  e  libro  de  li  exempH,  ed.  Ulrich,  Bologna,  1891,  No. 
23 ;  Gecco  d'Asooli,  VAeerhoy  Venezia,  1820,  m,  40 ;  and  further  refer- 
ences given  by  G-W,  p.  203. 

'This  is  particularly  important  in  connection  with  Dante's  Umza  {Ii^tmo 
I  and  XVI),  a  much  discussed  problem,  on  which  see  especially  jyOvidio, 
Stiudii  miUa  Divina  Commedioy  Milano,  1901,  pp.  302-25,  585 ;  and  P. 
Chistoni,  La  Lonza  dantegca^  in  Miscellanea  in  onore  di  A.  Chaff  Bergamo, 
1903,  pp.  817-48.     I  hope  to  return  to  this  subject  at  a  later  time. 

*See  Lauchert,  op.  at.,  p.  4 ;  G-W,  p.  264. 


ITALIAN   BESTIABIE8.  395 

existence  of  an  Italian  version  of  a  Latin  Phjsiologus-text 
has  been  assumed  by  Gk)ldstaub  as  necessary  to  explain  the 
origin  and  character  of  certain  chapters  that  are  peculiar  to 
Rj,  R,  (and  N).*  This  version  would  necessarily  belong 
to  an  older  stage  in  the  development  of  bestiary  literature 
than  that  represented  by  the  archetjrpe  of  those  chapters 
which  the  related  manuscripts  have  in  common.  In  view 
of  the  &cts  mentioned^  Par  seems  to  show  traces  of  the 
older  version^  and  thus^  in  a  way^  forms  a  connecting  link 
between  the  R-N-group  and  the  L-Pad-group,  to  which  it 
belongs  in  r^ard  to  its  text  and  arrangement.  But  the 
paragraph  which  opens  the  third  part  of  Par  serves  to 
introduce  some  tales  about  lions  that  properly  have  nothing 
to  do  with  bestiary  literature.  The  first  of  them  begins 
thus(f.  30  a): 

Si  como  lo  leone  si  a  fuasai  sentimento.  Troaasi  che 
'1  leone  intra  ii  sensibili  animali  abbi  aasai  sentimento 
sicome  si  raoonta  inn  antiche  storie  e  nouelie.  .  .  . 
Foe  indelle  parte  di  terra  de  Gipto  yna  cafia  di  religiosi 
homtTii  6  boni,  al  quale  apparue  uno  leone  saluaticho 
molto  grandissimo,  lo  quale  uenne  cioppicando  sioomo 
oolui  che  auea  uno  brocoo  indel  piede  dinanti,  ecc 

The  monks  extract  the  thom^  and  the  lion  remains  with 
them.  The  similarity  of  this  story  to  the  well-known 
Androclus  story  is  evident*  The  text  of  the  next  chapter 
I  quote  in  full : 

Delia  grande  fede  che  lo  leone  monstro  a  uno  chauallero 
perche  lu  libero  del  serpente. 

^  See  G-W,  pp.  10^26,  222  ff.  The  chapters  in  question  are  Nos.  47  and 
4&-60  in  Bi.  Of  these,  50  and  55  appear  in  Par  (see  table  below).  One 
characteristic  of  these  chapters  is  references  to  the  Phys.  hj  name. 

'Aulus  G^ius,  NocL  AtL,  v,  14  ;  Romulus,  also  Steinhowel's  Aesopj  m, 
1  ;  Oetta  Bcmanorum,  ed.  Oesterley,  No<  104;  Jacobs,  FahUa  o/Aeaopf  i, 
243.  Similar  stories  in  India,  cf.  Jacobs,  Indian  Fairy  Tales,  London,  1892, 
p.  237.     Italian  yersions,  ed.  Ghivizzani,  No.  41 ;  Uno  da  Siena,  No.  42. 


396  KENNETH   McKENZIE. 

A  quello  tempo  uno  Re  de  Francia,  el  quale  ebbe  nome  lodogio,  lo 
quale  fu  auno  di  quel  lodogio  che  passo  oltramare  e  presso  fu  a  la  mesura, 
questo  neochio  Lodogio  feoe  grandissimo  e  alto  passagio  oltramare,  en  el 
quale  meno  de  molta  bona  gente  et  assay ;  ^  fra  gli  altri  meno  uno  nobele 
chaualliero  franciesco,  lo  quale  ebbe  nome  Golfieri  de  lastore,  siche  essendo 
lo  dicto  Be  a  campo  indella  parte  di  dannaca,  questo  Oolfieri  de  lastore 
andando  uno  giomo  fore  del  campo  a  solacio,  intro  in  una  grande  foresta ; 
quiue  trouo  uno  grandiasimo  Leone,  lo  quale  inuerso  lui  uenne  molto 
hnmilemente  e  gichitamente,  ingenocchiandose  spesse  uolte.  Uedendo 
qiMBto,  Golfieri,  temendo,  cortesemente  si  ricesso,  e  leone  sempre  allui  cussi 
uenia.  Allora  uedendo  Golfieri  che  4  leone  non  uenia  fieramente  ne 
iiatamente,  ressesi  e  aspetto  di  presso,  sie  che  s'auidde  che  questo  leone 
anea  intomo  alia  gola  uno  serpente  auolto,  lo  qtuile  li  tenea  la  testa  ind^ 
nno  delli  orechie.  Come  lo  leone  fu  di  presso  a  Golfieri  uenuto,  in  tutto 
s'abaTidono  in  terra,  monstrando  per  euedenti  segni  ch'elli  chiereste  merdede, 
che  in  tutto  Paitasse.  Ed  eUi  chussi  fe,  e  misse  mano  a  la  spada  che  auea 
alato,  e  misela  tra  lo  oollo  del  leone  e  del  s«rpente,  e  tallio  lo  aerpeate  per 
me^o  si  che  lo  leone  fu  liberato.  £  adesso  Golfieri  per  gran  tema  si  paiti 
tostamente.  Lo  leone  pianamente  e  chetamente  si  s'en  ua  dirieto,  e  uenne 
oollui  infine  del  campo  del  dicto  Ke,  de  la  quale  oosa  la  gente  del  campo  si 
faceano  grande  merauiglia ;  si  che  uenuto  Golfieri  alio  suo  pauiglione,  lo 
leone  si  puose  di  fuoro,  a  le  branche  dinanti  stesse  e  la  boocha  in  su  le 
branche  humilemente  molto. 

The  tale  is  ooncluded  in  the  following  chapter;  the  lion 
accompanies  Golfieri,  to  the  great  wonder  of  the  king  and 
the  other  crusaders ;  when  the  army  sets  sail  for  Europe,  the 
lion  attempts  to  swim  after  the  ship,  and  is  drowned.  The 
text  of  the  corresponding  two  chapters  in  the  Chigi  manu- 
script (Chj,  see  below)  was  published  in  1822  by  P.  de 
Bomanis,  the  first  lines  reading  as  follows : 

In  quello  tempo  che  uno  grande  re  di  Francia  lo 
quale  ebbe  nome  Lodogio,  lo  quale  fue  aulo  di  quel 
Lodogio  che  passd  oltre  mare,  e  preso  fue  a  la  mensuia 
et  poi  passd  in  Tunisi  e  quivi  mori,  questo  Teechio 
Lodogio,  eee. 

The  second  Lodogio  mentioned  was  evidently  Louis  IX 
(St.  Louis,  1215-70),  who  went  on  two  Crusades;  on  the 
first,  he  captured  Damietta  in  1249,  and  was  shortly  after- 


ITALIAN   BE8TIABIES.  397 

wards  taken  prisoner  at  Mansoorah;^  on  the  second,  he 
died  of  the  plague  at  Tunis.    His  great-grandfather  (auno  = 
aiUo  z=z  avolo),  Louis  VII  (1120-80),  went  on  the  Crusade 
of  1147-9,  and  beseiged  Damascus  in  1148.     The  story  of 
Golfieri  is,  then,  located  there, — indella  parte  di  dannaca^ 
Curiously  enough,  Grolfieri  de  lastore,  or  rather  Golfier  de 
X^as   Tors,  was  a  historical  person,  who  is  mentioned  as 
living  in  a  document  of  1126;   he  came  from  a  place  in 
Xiimousin,  now  called  Lastours,  and  took  part  in  the  first 
Orusade ;  and  the  adventure  with  the  lion  was  widely  told 
In  the  Middle  Ages  as  having  happened  to  him  at  the 
seige  of  Antioch  in  1097.     It  has  been  suggested'  that 
t;he  story  originated  from  the  &ct  that  a  lion  and  a  ser- 
pent were  carved  on  Golfier's  tomb ;  but  more  probably  it 
was  brought  to  Europe  by  the  Crusaders.     It  is  referred 
to  as  proverbial  in  the  Chanson  de  la  Oroisade  corUre  lea 
Albigeoisy^  and  appears   in   several   Latin    chronicles,   the 
earliest  being  that  of  Jaufi^  de  Vigeois  (1183).     Its  simi- 
larity to  the  lion  episode  in  the  Ivain  {Chevalier  au  lion) 
of  Crestien  de  Troyes  has  often  been   noted.     While  the 
Italian   version — ^not   hitherto    treated   in  this   connection, 
although  published  in  1822 — ^is  more  than  a  century  later 

^OaUed  by  Joinville  ''La  Massoore."  De  Bomanis  did  not  see  the 
meaning  of  the  words  a  la  meneuru,  and  attempted  to  explain  them  as 
equivalent  to  per/rode  /  These  details  in  the  life  of  St.  Louis  are  mentioned, 
«.  9-f  by  ViUani,  htorie  Fiorentinef  lib.  vii,  cap.  37  ("Monsura"). 

'  Chj  says  i  in  de  la  parte  di  Damiala,  This  reading  I  take  to  be  due  to 
oonfosion  with  the  capture  of  Damietta  by  St  Louis.  Chj  calls  the  hero 
of  the  stoiy  **  Quelfieri  dell*  Astore.'' 

'See  Romaniaf  x,  pp.  459,  591,  and  zxn,  358  ;  Zeits./.  r.  p.,  xxi,  404. 
I  have  not  seen  the  article  by  Arbellot,  Lea  Chevcdiere  limounne  d  la  pre- 
wnire  croiaade, 

<  Ed.  Paul  Meyer,  Paris,  1876-9,  line  7548 ;  see  notes  in  vol-  n,  pp. 
979,  528.  On  the  chronicle,  see  Arbellot,  Etude  kisiorique  et  bibliographique 
fitr  Oeqfivy  de  VigeoiSy  Limoges,  1888.  The  stoty  is  also  in  Etienne  de 
Bourbon,  ed.  Lecoy  de  la  Marche,  p.  188. 


<^ 


\ 


\ 


398  KENNETH  HcKENZIE. 

than  the  Ivam^  nevertiheless  it  is  at  least  interesting  to  find  I  ^^ 
the  story  in  connection  with  a  bestiary.  A  similar  stoiy  is  i  ^ 
told  of  Rinaldo  in  Pulci's  Morga/nJte  MaggiorCy  canto  lY.^ 

After  this  long  discussion  of  the  interesting  and  important 
Paris  manuscript,  the  rest  can  be  dismissed  with  compara- 
tively few  words.  Much  of  what  has  been  said  about  Par 
will  apply  equally  to  Chj, — a  fourteenth  century  manuscript 
in  the  Biblioteca  Chigiana  at  Rome,  with  the  signature: 
K.  yi.  137.  This  manuscript  I  know  at  present  only 
through  three  most  unsatisfactory  descriptions  of  it;  but  ^^ 
fortunately  these  descriptions  give  sufficient  data  to  enable 
us  to  compare  it  with  Par.*  It  was  first  described  in  1822 
by  Filippo  de  Bomanis,  who  published  six  extracts  firom  it* 
These  extracts  were  well  chosen  to  give  an  idea  of  the 

^  For  further  references,  see  A.  C.  L.  Brown,  Iwain,  in  Harvard  Studia 
and  Noiesy  vm  (1903),  pp.  129-132;  Foerster,  hmn,  edition  of  1902^  p. 
xxyi ;  W.  L.  Holland,  Crestim  de  TroyeSf  Tubingen,  1854,  pp.  160-2 ;  Fao- 
riel,  SRstoire  de  la  poSsie  jtrcwn/gaUy  Paris,  1846,  n,  377-80 ;  Michand,  .Ht»- 
iory  cf  the  OruMdeSf  New  York,  1881,  i,  p.  180 ;  Maimbouig,  HisUrire  da 
Oroindes,  Paris,  1687,  i,  269 ;  Johnston,  in  ProeeedingB  (/  the  Am,  PhUoL 
Asm,,  xxxu(1901),  p.  li ;  Bevuede  POrierU  laHn,  vn,  334;  Hare,  SouA- 
vfestem  France,  London,  1890,  p.  348.     Prof.  A.  G.  L.  Brown  and  Piof.  W. 
A.  Nitze  inform  me  that  they  treat  this  matter  in  articles  on  Jtnm  whi 
they  expect  to  publish  during  the  present  year.    An  important  article 
Qolfier  has  just  appeared :  A.  Thomas,  Le  Boman  de  Qcfufier  de 
in  Romania,  xxxrv,  55-65. 

'Goldstaub  knew  the  brief  description  of  Ch^  given  by  Zambini  ( 
below),  but  knowing  neither  MS.  itself,  nor  the  extracts  in  the  Sfemerid^- 
nor  Par,  he  was  able  to  make  no  use  of  it ;  cf.  Q-W,  p.  82. 

^Saggio  di  un  Codiee  Chigiano  in  lingtui  d^ItaUa  del  dueoeiUo,  in  Bjfk 
letierarie  di  Roma,  nuova  serie,  tom.  ix  (1822),  pp.  158-65.     The  article  iS^ 
signed  '*  F.  B.,''  but  the  author^ s  name  is  given  by  Zambrini.   The  descripc^ 
tion  reads  in  part  as  follows:  **C5odioe  veramente  antichissimo,  in  bnitt^i:^^^*^'*^ 
pergamena  a  due  colonne,  omato  di  magre  figure  a  oolori  si  sconde,  e  *  ^^ 

sifibtta  ortografia  feminile  [I],  che  non  ho  mai  visto  di  peggio."     F. 

thought  that  the  manuscript  was  written  '*  in  Sicilia,  e  degli  ultimi  anni  dcJ^^^ 
ObtIo  d'Angid  pria  che  suonasse  a  Vespero."     There  is  a  file  of  this  peri — '■^^' 
odical  in  the  Boston  Public  Library. 


r 


ITALIAK  BEernABIBS.  399 

contents  of  the  manuscript  (in  default  of  a  table  of  contents, 
which  it  did  not  occur  to  Romanis  to  publish);  for  they 
correspond  to  chapters  in  each  of  the  three  parts  of  Par. 
They  are  as  follows :  part  of  the  proemio;  De  la  natura  de 
la  Scimia  ;  De  la  grandefede  che  lo  leone  mostrd  a  wno  Cava- 
Here  che  lo  liberd ;  Sichome  lo  Rei  di  Francia  si  meraviUiava 
dd  sto  Leone  ;  Una  peacatore  ;  De  la  compagnia  de  li  quattro 
tori;  Uno  arbore.    Thus  we  have  a  chapter  from  the  bestiary'; 
two  of  the  chapters  in  the  last  part ;  and  the  first  three  of 
the   fables.     Moreover,  a  comparison  of  the  printed  text 
with  the  text  of  Par  shows  such  close  relationship  that  it 
would  not  be  difficult  to  assume  that  the  one  text  was  copied 
from  the  other;  especially  since  Chi  contains  at  least  two 
of  the  chapters  which  are  found  elsewhere  only  in  Par. 
JZambrini  refers  to  this  article,  and  makes  some  additions 
^md  corrections  :  ^  the  title  is  "  Incipit  liber  naturarum,"  not 
^' sententiaram "  as  Romanis  said;  the  text  begins  ^^ Belli 
«ignori "  (like  the  other  manuscripts),  not  "  Buoni ; "   the 
^late  is  early  fourteenth  century,  not  thirteenth ;  the  manu- 
script is  of  parchment,  two  columns  to  the  page  (like  Par), 
]ias   seventy-four  folios,  and  bears  the  shelf-number  given 
^bove.     Finally,  E.  Teza,  in  describing  another  manuscript 
^Sn^  see  below),  indicates  the  order  of  the  first  twenty-five 
c^hapters  in   Chj,  which  corresponds   exactly  to  the  order 
in  Par. 

Zambrini  mentions  another  manuscript  in  the  same  Ubrary, 
^which,  he  says,  contains  a  summary  (sunto)  of  the  treatise 
in  Chj.  This  is  a  paper  manuscript  of  the  end  of  the 
fifteenth  century,  signature  M.  v.  117  ;  the  part  referred  to 
covers  only  eleven  folios,  ff.  111-121.     Zambrini  mentions, 

^  F«  Zambrini,  Le  Opere  volgcari  a  atampa  dei  secoli  xni  e  xrv,  terza  ediz., 
'Bologna,  1866,  pp.  400-2,  s.  y.  Saggio ;  and  in  subsequent  editions ;  but 
lunTrmg  in  the  second  edition. 


400  KENNETH   McKENZIE. 

fiirther,  Cor  (see  below)  and  Rj,  quoting  from  the  latter 
proeinio  and  the  chapter  Delia  naJbara  e  modi  deUe  ape} 

There  is  in  the  Biblioteca  Comunale  at  Siena  a  manuscrip 
cod.  I.  ii.  4,  which  contains  a  part  of  the  bestiary, — ^twenty- 
four  animal  chapters,  and  two  fables  (Sn).     I  know  nothi 
of  it  except  through  the  reference  of  E.  Teza,*  who  gives 
list  of  the  chapters,  and  the  text  of  the  one  on  the  unicorn.  ^ 
This  is  not  sufficient,  without  further  information,  to  say 
which  of  the  other  manuscripts  is  nearest  to  Sn. 

A  manuscript  (Cor)  in  the  Corsini  Library  at  Rome  is 
mentioned  by  Skmbrini,'  who  assigns  it  to  the  fourteenth 
century.  To  the  great  courtesy  of  Prof  Giuseppe  GabrieU, 
librarian  of  the  Accademia  dei  Lincei,  I  owe  a  valuable 
account  of  the  manuscript,  with  extended  extracts.  It  bears 
the  signature :  Corsinianus  44.  G.  27  (Rossius),  is  on  paper, 
in  folio  size,  and  belongs  to  the  second  half  of  the  fifteenth 
(not  fourteenth)  century;  it  has  215  pages,  of  which  the 
bestiary,  "Trattato  della  natura  degli  animali,*'  occupies 
pp.  195-211.  The  rest  of  the  manuscript  contains  a  number 
of  short  pieces  in  prose  and  verse,  mostly  religious.  Two 
titles :  "  Passione  di  Cristo  di  Luca  Pulci  in  verso,^'  and 
"La  Guerra  di  Negroponte,  poemetto  di  Jacopo  da  Prate,*' 
sufficiently  indicate  the  date.*    The  bestiary  was  adorned  with 

^Loc.  eU,  In  editions  subsequent  to  the  third  tlie  extracts  of  B|  are 
omitted  by  Zambrini. 

^Otivm  Senmse,  in  Rivista  Critiea  d,  letL  ital.,  I  (1884),  154-7.  Tesa 
mentions  further  a  single  leaf  in  the  Archivio  di  Stato  at  Siena,  containing 
a  fragment  of  the  bestiary  portion  of  Cecco  d' Ascoli's  Aeerba  (cf.  same  peri- 
odical, n,  61).  Ooldstaub  knew  of  the  existence  of  Sn,  but  did  not  use  it ; 
cf.  G-W,  p.  256. 

»Loc  eiL;  cf.  Q-W,  p.  83. 

♦According  to  Rossi,  II  QiLaUrocerUOy  p.  250,  Bernardo  Puld  (1438-«8), 
not  Luca  (1431-70),  wrote  a  poemeUo  in  oUave  on  the  Passion  of  Qirist. 
Negroponte  (the  island  of  Eubcea)  was  taken  by  the  Turks  from  the  Vene- 
tians in  1470 ;  a  poem  on  the  subject,  printed  anonymously  at  Floienoe 


ITALIAN   BESTIARIES.  401 

pictures,  of  which  many  were  cut  out,  as  in  the  case  of  some 
of  the  other  manuscripts.*  The  text  b^ins  with  the  usual 
proemio : 

Belli  signiori,  tutte  le  cose  die  li  homini  del  mondo 
sano  e  puono  sapere  si  sanno  per  due  strade  principali 
le  qoali  strade  sono  queste  :  la  prima  strada  si  e  senno 
e  la  secunda  si  e  la  scientia,  ecc 

There  are  forty  animals,  whose  arrangement  is  most  similar 
to  the  arrangement  in  L^  and  Lg,  and  hence  not  widely 
different  from  that  in  Par  and  Pad.  The  last  paragraph 
is  that  on  la  pemice,  followed  by :  Explicit  liber  naturae 
animalium. 

In  the  Florentine  libraries  alone  there  are  some  thirty- 
eight  manuscripts  of  the  Fiore  di  VirtUj^  a  work  of  the  end 
of  the  thirteenth  or  beginning  of  the  fourteenth  century.* 
This  immensely  popular  work,  being  partly  composed  of 
comparisons  drawn  from  bestiaries,*  was,  like  the  fables, 
naturally  suitable  as  a  companion  to  a  bestiary.  We  have 
already   seen    that    the    sub-title    of   N   is  More   di  VirtU 

aboat  1471  and  several  times  reprinted,  is  the  same  as  the  one  here  men- 
tioned, according  to  Colomb  de  Batines,  Appanti  per  la  storia  UU,  d^ItaUoj 
in  VEtruriaf  I  (1851),  599  Q.  Jacopo  Modesti  da  Prato  is  mentioned  by 
I.  del  Lungo,  Prone  volgari  e  poesie  lot.  e  gr.  del  PolizianOj  Firenze,  1867, 
p.  xviii,  as  a  pupil  of  Poliziano. 

^  This  mutilation  had  already  been  made  when  the  catalogue  of  the  Kos- 
sian  library  was  printed, — CaUUogua  sdecttgsimae  bibliotheeae  Nicolai  Rossii^ 
Romae,  1786,  No.  27  ;  a  note  on  the  title  of  the  bestiary  says :  **  Cum  figu- 
riis  pictis,  quarum  multae  abscissae  sunt."  This  catalogue  gives  a  list  of 
the  contents ;  the  bestiary  is  preceded  by  ^*  Elucidario,  o  sia  Dialogo  tra 
maestro  e  disoepolo  in  prosa,**  and  is  followed  by  "Canto  dell'  Assunzione 
di  M.  Vergine  in  ottava  rima,'*  which  closes  the  manuscript. 

'See  the  list  given  by  T.  Casini,  Appunti  ml  Fwre  di  Ftrft>,  in  Bivista 
Ontica  d.  lett  ital,,  m  (1886),  154-9. 

'  Cf.  Frati,  Rieerehe  sul  Fiore  di  Virtilt  in  Studj  di  FUologia  BomamOj  vi 
(1893),  279. 

*  Cf.  Vamhagen,  Die  Quellen  der  Bestidr-Abaehnitte  im  Fiore  di  Virtil,  in 
BaceoUa  di  Studi  dedicaia  ad  A.  UAncona,  Firenze,  1901,  515-38. 


402  KENNETH   McKENZIE. 

maggiore.     Two  manuscripts  belonging  to  the  Strozzi  oollec 

tion  in  the  National  Library  at  Florence  contain  the  Fiori 
di  Virtu  followed  by  a  bestiary.^  In  one,  Cod.  Magliabechiano, 
XXI.  4.  135,  the  bestiary  is  entirely  different  from  that  in 
the  group  of  manuscripts  we  are  studying ;  it  is  ascribed  to 
Isidore  of  Seville.  This  text  has  been  fiilly  described  by 
Goldstaub,  being  called  by  him  St.'  The  other  manuscript 
was  entirely  neglected  by  Groldstaub,  although  he  knew  of 
its  existence.^  This  is  Cod.  Magliabechiano,  ii.  8.  33,  which 
I  call  Stj.  It  contains  eighty  numbered  folios,  of  which 
three  were  written  later  than  the  body  of  the  text.  On 
f.  4  a  begins  the  prologue : 

O  fatto  chome  cholui  che  e  in  udo  prato  grande  di 
fiori  che  aleggie  tutta  la  cima  di  questi  fiori  per  Uie 
vna  nobile  girlinda,  VDde  VQglio  che  questo  mio  piociolo 
lauorio  si  chiami  fiore  di  virtute  e  di  ooetiimi,  eoe.* 

The  More  lasts  to  f.  58  a,  and  on  f.  58  b  the  bestiary  b^ins 
without  any  break  other  than  the  usual  chapter-heading  in 
red,  which  reads : 

Dela  formica  et  delo  eflBemplo  che  douiamo  pigliare 
dallei. 

The  thirty-seven  animal-chapters  fill  the  rest  of  the  manu- 
script ;  and  that  they  were  regarded  as  a  part  of  the  Fiore 
is  indicated  by  the  ending,  f.  80  a  : 

Explicit  liber  floris'  virtu tis.  Deo  gratias  amen. 
Scritto  per  mano  di  me  Giorgio  di  britio  di  rigoccio 
per  Pietro  di  nardo  da  radicofani  nelli  anni  domini 
Mcccc  Lxvin  adi  xi  di  luglo.* 

^Cf.  Frati,  op,  cit.j  p.  281 ;  and  Casini,  loc,  ciL 

*See  Q-W,  pp.  81  fiF.,  160  ff.  I  suggest  that  this  text  be  called  St»  to 
distinguish  it  from  St^. 

'It  was  mentioned  by  Bartoli,  Storia  ddla  Utteratura  UalianOf  m,  348, 
Firenze,  1880.     Ci.  G-W,  p.  187. 

*  Gf.  text  of  cod.  Estense,  Frati,  op.  ci^,  p.  430. 

^Casini,  loe.  ciL,  gives  the  date  as  1368. 


FTALIAK  BBSriABIES.  403 

The  arrangement  of  the  chapters  is  nearest  to  that  of  Par ; 
but  Sti  has  one  chapter,  serpente  (biacia)  which  otherwise 
oocors  only  in  the  B-group.^ 

The  last  manuscript   that  I  have   to   mention   is   Cod. 
^Riccardiano  1764,  of  the  fifteenth  century  (Rg).    It  contains 
^  miscellaneous  collection  of  short  pieces,  mostly  religious ; 
^unong  them  are  two  of  the  fiibles, — deBa  capra  che  pascieua 
"^^el  monle  (f.  90  b)  and  delta  cichala  et  della  formica  (f.  91  a). 
^IXhe  text  of  the  &bles,  which  is  very  close  to  that  of  Par 
^os.   4  and  6),  was  published   in  1866  by  GhivuEzani.' 
\e  most  important  thing  about  this  manuscript,  however, 
one  which  I  think  has  not  hitherto  been  noted,  is  that 
ot  only  the  two  fiibles  but  four  other  short  pieces  which 
5;  i^mmediately  precede  them  are  also  in  the  Cod.  Hamilton 
SO.     This  is  not  the  place  to  discuss  these  tales  on  their 
account ;  but  it  is  noteworthy  that  through  them  and 
«  two  &bles,  although  it  contains  no  bestiary,  R5  forms  a 
»Jinecting  link  between  Ham  and  the  bestiary-texts.     I 


'^  The  two  terpenU  chapters  {bitcia,  <upido)  are  among  those  called  by 
Or — ^^  interpolations.     On  these  and  the  other  kinds  of  serpents,  see  Q^W, 
•    116-20,  278,  29S-300. 

VolgariuamaUo  ddle  FavoU  di  Galfredo,  Bologna,   1866,  pp.  24^-56. 

is  the  only  one  of  oar  texts  that  Ghiyizzani  knew.    Of.  Brush,  op,  eii,, 

P'       6.    Not  mentioned  in  G-W.     The  manuscript  is  on  paper,  and  contains 

9^      'folios,  about  15  x  20  cm.     First  come,  in  prose  or  verse,  legends,  etc., 

c*      '^iie  Virgin  and  of  Saints  Giuliana,  Barbara,  Crestina,  Teodora,  Cristo- 

i<^*^<^;  a  short  treatise  on  physiognomy  (Fiaonomia);  a  collection  of  rhym- 

U^^  proverbs  alphabetically  arranged,  such  as : 

Amor  non  gia  chura  ragion  ne  misura. 
Volpe  ama  frode  e  femmina  lode. 

^(nen  a  Impend  of  three  monks  who  went  to  the  paradido  dUwdanOf  beginning : 

D  paradiso  diluziano  si  e  in  terra  in  questo  mondo 
nelle  parti  d'oriente  ed  e  sopra  yno  monte  altissimo,  eec, 

'^ere  are  other  short  pieces  before  the  fables ;  after  them  a  paraphrase  of 
1,1m  Pater  noster. 


404 


KENNETH   KcKENZIE. 


give  here  a  few  words  from  the  b^nnmg  of  each  of  th-^*"**® 


pieces 


.1 


Ham : 
No.  16. 


R5: 

f.  87  a. 


Quidam  homo  stabat  eolus  in  terra        Vno  huomo  staaa  allegro  in 
^gypti  religiosus  et  multum  nomina-    d'egitto    et   era    religiose   ei 
tus  et  tota  die  sedebat  in  cella  solus    nominato    et   tutto    die   sedena 
in  looo  deserto.     Et  ecce  quedam    chamera  sua  solo  in  diserto 
mala  femina.  ...  e    chosi    stando   vn    giomo 

venire  vna  ria  femina.  .  .  . 


No.  17. 


f.  881 


Erat  qoidam  monachus  qui  habe-        Elli  fue  vno  monacho  che  am 
bat  magnum  desiderium  de  femina.    grande  desiderio  di  came.  .  .  . 


No.  18. 


f.  89) 


Erat  quidam  homo  qui  laborabat  E  fu  vno  huomo  che  lauoraoa. 

No.  24.  f.  89b. 

Dvo  monachi  uenerunt  ad  ciui-  Dve  monaci  si  andorono  a 

tatem    ut    uenderent    que    abebant  cittade  per   uendere   alqnante 

laboratom.  .  .  .  ched  eglino  aueuano  laaoiato.  . 


No.  13. 


f.  90  b. 


Una  capra  pascebat  in  uno  alto        Una  capra  sisi  pasdeua  in  imo 
monte,  tunc  uenit  lupus.  .  .  .  alto  monte  et  auenne  che  lo  lapo.  .  . . 


No.  15. 


f.  91a. 


Cicada  uenit  ad  formioam  in  yeme  La  cichala  ando  alia  formicha  di 
et  dixit  ad  eam  da  michi  de  grano  uemo  et  sille  disse  dami  del  too 
tuo.  .  •  .  grano.  .  .  . 

^  Text  of  Ham  given  by  Tobler  in  Zeits.  xn,  as  already  noted ;  cf.  his 
references,  p.  85.  The  four  tales  are  in  various  versions  of  the  VUae  Pairwn, 
The  first,  second  and  fourth  are  in  D.  Cavalca's  Volgetriaamenio  deUe  ViU 
de  Sana  Padri,  nos.  139,  140,  128  (Parma,  1841,  vol.  vi)  ;  but  the  tnna- 
lation,  though  similar,  is  not  the  same.  Whether  they  are  in  the  collection 
of  saints'  lives  in  E,,  ff.  115  a-248  b,  I  am  at  present  unable  to  say ;  B, 
contains  also  a  traUato  di  fiaonomia^  ff.  70  b-72  a. 


ITALIAN  BESnABIEB.  406 

I  dose  this  part  of  my  paper  with  a  comparative  table 
of  the  manuscripts.     G^-W,  pp.  82-9,  gives  a  table,  but  it 
is  parallel,  not  comparative,  and  of  course  includes  only  the 
manuscripts  known  to  the  authors  in  1892.     I  take  Bi  as 
the  standard,  because,  with  the  exception  of  some  additions 
peculiar  to  one  or  two,  it  includes  everything  that  the  other 
texts  have ;  ail  the  rest,  compared  with  the  arrangement  in 
Ri,  fidl  short  of  the  full  number  of  chapters.    B,  is  omitted, 
because  its  forty-two  chapters  correspond  in  order  with  Nos. 
8—47,  49,  and  50  of  E,.     Ch|  and  Ch,  are  omitted  because 
I  have  not  been  able  to  procure  their  tables  of  contents. 
The  names  of  the  animals  are  slightly  emended  by  compar- 
ing the  different  texts ;  where  different  names  are  given  to 
tlie   same   chapter,  they  are   indicated.     For  convenience, 
xeferences  to  Ham  (ed.  Tobler)  are  added. 

While  it  is  not  possible  (cf.  G-W,  p.  92)  to  classify  the 
jKiianuscripts   thoroughly  without   making  a  comparison  of 
^iheir  text,  nevertheless  a  certain  general  classification  appears 
^sxi  this  table;  and  so  far  as  I  have  been  able  to  make  a 
^i^omparison,  the  text  confirms  this   classification.    In  R^js 
d  N,  piochio  is  followed  by  falooney  dcogruiy  avottoio ;  in 
ar,  St|,  Lj  and  Cor  (cf.  Pad,  L,),  the  order  is:  piochioy 
c^rs^^nogna^  fal/xmey  avottoio.     In  the   second  group,  gtruzzdo 
Hows  colombi ;  in  the  first,  these  chapters  are  separated  by 
ediaion  and  tortora,  which  come  later  in  Par,  Pad,  and 
B^  and  N  have  additional   chapters, — according  to 
— W,  an  interpolation  into  the  common  stock  that  belonged 
the  archetype.     The  fables  are  common  to  both  these 
^^-  ^ups,  and  follow  in  a  body  after  the  highest  number  in 
i^^  list  of  bestiary  chapters  (except  in  the  case  of  N,  where 
^^Q  chapter  Dtmo  ucGello  chesai  Mama  Ibes  comes  among  the 
l^^les,  immediately  before  the  last  one;  while  in  Par,  as 
^^^^j  explained,  the  chapter  corresponding  to  enbdla  comes 

14 


M 


> 


406  KESJfTETR  McKEKZIE. 


in  the  third  part,  after  the  &bles).     Par  and  Pad  (wi^^-^ 
&ble8  and  chapter  on  cervo),  with  St|  (no  fables,  but  c«  t#  *   *^' 
biada,  aspido),  form  a  sub-group  (to  which  may  be  adde^^^^ 
Sn  and  R5),  as  opposed  to  Cor,  Lj  (which  end  with  pemic^f^^^) 
and   L,.     R4  has  some  of  the   interpolations  of  the  fire*  -^^ 
group.     Ham  (cerro,  biscia,  and  fiibles)  may  go  with  botts*'^^ 
groups.     Thus  the  following  tentative  classification  of  th».^=*^^ 
manuscripts  appears : 

Sec.  xm  [Italian  archetype :  bestiary,  fables ;  lost] 


I  n 

(best. I  fab.,  interpolations)  (best,  fab.) 


a.  (best.,  fab.)        K  (besU) 
Sec.  XIV  Ri  Par,  Chi 

Sec  XV         R,,  R,  N,  [RJ  Pad,  Sn.  St^,  [RJ  Cor,  L|,  L, 

In  r^ard  to  the  title  of  the  work,  the  manuscripts  dis- 
agree. Rj  gives  it  as :  i/  /i6ro  nomato  virtu  ddli  aUmaK; 
and  in  the  closely  related  N :  Uibro  ddla  virtu  e  propida 

degli  animali chiamatofiore  di  virtu  maggi(yre.     On  the 

other  hand,  manuscripts  from  the  different  groups  and  sub- 
groups agree  in  using  the  word  natura;  Par:  lAbro  dd 
AmmaM  et  de  uccielli  et  dd  hro  nature ;  L^ :  Uber  naJtu/re 
animalium;  Ch^ :  Liber  naturarum;  II3  r  t/  libro  delta  naiura 
delli  animali  (cf.  R4  and  St^ :  Naiura  degli  animalt).  Fiati 
(foe.  cit.)  thinks  the  title  in  Chj  was  the  original  one.  Very 
likely  it  belonged  to  the  Latin  source.  But  I  am  inclined 
to  adopt  for  the  Italian  text  the  title  in  R, : 

II  Libro  della  Natura  degli  Animali. 


ITALIAB  BB9TIABIES. 


COHPARATTTB  TaBLE   OF   MaNUSCBIPIS. 


K. 

R. 

N 

P„ 

P.d 

s., 

u 

U 

Cor 

8n 

Hun 

19 

22 
23 
24 

25 
20 
27 

2a 

29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
36 
36 
37 
&S 

40 
41 
42 
43 

44 
45 

48 

47 
4R 

22 
23 
24 
25 
id 
27 
28 
29 
3D 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
3fi 
37 
38 
39 

40 
41 
42 
43 
44 
4d 

4n 

1 

3 

4 
5 

"i 
e 

9 
10 

12 
13 
14 
16 
1« 
17 

Id 

19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
26 
28 
27 
28 
20 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 

SB 

40 
41 
42 

44 

1 
2 
3 
4 
5 
6 

I 

9 
10 

li 

13 
U 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
26 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
33 
32 
34 
35 
36 
37 
47 
48 
3S 

40 
41 

42 
43 
44 

4,'i 

1 
2 
3 
4 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
5 
0 
7 
8 

10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
IS 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
29 
29 
30 
31 
36 
32 

34 

38 
46 
48 
37 
38 
39 
40 
41 
42 
43 

44 

1 
2 
3 
4 
5 
6 

8 
9 
10 
11 

13 
14 

is 

18 
17 
18 

19 

» 
21 

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28 
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30 
37 

31 
32 

33 

ai 

35 

"i 

2 
3 
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8 
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8 
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13 
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17 
18 
IB 
21 
20 
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32 

1 
2 
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4 

7 
6 
S 
9 
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27 

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1 
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« 
7 
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20 
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24 

ffi:::::::::::::::::;::::::::::::: 

R^cir 

3R 

r.i.n,i™™. 

T^.^!!^:::::::::::::::::: 

A 

Bondine. 

pXi.0.!!!^:.;;;:;:.::::::::: 

mr^v— 

A^E::::::::::;::::::;::::::::: 

CdVallo. 

?7 

"H 

Petnice. 

?3 

B 

KENNETH   HcEENZIE. 


Ri 

B. 

N 

P«c 

F«d 

St. 

i^ 

^ 

Cor 

Ha 

H»iii_^i=" 

49 
40 
51 
52 
53 
54 
66 
66 
57 
53 
59 
60 
61 

47 
48 
49 
50 

51 
52 
65 

64 

56 
66 

57 

43 
45 

46 
47 
48 
49 
60 
51 
54 
52 
53 

46 

::: 

36 

Z 

E 

:: 

1 

PMci(cf.  Q-W,pp.  86, 126). 

Bi 

B. 

N 

F« 

p«i 

BS 

J.1 

ii 

c. 

Sa 

Hun 

Fasleb. 

1 

2 
3 
4 

5 
« 
7 

10 
11 

12 
13 
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15 

I 
2 

3 
4 

5 
6 
7 
8 
9 
10 
11 
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13 
14 
15 

2 
3 
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5 

6 
7 
8 
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10 
12 

i'a 

14 

i'i 

1 

3 
4 

6 
« 
7 
8 
9 
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ii 

i 

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::.: 

1 
2 

TJ£.oSmmm::;v.v.'::' 

39 

OiTallo  graaao  e  una  magro... 

Toro,  leone  e  becco 

Leone,  vacca,  pecota,  copni... 

44 

19 

Hiere  fellows  the  text  of  the  sixteen  fables  according  to 
the  version  in  the  R  HSS.  Of  this  version,  only  tlie  last 
fcble  has  heretofore  been  published  (from  N,  by  Miola,  op. 
at.).  The  eleven  fables  in  the  text  of  Pad  are  published 
by  G-W ;  the  text  of  the  first  three  in  Cb,  by  F.  de  Romanis ; 
and  the  text  of  Kos.  4  and  6  from  R^  by  Ghivizzani.  Thus 
in  our  list  Nos.  11—14  are  absolutely  unpublished  in  any 
form;  and  of  the  rest,  with  the  exception  of  No.  16,  only 
tbe  texts  of  the  second  group  are  known.     The  fablea  liiem- 


ITAIilAK  BEBTIABIB9.  409 

^ves  in  the  two  groups  correspond  closely  in  matter  and 

dn  compass,  bat  di£fer  frequently  in  wording.    The  moraliza- 

^onSy  however,  are  for  the  most  part  entirely  different  in  the 

"two  groups.     A  comparison  with  Ham  leads  one  to  believe 

^hat  the  readings  of  the  second  group  are  frequently  nearer 

'ilie  original  form  of  the  text;  but  this  is  not  always  the 

<seL8e,  and  the  two  groups,  so  fiEur  as  the  extant  manuscripts 

go,  are  from  about  the  same  period.     It  is  hoped  that  the 

publication  of  these  &bles  in  such  a  way  as  to'  make  them 

easily  accessible  will  be  welcome  to  students  of  medieval 

literature  in  general  and  of  &ble-literature  and  animal-lore 

in  particular. 

The  text  follows  closely  the  reading  of  B,,  except  where 
noted  in  the  foot-notes  with  the  sign  ms;  if  no  fiirther  indi- 
cation  18  given,  when  m  is  different  from  thebodyof  tiie 
text,  the  latter  follows  Bj.  All  differences  between  B,  and 
Bi  are  indicated,  except  mere  differences  of  spelling.  Variants 
from  other  manuscripts  are  added  occasionally;  they  are 
added  throughout  &bles  8,  10,  12  and  16  for  N  (&ble  12, 
lacking  in  B,,  is  given  from  the  text  of  B^).  A  copy  of 
portions  of  N  I  owe  to  Mr.  A.  M.  Webb.  The  foot-notes 
concern  the  text  itself  alone,  all  other  notes  being  put  together 
at  the  end.  Punctuation  is  introduced  for  the  sake  of  con- 
venience, there  being  practically  none  in  the  manuscripts. 
Abbreviated  letters  are  indicated  in  italics.  No  attempt  has 
been  made  to  constitute  a  critical  text,  except  in  the  case  of 
some  obvious  errors ;  and  the  capitalization  and  orthography 
are  left  as  in  the  manuscript. 


410  KENNETH   McKENZIE. 


FABLES  m  THE  BESTIARY  MANUSCRIPTS 

AOOORDIKO  TO  THE  TeXT  OF  COD.    RiOCABDIANO  1357 
(lC8.  =  B^)»    WITH  YABIANTS  OF  COD.    RlOCAB- 

DiANO  2260  (Rj). 

1. 

[K,,  f.  103  b ;  Bi,  f.  41  a] 

jyVNO  FE8CHAT0BE  E  D'VN  PEBEB. 

Uno  peschatore  peschando  choll'amo  prese  uoo  piocholo  pescie  al 
qualle  il  pescie  disse :  ''prieghotti  che  mi  rigitti  in  mare  peroch'io 
sono  piccholOy  e  quando  saroe  grande  ritomero  a  tte."  £  '1  pescha- 
tore  diflse:  ^'non  ne  uoglio  fare  niente,  p«rcio  che  bene  e  matto 
5  colui  che  lasda  la  chosa  cierta  per  la  'ncierta."  Qaesto  essenpro 
ci  mostra  che  noi  non  dobiamo  ksciare  quello  che  noi  abbiamo  per 
quello  che  noi  non  abiamo,  ne  non  dobbiamo  lasciare  la  fede  chat- 
tollicha  per  lo  mondo,  la  qualle  ci  conducie  a  nitta  ettema;  ma 
chi  si  tiene  al  mondo,  il  mondo  lo  conduocie  alle  pene  ettemalli, 
10  dalle  qualli  il  piatosso  idio  ci  difenda  e  chonducha  alia  perpetualle 
gloria. 

2. 

[R,,  f.  104  a ;  Bi,  f.  41  b] 

Bel  lboke  e  de  tobj. 

Uno  leone  andando  per  la  foresta  si  uide  quatro  grand!  tori  e 
ferod  i  qoali  aueoano  fatto  giura  insieme  d'andare  senpre  insieme 
e  d'atare  e  di  difendere  Funo  Paltro,  onde  ne  lupo  ne  altn  besda 
non  temeano ;  anchora  il  leone  uedendoli  cosi  andare  in  legha  istzetti 
5  e  apparecchiatti  insieme  non  ardiua  d'asalirli  ne  di  fare  loro  alchano 
danaggio ;  ma  per  alchano  gruocio  e  misfatto  si  partirono  e  daschano 
andaua  per  se,  e  in  poccho  tenpo  poi  lo  leone  gFuodflBe  a  one  a  uno, 

Title  ms  Qui  dieie  dun  piachaiore  che  prese  un  pcBcie  e  poi  i  Uudo  :  1  ma 
tmo.  B^  petchando  tn  mare.  Par  Pad  pescaca  eon  vno  mo  homo  (amo), 
2  ms  chenmL        8  B|  m  mUa.        10  B^  e  c»  chondueha. 

Title  ms  DeUone,  B^  Dello  leone  el  del  toro,  N  Dellione  e  de  buoi  e  de  toru 
Pto  De  natura  de  Thori.  1  ms  vno.  Par  Quatro  grandi  eforU  tori  si  giu» 
rono,  2  giuni.  ms  and  B^  appear  to  have  ^ruera ;  Par  auecmo  iuraio  ; 
Pad  ave  twaio ;  Elam  iurauerutU,        4  ms  tn  legha  eomne  op,    6  B^  crueio. 


ITALIAN  BB9TIABIES.  411 

I'lmo  dopo  Taltro,  e  mangioglL  Qpesti  tori  ci  donano  aaenpro  che 
i  piochogli  huomini  della  citta  debbooo  istare  insieme  bene  I'ano 

10  ool  altroy  e  ataxvi  indeme  da  grandi